Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 27, Number 50, Indianapolis, Marion County, 31 July 1878 — Page 4

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL; WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 31, 187S.'

WEDNESDAY, JULY 31. DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET I'OK IH7H. Kecretart or Btatk JOHN G. 8FIANKLIN, of Vanderburg County. Auditor of State MAHLON D. MANSO.V, of Montgomery County. Treasurer of State WILLIAM FLEMING, of Allen County. Attorney General .THOMAS W. WOOLLEN, of Johnson County. Superintendent of Public InstructionJames H. SMART, of Allen County.

The Brazilian coffee crop for 1878-9 la estimated at 4,000,000 bags, the largest crop ever raised. Kobekon declared for Grant; but the country said, "Shut up, yoa thief," and Robeson shut up. . The fellow Tappan, the Boston swindler, is still a free man. If Boston has anything resembling justice, it does not pursue Mr. Tappan. Secretary Schtrz's decision in regard to the lands granted to the Pacific railroads places 2ti,u8G,,,47 acres of lands in the market at $1.25 per acre. The total area of public and Indian lands remaining unsurveyed and unoffered at the date of Jane 30, 1377, was 731,687,283 acres, or, counting in Alaska, 1,101,216,885 acres. All three-cent pieces are to be withdrawn from circulation. Postmasters over the country have been ordered to send to Wash, ington all coins 'of this denomination they may receive in order that they may be withdrawn. lUroRTs from nearly all sections of the state indicate that a comparatively small percentage of the wheat crop is being stored for a rise in the market. As a general thing farmers are satisfied with ruling prices, and sell promptly. This courso will certainly put a large amount of money in. o circulation at an early day. In the senatorial district composed of Elkhart county the vacancy caused by the death of the lion. Charles Beardsley will not bo filled until the October election, the governor taviiisr decided that it was not necessary to call a special election. The term of the new senator will be two years, the deceased having served about half bis term. Lakdaulet Williams is out for Grant. He was a distinguished rascal and Grant's attorney general. He ranks with Robeson, Belknap, Bern Shepherd and other distinguished villains, who made Grant's administration a stench iu the nostrils of the people. So far only distinguished theives or their apologists have declared for Grant. The British residents of California are fo send Lord Beaconsfield a testimonial of their admiration and respect. It will consist of a silver brick, valued at $1,500. This is to be superbly mounted in native wooas, the whole to be farther embsllished with specimens of quartz. The chasing and engraving as well aa the wood work are to be very ar tistic. The international exhibition to be held at Miian next year will have one-fourth more 8pa:e than the one now in progress at Taria. Especial attention will be paid to the ;ari collection, and the magnificent galleries Or that purpose. Scores of artists and own ers of celebrated collections have already signified their des'.re for ample space, and the success of the exhibition is assured. It will be opened April 1, 187'.. The director general is Frederick Goacetti, an American of Italian descent. The letter from President Hayes to Secretary Sherman, published this morning. Is a fair sample of that wlUcn he said nod wrote during the ieiiol in which the presidency was in dispute. There are many such letters. If they would be of service to Ben Butler In the proposed impeachment of the president, several Mich documents might be turned up aiuoDg the packages of private correspondence about the country. Cincinnati Commercial. Hayes doubtless wrote two sorts of letters; the one favoring fraud will be kept from the public eye. This is a fair assumption, else John Sherman would not have bargained for perjury, to be paid in federal offices, which Hayes has bestowed with a lavish hand. John Sherman appeared before the Totter committee yesterday, and after perjuring himself by swearing that he was the iwcretary of the treasury, tue coiniu'ttee adjourned. John lias the stand to-day. Baltimore Gazette. That is about the position John Sherman occupies before the country. He is secretary of the treasury by virtue of perjuries which he bargained for in Louisiana, and for which Hayes paid in federal office. It was well that when he swore he was secretary of the treasury for the" committee to adjourn. Crape should have been hung on the door knob. It would take a search warrant now to find a man who would admit that he ever was m Knownothing. Ten yean hence it will be aa hard to find a man who will admit that he ever waa a national. Long before that time inflation, repudiation and communism will be burled In a common grave. Journal. It does look aa though change was written upon everytning. We nave been tryjng for some time to persuade the Journal to reproduce m its columns its articles favoriDg Jeff Da via' idea of secession, but have failed. Possibly the Journal af ler a while will deny that it ever favored such a damnable proposition. General Grant's travels in all the kingdoms of Europe and his acquaintance with their rulers and prominent statesmen will give htm a fund of practical knowledge that will be -t great Her vice to htm should he be ataln elected to the presidency. Philadelphia Press. ' A knowledge of how to govern peopleln this country as they are governed in Europe In very in ucn needed, we presume. We are to understand that if Grant, while acting as president, mioui i siriKe a Knotty pronieru iu governmenthu would rer-lve a great deal of advice nd H:-fauee from his old olumn, His marc It. MacMahon, Disraeli and Umhsrto. Ilaltlmore (i7A'tte. Should Grant again be president there will b rejoicings in all the dens of ' -istocratic thieves throughout the country. 3ut there would be no placa "down south' for carpet badgers, and there would be no army to strike down constitutions and bayonet legis-lat-irts. The best that Grant's thieving officials could do would he to rob the treasury, bat thi3 with a democratic congres would be unprofitable. Arrests, trials and Imprisonments would follow detection, and unIer

