Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 27, Number 51, Indianapolis, Marion County, 7 August 1878 — Page 4

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THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL; WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUGT 7, 1878.

f$x HwjUttidU WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 7. The Sentinel of next week will contain the great speech of the Hon. T. A. Hendricks. If Major J. W. Gordon should take part in the Ohio campaign we want him to be good enough to tell the people "oyer there", just what he thought of Morton. Frox 1865 to 1S73 there were enterprising men who Invested their capital in business that gave employment to working men and women. Contraction has killed off more than 60,000 of these men of enterprise, who "have lost more than a billion and a half of money. As a consequence, confidence has fled and money lies idle or is invested in four per cent, bonds. Such are the effects of the radical Shylock curse of contraction. Had It not been for the democrats in the house of representative, under the leader 8hip of General Tom Ewlng, greenbacks would liave been made receivable for customs duties, thus bringing them at once to par with gold. Journal. Yes, and had it not been for John Sherman's declaration that he would retire them from circulation as fast as he could get hold of them greenbacks would have been receivable for customs duties. General Tom E wing did not want any more contraction. DrRTjro the last three weeks, although every effort has been made by the treasury to get tbe new silver dollars into circulation. It Iran only succeeded In putting out fo3,tK) in excess of those which have returned, llelng receivable for customs they come back nearly as fast as tney can be paid out. Journal. This is a poor, driveling, idiotic statement of Shylock organs, the purpose of which is to make the silver legislation unpopular. It is very effectually squelched by the New York Graphic when it asks If the efforts of the treasury to get gold into circulation do not meet with the same fate. Gold finds its way back into the treasury more rapidly, if possible, than the silver dollars. If the argument is good against silver it is equally strong against gold. The suspension of the great grocery house of rt. M. Bishop tfc Co., of Cincinnati, will be likely to attract more than ordinary attention from the fact that the senior partner and head of the firm occupies .the office of governor of Ohio. This fact, however, has nothing to do with the suspension of the business firm, which is the result, as in thousands of other instances, of the general paralysis of business throughout the country. This failure places on record some important data which It will be well for the people to consider. It is stated by Mr. Bishop th&t a block of buildings which cost $250,000 cash has shrunken in value to an extent that i could not be sold for more than $100,000, and that a building which rented for $15,000 now rents for $o,000. This shrinkage of values is the result of the' curse of contraction inaugurated by the radical Shylock policy, which has robbed the people of multiplied millions of dollars, and is still robbing them. What is true of Cincinnati real estate is also true of real estate in every city of the country, in every county, town and village. Failures not only continue, but they increase in numbers and In the aggregates of losses. Eyery failure in the county throws out of employment a large number of people, dependent upon their salaries, upou their daily labor, for support, and thus the army of idlers daily receives recruits, the area of poverty widens and the fangs of hunger take a deeper hold upon the Titals of the unfortunate. Such is the curse of radicalism. TRAMPS AND LABOR-SAYING MACII1XERY. The radical organs, totally bankrupt of everything approximating truth whereby to conduct the present campaign, are compelled to resort to lying or back square down and admit that their party can not be defended. Convicted of crimes that admit of no extenuation, of profligacy that defies exaggeration, and of a financial policy that unsettled the foundations of business and .filled the land with idlers and tramps, the radical party seeks by false statements to divert the attention of the jerple from its record. To do this Ms organs are constantly asserting that in the farming districts of the west and northwest there is and has been such an urgent demand for laborers in harvest fields that the cry of forced Idleness is a sham, when the fact is there has been no such demand for men. The county press of the state has not made such statements, nor has the city press been informed of any farming distrkt where labor was in demand in excess of the supply in the immediate neighborhoods, The hue and cry has been gotten up by radical organs .to relieve the