rrsuch circumstances, with all the information European despots have given, Grant would find It difficult to Keep his cabinet out of prison. Pa rticular attention is directed to an editorial from the Springfield Republican, reproduced this morning, upon the subject of southern claims. The utter absurdity of the proposition to pay these claims is so thor oughly shown during every campaign and in every congress that one would naturally think the specter would "down" after while, but the' republican politicians must needs drag it from its hiding place at least once per annum. The article referred to will repay a careful perusal.

Canada has a weather profit who exults in the extremely warm weather of the jeason, as it verifies to a wonderful extent his own predictions. He says: "The cold turn of the Uth of July predicted Jy me several weeks 'ago will probably occur between the 20th 'and 25th, and I still look for frost. August 'will be terribly hot and sultry up to about 'the 15th or 20th, when singularly cold, fall 'like weather will set in, with high winds 'and heavy storms. The season in its general 'behavior corresponds strikingly to that of 1876." How now, Professor Tice? The jail at Deadwood is a weak pine log hut inclosing another still weaker. There is no appearance of a prison, with the exception of two iron door?, which could be easily shaken from their hinges by a stout man. But the guards are sufficient; there is no need of bars or grating. A strong, muscular young fellow with a pistol in his hand quietly watches the prisoners, and the slight, est attempt at resistence or breaking loose would be death to the one who dared to make the move, A corps of bull degs, ferocious and powerful, are the other guards. The wires flash the news that labor troubles have commenced in Washington city, where the government is engaged in erecting public buildings and employing men at 75 cents per day to do the rough work. The dispatch says that the workingmen'a organizations of Washington determined that the men engaged in excavating for the foundation of a building for the bureau pf engraving and printing must not work for 75 cents per day. The fact wiil occur to the people generally that the price paid is too low, although the grinding policy of the administration furnishes no goad reason for violence on the part of those who are its victims, or who disapprove of the policy. Here in Indianapolis such felons as occupy the county jail are boarded at sixty cents per day, the fact having been ascertained, we suppose, that that amount is as low as a man charged with a violation of the laws can be supported in accordance with civilized ideas. Sixty cents per day is $4.20 per week, and seventy-five cents per day, the amount paid by the government of the United States, amounts to $4.50 per week, a difference between felons and honest working men of thirty cents per week in favor of the latter. Now, if the Washington workingman has a wife and a child or two to support, it is easy enough to see that seventy-five cents per day. will not support them. We will suppose that the Washington laborer has a family of three himself, wife and one child. Three meals a day would be 63 meals a week of seven days, provided they had three meals each day. At $1.50 per week they would have to get along with a fraction above seven cents for each meal. This would absorb the $1.50, leaving nothing for house rent, fuel or clothing, doctors' bills, coffin, shroud and grave when any one of them had starved to death.' Under such circumstances it is not surprising that the working people of Washington feel indignant and desire so much for their labor as will give them coarje food, coarse clothing, a little fuel and a shanty to protect them from the storms. The United States of America that pays a fraudulent president $50,000 a year can afford to do better than 75 cents pr day to workingmen who dig foundations for public buildings. The labor troubles seem finally to be reaching a crisis in the east, and, strange as it may seem at first glance, the culminating point is likely to be located in Washington, the capital of this great and glorious country. There, If anywhere on the face of the green footstool, the right of free speech should be held sacred. But after all there is nothing wonderful in this. There, upon Capitol hill, the great privilege of free speech has been more sham fully abused during the past thirty years in the aggregate than throughout the entire United States. The exemplars of good morals have gone there, and after a single term returned hopeless blackguards. The godly have gone as saints and revisited their constituents as unconscionable sinners. The pure in heart came in sight of the unfinished monument of the alleged owner of the hatchet and forthwith began lying about their nearest relatives. The honest man no sooner caught sight of the glistening dome of the capitol than he' felt an itching desire either to steal from his neighbor or stealthily abstract articles from one of bis own pockets and place them in another. All these things have been especially noticeable under republican rule, but while lying, wholesale robbery and general corruption have run riot, a howl has always arisen lest there should be any abridgment of the right of free speech. That waa the palladium of our liberties. If a citizen, especially a congressman, could not be allowed to "yawp," then were our liberties forever gone. But suddenly a change has come over the face of affairs. Some poor workingmen objected to toiling for the beggarly pittance of seventy-five cents ter day, and, after the style of congress, they, too, proposed to meet and "resoloot." This can not be allowed. The authorities interfere, and late dispatches inform us that a large force will be on hand armed with revolvers and Springfield rides to prevent any demonstration to-day, The right of petition is still inalienable, however, and the Sentinel would suggest that the seventy-five cent men get bp a form somewhat after this style and present it to Hayes: "Upon bended knees, your high'ness, we humbly pray," etc. After some crawling of that description the six shilling laborers might poulbly be allowed to hold a meetlrg. -

wox-eoxsrapTiox the stupendous CURSE OF RADICALISM. We are constantly reated to dissertations upon the subject of over production as one of the principal causes of the continental prostration of business, the forced idleness and consequent miseries that meet the eye on every hand. This theory of the calamities that set in in 1873 and which have continued for the past five years is nrged y the organs of the national thief party to obscure the real causes that have brought about the curses under which the country labors and Buffers. The Boston Post, in discussing the question ot "over production." says: Over production la the matter with the country, say a great many persons. But this is an impeachment of nature. The earth waa made to produce liberally, and man was decieed to cultivate It. It Is also said there are too many labor saving machines. Everything which used to be done by manual labor is achieved by machinery, and common laborers are thus deprived of employment. But the Inventive faculty is a gift to be cultivated as much aa the earth for the common benefit of humanity. What, then, Is the matter? Who Is In fault? What Is the temedy? Howls this seeming conflict to be reconciled? These are practical questions which are pressing for solution. It is manifest that as regards the superabundance of products of the earth there is nothing like over production lor the race, for the Chinese are starving by millions to-day. Nor, with all the improvements in machinery and the Immense amount of cotton and woolen goods, shoes and the like, which are manufactured, is there any surplus If they ere rightly distributed. The difficulty Is not in the over production, but in the distribution. There is somewhere a demand for all the products of American Industrv and Invention, even If multiplied many told, otherwise nature Js at fault, and the American people are an anomalous portion of the race not wanted In the economy of Providence. Man is alone at fault In this matter. Legislative and national barriers have been erected to prevent a proper distribution of these products, and to defeat the legitimate operation of the laws of nature. All artificial ' restrictions which prevent the natural flow of onr redundant products to meet an actual want are at war with nature. It is the business of political economists and statesmen to put an end to this warfare and break down these artificial barriers. Nothing can be clearer than this. This view is also strongly re enforced by the modern improvements of steam and telegraph which have brought the nations into near neighborhood and served to unify and consolidate the race. These improvements have not only brought the peoples of the earth into closer relationship, but for all practical purposes have added immensely to the rne;tsure of human life. Time and distance have been almost annihilated. What required months and years to be accomplished is now consummated in a day. By what law and for what purpose? By that same orderly arrangement of Providence which has ordained that man shall cultivate the earth, improve his gifts, and continue on indefinitely in the line of progress. Such considerations may be thought to be too speculative for practical men of every-day life. But this is an error. The humblest ploughman and the most illiterate mechanic can not fall to see their force. The remedy, too, is in their hands. They make congressmen and president. They, too, have it In their power to mould the laws and shape the policy of all civilized nations, though ruled by crowned heads. There is force enough, ir Intelligently exercised and properly directed, to put an end to this war against nature, aud stop the mouths of mistaken reformers and noisy demagogues. The Post evidently takes a correct view on the subject. Over production is not the cause of our national ills, and in the very nature of things can not be. It is impossible for a country to be so rich in all the products which go to make a people happy and prosperous as to be the cause of its ruin. The radical party, the moet gigantic curse that ever befell any country; worse than fire or flood or plague a party which combines every crime known to the calendar; a party which was quickened in a leprous womb and born full fanged, and which during its