party of -the responsibility of having pursued a financial policy that has filled the land with idlecess and pauperism. Here in Indianapolis .are a large number of men who would be glad to work in harvest fields or elsewhere whereby they might earn wages sufficient to purchase' the bare necessities of life. But -the press of Indianapolis has not been able to point out'to them any locality or district where their condition could be improved. We have not been informed where the farmers are whs wanted laborers beyond what the immediate locality could supply. This thing of advising laborers to "go west" has long since "played out," for the curse of the radical policy has in every state, county, city, town and village compelled working' men to "stand all the .day idle4' there being no one to offer even a penny for their services. We are told of a man in this city, a good citizen, with a family, wbo had industxiously sought for work and failed, but who finally heard of a job in Wayoe county that promised work. But he had oo money to reach the eldorado. A friend sought to obtain for him a railroad pass and failed. There was nothing left but to turn tramp and try to reach the place by walking. His necessities were pressing, and he started out with all the risks of the road. Still another instance: We were informed of a citizen of Indianapolis, a resident for years, a skilled workman, who was indefatigable in his ef 'orts to obtain . work, failure met him everywhere; every avenue to labor at any price was a; dreary waste; until at last he coafessed to having stolen fuel wherewith to cook a scanty meal for wife and children. A party that has driven such men from .home and into criminal habits deserves the

eternal execrations of all honorable men. In addition to this, and to indicate the necessity for a "strong government" a government of rifles and Gatllng guns we are told of a war upon "labor saving machinery" throughout the west ot. a universal bonfire fed by tramps with plows, harrows, mowers and reapers, of a state of society the most deplorable and daily growing worse. With every such Munchausuen story we have coupled something about the army and the purpose of the democratic party to reduce its numerical ' force so that aBarcby might the more readily be inaugurated. The purpose of the radical organs is readily understood; they lie to obscure the infamy ot their party and if possible detract from the influence of the democratic party. We do not 'suppose that there have been a half doi;n farm implements destroyed by tramps in all of the country; at least no authentic accounts of such destruction have been recorded. That there are bad men in the country is not contradicted, and that their number has been vastly augmented by the financial policy of the radical party is a fact which admits of abundant proof. What is wanted to reduce the number of tramps is tc vitalize the industries of the country. To do this is to reverse the financial policy of the radical party; to have , sufficient currency for the demands of legitimate business, to stop corruption in high places, to dry up the currents of fraud and restore to the ballot its constitutional power. This done, confidence will return, industries will revive, money will seek investment in something besides government bonds, and an era of prosperity will be ushered in upon the country. ' HAYES SOUTHERN POLICY. In the history of political parties in the United States nothing has appeared more preposterous that what is termed "Hayes 'southern policy." If Hayes has at any time had a well defined southern policy, it is found in all of its entirety in the damnable scheme set on foot by Grant to overawe the elections in South Carolina, Florida and

Louisiana by the presence of military power. This southern policy was continued through the agency of such scoundrels as John Sher man, Noyes, J. Madison Wells, and a score of other equally Infamous miscreants, wbo by forgeries and perjuries so essentially dev ilish as to shock the moral sense of all civil ized countries, was finally successful in plac ing Hayes in the presidential office. Still another feature of Hayes southern policy is found in the rewards he has bestowed upon more than fifty of these lying scamps, every one of whom, if justice were done, would to-day be in the penitentiary at hard labor. These things make up the sum total of Hayes' "southern policy' The country is aware that the troops were removed from the southern states, and the reason of their removal should be kept forever before the American people. The dem ocratic party, by a sweeping revolution of publio opinion, had obtained control of the lower house of congress. A more fortunate circumstance could not have occurred. It portended the liberation of the south from the curse ' of military and carpet-bag rule. The democratic house was firm in its deter mination to emancipate the south. To accomplish this patriotic purpose but one method was practicable, and that was to withhold appropriations by which an army could be supported. The issue was squarely made. It is a part ot the history of the tiroes. Hayes was made to understand that the troops must be removed from the south or the army would be disbanded. He had no alternative. He must order the federal bayonets out of the hearts of prostrate southern states or the military arm of the government would fall powerless at his side. It was "the inevitable" of which Morton spoke; an inevitable that rescued the south from the curse of radicalism, and the credit and the glory of the movement belongs to the democratic party. With troops removed carpetbaggers fled, radical thieves came north by scores and by hundreds. Southern states long crushed and humiliated, put on aain the robes of sovereignty, and borne rule prevailed. Under euch circumstances, with such a chapter of authentic history, we repeat that the claims set up that Hayes has had a southern policy independent of that which the democratic party forcedhim to adopt its preposterous. The troops were removed and the south is prosperous. Hayes can not again inaugurate military terrorism, and radicalism is therefore dead in the south. At this juncture the Cincinnati Gazette puts forth the following: Hayes' southern policy was adopted in pursuance of the instructions contained in the platform upon which he was elected. The republicans of the north bad tired of the effort to sustain organizations in the south by the use of th6 military arm of the government. The exercise of that policy had become unpopular. Jt had weakened the party at the north and had not strengthened It at the south. It had lost the republican party the lower house of congress and secured the election of many democratic senators In place of republicans. The whole country wanted peace, that being deemed essential to prosperity. Hence the republican party In Jt national convention, la obedience to what waa believed to be the sentiment of the country, held out to the south the olive branch. Such talk, in view of all the facts, is simply twaddle. The southern states enfranchised by the fiat of the democratic party stood upon the same elevated plane ot all other states. There was nothing for Hayes to do but to let them a'or.e. The southern states are now as well governed as northern or western states. .Life and property are as secure. The people are minting their own business and building their wasted fortunes. Sat this does not auit the radical organs. Why? Simply because the southern states are democratic Hence the Gazette eays: The outcome of the Hayes policy is not what the country had a right to expect. The south accepted the olive branch, not an a peace offering to be reciprocated in jgood fnitk, but to be appropriated as a right. There is peace at the south, it is true, but it is that peace which reKulta fron a reljrn of terror. The republicansare hardly tl-rated. They are Dot pernitted to exercise their rights. Hence there is a solid south. This is secured through terrorism, or OHtraeism, or both. Tlila otuckt not to be 8tlsfactory to free born, liberty loving people anywhere, and there are outcroplngs in various parts of the south which Indicate very decided opposition to It. But practically the Bourbou element rules there for the tune; and mat eminent, msioyai at uean. Ditteriy opposed to the principles of the constitutional amendment, and thoroughly dlHUfled with Month nd fragments of the north, represented by time serving, patronage loving democrats, to obtain control of the government. The outcome is just what the country had a right to expect. The democratic party emancipate! the south from military rule and carpet-bag robbery, and the south is

democratic. Hayes has offered the south no more than he has offered the north or the west, and that Is just nothing at all, for he had nothing to offer. When the Gazette talks about a "reign of terror" in the south it publishes knowingly a miserably mischievous He. The radicals are in the minority in the southern states as democrats are in the minority in Jowa and Kansas. They hold conventions and declare it inexpedient to nominate tickets, because they know they have not votes enough to elect them, and that is the whole story. It is high time that this talk about Hayes "southern policy" ceases. There is absolutely nothing in it Placing Key in his cabinet does not amount to a "policy;" junketing into southern border states and saying insipid things does not amount to a "policy." As well talk of an eastern, western or northern policy as cf a southern policy. Hayes' southern policy, we say again if he has such a thing about him is to confer federal offices upon a set of perjury-damned scoundrels, who made it possible for hiin to occupy the position he now befouls.

UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE. The radical organs, such of them as dare speak out, are engaged in perfecting a scheme for the abolition of universal suffrage. Limited suffrage will be necessary to the contemplated strong government under Grant. Just how the ballot Is to be wrested from the American people is not stated, but the necessity for such an act of treason to the sacred rights of freemen is plainly set forth. Some weeks since Francis Parkman, of Boston, argued after the old federalist style, the "failure of universal suffrage," and now comes President Woolsey, who calls in question the expediency of universal suffrage. In his recent work on Political Science, he eays: 8uppose now the classes without intelligence or property or character to have the suffrage and to be predominant in society, will the elections of local or of more public officers be made more intelligently than if they had leen excluded? Is it not quite conceivable that such an element among the voters would give rise to a class of demagogues, whose means of gaining power would be to produce a division between classes, and to array the poor against the rich? There is a great danger that those who pay nothing will out rote those who pay everything. So, in choosing magistrates, if public judges and the members of a police V were chosen by the votes of those members of a community who nave an interest in being screened from punishment, how can the interests of society be safe in the lianas of such officers? These suppositions and assertions are all designed to weaken the fabric of American liberties and ultimately to change our form of government They, In effect, declare man's incompitency for self government, and Inculcate the monstrously vicious idea that virtue is found only with the rich, that property alone confers right to citizenship. The New York Times, a pronounced radical organ, from the columns of which we take the above quotation, emphatically indorses Woolsey's theories, and quotes Parkman and Burke in justification of its position. Parkman, in his North American Review paper, in referring to the right and duty of the state, says: "It is the right and duty of the 'state to provide good government for itself 'and the moment the vote of any person or 'class of persons becomes an obstacle to its 'doing so, this person or class forfeits the 'right to vote; for where the rights 'of a part clash with the rights of 'the whole, the former must give 'way." "This statement," 6ays the Times, 'is in full accord with the doctrine which 'Burke lays down in his 'Reflections on the 'French Revolution,' in opposition to the 'theory of the French theorists whocon'founded natural with political rights, a 'theory which had its fervid disciples in a 'certain school of American politicians, of 'whom Jefferson was the leader. It was a 'legitimate oifshoot of the social compjct 'theory of society, according to which no 'man is bound to obey the civil authority 'any further than he has promised so to do. 'After explaining that every individual has 'a right to justice, and to a share in the advantages of Bociety, Burke says: 'As to the 'share of power, authority and direction 'which each individual ought to have in the 'management of the state, that I must deny 'to be among the direct original rights ot 'man in civil society; for I have in my con. 'templation the civil, social man, and no 'other. It is a thing to be settled by convention.' All of this is in direct conflict with the Jefferson school of American politics; a school that has been the glory and the pride of America; a school that lifted man to the dignity of citizenship; that clothed him with sovereign power; that recognized brain power as one of the great forces of the world; that wrested the scepter from federalism and permitted man, poor or rich, to expand to the full proportions of a freeman. This, however, does not suit the Times, and it closes its article by saying: It would be a great gain if our people could be made to understand distinctly that the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness involves, to oe sure, the right to good government, tout not the right to take part, either immediately or Indirectly, In the management of the state. We are of the opinion that good government in this country depends upon placing the ballot in the hands of the people. In 1876 we had a sublime illustration of the value of universal suffrage. By a 'majority of more than a quarter of a million of votes a corrupt and thieving party was displaced from power. It was then that the advocates of a etrong government, the organs of the radical party, men of wealth, of learning, of high aocial and political positions, and the enemies of universal suffrage, conceived the crime that adds to the number of the world's wonders, of reversing the will of the Ameri can people. They manufactured perjuries so hue that the broad side of hell will have to be torn down to admit them. They applied tkem and accomplished their purpose. The Times indorses the crime, and the Times opposes universal suffrage. Aboct every other day the Journal sets its wind, water nd steam mills at work to man ufacture some startling developments for the purpose of annihilating the democratic party. But m every instance with precisely the same result a dead failure. On Saturday its readers were treated to about a column upon the subject more than usually flatulent The article was captioned, in the usual bravado style, "Hold them to the 'record." It is perfectly astonishing

how the people have been holding the democratic party to its record of late years. Quite recently the radical party had the president by a fair majority of the people, not as at present, by fraud, forgery and perjury. It had both houses of congress. It was supreme. The people have been "holding the radical party to its record." As a result it lost the house of representatives, and then it lost the presidency by a majority of more than a quarter of a million of votes,and on the 4th of March, 1879, it will relax its grip upon the senate. All this time the people have been holding the democratic party and the radical party to their records. We like it exceedingly. We want more ot that sort of holding. The record of the radical party, since it held power, does not suit the people. It has stolen too much. It has had too many thieves in office. It has debauched every department of the government It has played into the hands of the Shylocks and disregarded the welfare .of the masses of the people. It has been guilty of frauds and forgeries and perjuries of indiscribable infamy, and the people are holding it to its record. The radical party, by its financial policy, has created an army of more than a million of idle men and women, and reduced them to such abject poverty that they can not purchase food nor clothing. It has driven thousands of them on to the highways as tramps, to find their way at last into prisons, and the people are holding the .guilty party to its record; They are denouncing it, cursing it, spitting in its face, kicking it out of power, holding it to its record. Let the Journal set its wind mill, its water mill and its steam mills at work and try it again. We like this record business, and we will endeavor to give the Journal as much of it as it can stowaway until the Tallapoosa junketer gets back and tells the boys to say no more about records.

RADICAL PROFLIGACY AND DEMO CRATIC ECONOMY. The official records demonstrate conclu sively that since the democratic party obtained control of the national house of rep resentatives the expenditures of the govern ment have been largely reduced, not, however, to the extent that would have been ac complished if a radical senate had not on every occasion sought to defeat the democratic policy of retrenchment Notwith standing radical opposition the records are conclusive. The Detroit Free Press, in response to an inquiry, says that the "receipts 'and expenditures of the government for the 'fiscal years ending with June 30, from 1873 'to 1876, inclusive, being the last four years 'for which a republican house made' appro priations, were as follows: Year. 1873 ... 174 ... 1875 ... 1876 ... Receipts. - t-3M,7.ft,a4 67 ... 2S,478,75 OS ... 288,000,051 10 283,452,757 W Expenditures, f 290,345,240 33 i7,iyi,73 78 Z74,t3,: 84 a58,4otf,7y7 33 loUI 1 1,19 1,660,769 81 f 1,110,562,30! 28 AVer geperyT :2,tti7.412 45 L77,M0,577 31 "These figures are taken from the finance 'reports, and are official. The premium received from the sale of gold and premium 'expended in purchase of bonds are included 'respectively in the statement of receipts 'and expenditures. The money received 'from Great Britain in settlement of the 'Geneva award is omitted, as are all subse 'quent charges, receipts find payments from the proceeds. In the year ending June 30, '1874, it will be observed, the receipts were '$289,478,756.06, and the expenditures $287, '133,873.76, showing an excess of receipts of '$2,344,882.30. In this year there would have 'been an absolute deficiency in the year's re'ceipts if it had not been for the premiums received on the sales of gold. These amount ed to $3,037,665.22, and exceeded the expenditures for premiums on bonds by $3, 642,591.67, or $1,300,000 more than the ex'cess of receipts over expenditures for the 'year. . "The actual results of appropriations of a 'democratic house cover the years ending 'June 30, 1877, and June 30, 1878, and are 'given below: Year. Receipts. Expenditures. 1S77 $'-,,X),5) 62 $3S,W0,0(i9 3 1878. , ,.. 258,001,818 00 235,620,617 00 Total 4527,092,404 62 1174,20.62(5 93 Av'g per year.- 203,516,202 31 217,140,313 4t "The average receipts during the two 'years for which a democratic house made 'appropriations were, in round numbers. '$35,000,000 less than the average for the 'four preceding years; but the heavy reductions in expenditures overtopped this great 'falling off in revenue by an annual average of $5,500,000. "The average receipts during the fiscal years 1877 and 1878 were $14,000,000 'less than the average expenditures 'during the last four years ' for which 'appropriations were made by a republican congress. If expenditures had 'been made on the same scale they were con 'ducted during the four preceding years they 'would have exceeded the receipts by $28,'000,000, instead of being nearly $53,000,000 'less. If, on the other hand, expenditures 'had averaged no heavier for the years from '1873 to 1876 inclusive than the average of the 'two succeeding years, the entire expendi tures for the former period would have only 'been $948,560,000, one hundred and sixty 'two million dollars less than they actually 'were, and would show an excess of two bun 'dredand forty-six milliondollars, instead of 'one of eighty-four million dollars. "Our correspondent also inquires in respect 'to the comparative showing under the head 'of naval expenditures. The following table 'shows what these were during the last few 'years for which a republican -congress made 'appropriations: Year. . Expenditure1873 ....Jt'ijd'Miti 79 1X74 80,ftS,K7 42 1M7j Hw.ott....MwtMHt.f...ia ZIt4if7,6wD dJ l$7tf ............. X8,iWiiJ0SI KJ TO t&-M. .. a. a. Average 194 919,780 30 23,72y,943 07 and 1878 they "For the fiscal years 'were as follows: 1877 1878 (about)............. 1877 ....114,959,935 86 .... 16,000,000 00 Total. 30,950,95 36 15.479.967 68 Average.. Decrease ironi repuDucan averThese figures are significant, and are worthy of careful perusal. Every measure introduced by the democratic house relating to expenditures shows a purpote .to inaugurate economy and retrenchment, and without an exception the radical senate opposed these measures.;

FIGURES WORTH STUDYING. Statesmen, political economists and busi

ness men of thorough familiarity with the various departments of trade and commerce, have been confronted for tbe last six years with a state of affairs so anomalous in all regards as to defy explanation by any of the ordinary methods of reasoning or calculation as applied to such subjects. This statement has often been made in these columns. "We have repeatedly shown that with fabulous abundance the country was in the grasp of unprecedented destitution; that when upon all ordinary theories the people should have been at work and prosperous thev have been idle and steadily drifting into a condition of the most pinching poverty and wretchedness; that when we had a right to expect business activity and prosperity the people have been confronted with failures, bankruptcy and business prostration and demoralization that defies computation or exaggeration. Nothing like it was ever known or heard of in any civilized country under heaven. From 1866 to 1873 the radical party was engaged in fashioning and perfecting a financial curse which, in due time, overspread the country like a pall. Jehovah, true to his covenant, sent seed time and harvest, and crops followed each other until the supply vastly exceeded the demand. Food supplies steadily increased while contraction, like an anaconda, tightened its , coils around almost every other Industry in the land, so that with increasing abundance home consumption steadily fell off. The exports of domestic produce assumed un precedented magnitude, and the United States presented the anomalous spectacle of feeding the world with her surplus products while thousands and hundreds of thousands of her own population were enduring the pangs of hunger and starvation. We find in the New York Daily Bulletin the following table of exports, . comparing 1872-'3 with 1876-',7 including thirty -six articles, constituting five-sixths of the total value of our exports of domestic commodities, each showing an important increase: 1S72-3. 1876-7. 70,Stfl,9S3 40,325.0110 3,343,655 1,445,368,000' 106,370,5011 14,318,052 13,461 0U0 9,5I,lt 25,122,9:j 300,44 9,316,6o9 900,056 $5,259 81 S 273,070.940 262,441,000 1,705,422 1,317,061 460,057,146 88,366,000 107,S64,Ot 159,618 231,741,000 69,671,000 1076,600 6,7!W.27 8,687,716 91,472,500 282,386.600 20,610,259 3,804,311 Indian corn, bush Wheat, buh...... "Wheat flour, bbl Cotton, lb&.......... Cotton goods, yds. 38,541,940 39 ,201,2X5 2,50S6 1)347,(100 13,773,000 4,483,1K6 88,958 ' 1,795,437 1741,000 2KJ,739 5,906,913 845,162 tl,IKl,8a0 194,318,000 158,102,000 709,576 625,772 395,381,000 31,60i,0li0 80,306,(Xa 118,076 230,'11000 64.147 ,010 9,639,000 5,114,000 6,133,000 79,170,000 213,995.000 14,154.000 711,783 Apples, dried, lb8.... Copper, lbs.. Hops, lbs...... .. Leather, 1 bs Boots and shoes, pro...... Nails and spikes, lb..... Rosin and turpe, Lbls. Kire arms... ............... Oil cake, lbs. Illuminating oil, gbi I'otton seed oil, gU . Gunpowder, lbs Bacon and hams, lbs... Beef, lbs Clieese. Ib8..... Fish, dried, cwt. LA.ru, I us... I'orK.lbs Hoap, lbs, Spirits turpentine, gls. utrcn, J i8. . Tallow, lbs .... Leaf tobacco, lbs...... Umber, eubic ft....... Quicksilver, lbs... Such figures are of startling significance. These exports have resulted in establishing the balance of trade in favor of the United States to the extent of about $300,000,000, notwithstanding which business is still depressed, failures follow each other in rapid succession, and in the great commercial centers are increasing. The army of idlers is increasing instead of diminishing. Confidence is in exile. Money is kept from investments that give employment to willing workers, and the outlook continues dubious. Why this strange state of affairs? The curse of contraction explains it all. From 1SG6 to 1873 the radical Shylock policy robbed the people of more than $1,000,000,000 of curren cy, and inaugurated a reign of shrinkage, fail mres, bankruptcy,' idleness and poverty, More than 60,000 men and firms, represent ing men of enterprise, have been struck down and there are none to take their places. More than $1,500,000,001) represent the losses these 60,000 bankrupts sustained, and there are none to replace that amount when it will vitalize business, though there is money to invest in four per cent, bonds that pay no taxes and that contribute nothing to the business welfare of the country. The effects of the blighting, withering curse of contrac tion Is still upon the country. It matters not that the Shylock organs parade tables showing the abundance of capital in the country as long as men and women by the thousands are without work and without money. It matters not that Shy lock organs parade columns of figures showing the vast exports of domestic pro duce as long as there are hundreds of thous ands of our population who can not pur chase the necessities of life. It matters not that Shylock organs tell the people that re sumption has been reached, that a greenback dollar is as good as a gold dollar, as long as there are hundreds of thousands of forced idlers who have neither the one nor the other with which to purchase food to sustain life. We are now reaping the fruits of radical contraction, and no one can tell when the curse will have spent Its force. A party distinguished for its robberies; a party that hu stolen the revenue of the country at the rate, of $100, OOO.eOO .annually; a party that ha3 legis lated for ct-pital and disregarded every other interest; a party that has struck down the industries of the country, -prostrated bus! ness, dethroned confidence, filled the land with idleness, poverty and starvation, and finally so utilized perjury as to reverse the will of the American people, ought to be exiled from power. To do this is the mis sion of the democratic party. THE PRESIDENCY FOB 1&SO. (New Albany Iedger-8tandard, July 30. The discussion in the democratic press of the country has already commenced in regard to the available candidate for the presidency of the democratic party in 1880. The names of many g xd men are mentioned in connection with that high and responsible position, and tbs election of any one of them we have no doubt would reflect great credit upon the democratic party, and perhaps redound to the interest of our common country. The great point to be regarded in the selection of a candidate is, which of the names' mentioned will bring to tire party tbe greatest strength, or the amount cf strength that will enable cs to come out of the contest with victory perched upon our banner? This is one of the main facta to be closely considered and must not be . lost sight of in choice of the candidate. Th man must not only possess all the personal features that would maee mm eminently m tot me place,

but must further combine those elements of strength that would tend to warrant bis success before the people of the country at the ballot-box. Now we maintain that there is no name mentioned in this connection that will strike tbe masses of the people with more power or favor than the name of our own distinguished fellow citizen of Indiana, the Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks. Mr. H. ranks much higher than does the ordinary politician of our land. He has not only great mental attainments which grandly qualify him for the first place within the gift of the people, but those acquirements

have a good and solid foundation upon which to rest in the nature of a pure moral character that has bad its training, not for a week or a year, but throughout his entire life. Mr. Hendricks has held many prominent positions before the public and has acquitted himself in a satisfactory manner in all of them, and in no instance has even the breath of suspicion of wrong doing ever followed him in the discharge of the duties of the many offices which he has had the honor of filling in our country. He is one of the public characters of the democratic party oH to-day that we may justly point to with pride and gratification. There has beet, nothing in his entire history, when closely analyzed, that will make his friends hang their heads in shame or in sorrow, bet on the contrary his whole public and private career has been one of which his friends may point to with great satisfaction, and successfully challenge the closest scrutiny by all. His mental "endowments, tegether with his great experience in public positions, give him peculiar qualifications for the presidential office. We maintain that Mr. Hendricks occupies the right geographical location to receive the nomination at the bands of the democratic party of the country. There is nothing in his place of residence that can possibly produce a prejudice In the minds of the people against him. He is the right man In the right place, and we undertake to say that in the minds of the voters of this country, he is to-day the most popular and well known man of all others whe are mentioned for that distinguished place. Why should he not be? The peopie for years past have been looking lor and expecting his nomination for the presidency. For ten years the democratic voters of the United States have been looking for this deferred event, and as often as our national democratic conventions have met and acted, just so often have they been disappointed in that action, for their failure in not nominating the distinguished Indianian. In the presidential contest in 1876 it was Indiana and the name of Hendricks that carried the fortunes of the day. No political campaign in this country was ever more hotly contested and as bravely fought as was the one in 1876 in the state of Indiana. The democracy were so thoroughly imbued with the importance and necessity of victory, that they worked both by day and by night. Although their chieftain had again been set aside and defeated at St. Louis for the first place on the ticket, yet they were determined to fight the battle for Mr. Tilden as vigorously as though Mr. Hendricks occupied the head of the national ticket They did it, and the annals of campaigning do not show a parallel in political warfare. It was Greek meeting Greet. The camp fires of the democratic party blazed from every hill top and from every valley throughout that memorable struggle. The party came up together "lock-kneed and shoulder" and carried successfully the state, and thereby victory inured to the organization in the national contest. For that wonderful battle, for that great victory, the national democracy should not do less in 1880 than compliment the state of Indiana and her first statesman by placing on the ticket for president the name of Thomas A. Hendricks. Pacific Railroad Iands. LSt. Louis Republican. When Secretary Schurz made his decision in the Dudymont case, affirming the right of settlers to pre-empt such lands granted to the several Pacific railroads as were not sold within three years after the roads were completed, it was thought to settle a very important question, and that settlers would now have a right to take up choice railroad lands at the government price of $1.25 per acre, or to enter them under the homestead act. But it appears that all the lands granted these railroads have been mortgaged to secure the payment of what are called the land grant bonds, issued to further the construction of the roads; and the Boston Advertiser refers to a supreme court decision rendered in 1874, which holds that this mortgage is such a disposal of the lands within the meaning of the law as to exempt them from preemption. If the decision referred to has the effect which the Advertiser imputes to it, the secretary's opinion will possess no force whatever. Tbe holders of the landgrant bonds issued by the roads have an interest in the lands prior to that of all others, as the lands were solemnly pledged and actually conveyed to trustees to secure the payment of the bonds; and no ruling of the interior department ought to deprive them of their equity. The secretary's decision has directed tbe attention of western immigrants to tbe railroad lands, and many are preparing to enter and occupy homesteads on them ; but the roads deny the force of the decision and are warning setters not to trespass on their lands. It would be unfortunate if any considerable number of emigrants should settle on lands which they would have to abandon. He Has Views. Interview with Senator Jones in Gold Hill News. He says the president's theories are utterly impracticable and entirely opposed to the genius and institutions of this country; they are founded on a principle, which, if carried out, would create in America an aristocracy of perpetual officeholders. Mr. Jones holds that this would breed corruption, and cites as proof that tbe defaulters of to-day are not new clerks but old and trusted ones. Furthermore, he believes that the offices belong to the majority. "I have no hesitation in saying," he declares, "that in my opinion whenever the president makes an appointment to office of a man belonging to the minority party, he makes a confession either of lack of faith in the principles of his own party, or a lack of belief that there is in theranks of his own Dartv fit material from which to select officeholders. I am in favor of genuine civil service reform; not a reform only are fit to exercise the functions of the government. We want all to have a chance to rise, and that I believe to be the true principle of republicanism." The Blackmailing- Scheme. Fort Wayne Sentinel. The work of blackmailing the employes out of contributions to the radical corruption fund is still in progress at Washington, with the implied approval of the president and cabinet This is the infamous practice which Hayes, In his letter of acceptance and his inaugural message, pledged himself to break up. How well he has kept his nromise is Droved bv the fact that government employe who refuses to be Diacxmauea is speeaiiy discharged upon "charges" trumped up for the occasion. Hay Be All Romance. Cincinnati Commercial. J Since seeiDg Grant's assertion that there was no battle of Lookout mountain. Joe Hooker has formed the opinion that tha story of the skirmish at Shiloh may be all romance. Or. Price's Floral Riches. This delightful Cologne water is receiving much attention not only from the ladies and gentlemen of refinement and taste, but from professional men generally. It is so gratefully refreshing to the invalid. Its odor is so exquisitly delicate, and yet so rich and persistent," .