existence has poisoned like a upas and eat like a cancer; a party that has debauched public virtue, rioted in stolen plunder, elevated thieves to places of dignity and power, and finally utilized frauds that defy, meas urement, and blasphemous perjuries that have no parallel in or out of hell, is to-day in power, with its chief officials endeavoring to escape the burning indignation of the people by contradicting the statements of the doubly damned miscreants it employed to seat Hayes. It is this party which, to aid Shylocks, that it might divide the proceeds of its policy, made it possible for people to starve in the midst of such fabulous abundance that figures are put to the severest test to convey an approximate idea of the situation. From 1873 to 1878 it Is fair to estimate the average population of the country at 40,000,000, or 8,000,000 families of five persons each. From 1873 to the present time the cry has been "failures," "bankruptcy," "idleness," "poverty," "starvation" and "crime." From the center to the circumference the cry has gone forth. It has become every day deeper toned. It has aroused everywhere profound sympathy, and men who were anxious for the welfare of the country have sought for ways and means to improve the situation. But the radical party has stood in the way of every benificent measure, and Hayes, the crime stained and crime cursed president, armed with his veto, proclaimed to the country that he would strike down every beneficent measure the . democratic party might push through congress, and as idleness increased, as the outlook became more gloomy, radical organs sought to explain away the causes of the curses by crying "over production," when in fact tbe policy of the party was to decrease consumption. It is safe to estimate, that for the past five years there have been 3,000,000 families that have not consumed more than one-half of the actual necessities of life which there well being demanded. This estimate as to numbers is low, and there is not a man or woman of average intelligence or possessing advantages for general observation who will doubt its approximate correctness. Here, then, we have 3,000,000 families on half rations, equal to 1,500,000 families, or 7,500,000 persons, nonconsumers. We have no data at our command Indicating what such an army of people men, women and children would consume in five years. The study, however, is an interesting one, and estimates approximating correctness would serve in a large measure to explode the radical idea that business prostration and all the calamities that have' followed in its train are the results of over production, when, in fact, the curse of contraction, failures and bankruptcies made it impossible for the people to purchase of the country's abundance. It Is fair to assume that these 7,500.000 people would each want a hat, cap, or bonnet each year, at a cost say of $1, which is hard pan price. This item would require an expenditure of $37,500,000 in five year; shoes at $1 per pair each year, $37,500,000; suits of clothes each year, say $5. $187,500,000; food averaging $100 for each person, $3,750,000,OtX. These figures are simply indices of the vast sums that have been withheld from the volume of trade during the years mentioned, and could be indefinitely extended to Uie entire pop

ulation, ahnwl nc Tint imlir tSa Tmn-rm rrVS o c a

of necessities but of luxuries as well, swelling the aggregate far into billioca. The purpose of the democratic party is to bring about a readjustment of forces and set them In operation, so that all the people may have work and wages; so that consumption may keep pace with production, and the prosperity of the country be established nnon a basis that rurnnniini tlio tnrt that ttio employment of labor at remunerative prices is one oi me cniei elements In the general advancement of society and the permanent prosperity of the country. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE ARMY. It is rather interesting than otherwise to note .the difficulties experienced by the radical organs in hunting for vulnerable points to attack the democratic party. They go back to the war and declare that it was caused by democratic rebellion. But this toolish lie makes precioua little impression upon the minds of the people. Next, the Potter committee is attacked with about as much discretion as the bull evinced in his ecu Me with the locomotive, and finally, when all else fails, the organs declare that the democratic party is opposed to the army. The St. Louis Globe-Democrat, whose chief proprietor was one of the patriotic whisky thieves, whose devotion to radical principle was so intense that he stole his pile early and hoped thereby to escape detection, omita no opportunity to huzzah for Grant, and with equal enthusiasm denounces the democratic party. In a recent issue the Globe-Democrat, in an article captioned "Democracy and the Army," remarks that the "Indian war demonstrates beyond cavil .'the supreme folly of the democrats who de'sired beyond all things else to reduce the 'numbers and efficiency of th army., Ever 'since the war the democrats, particularly 'those of the south, have shown no affection 'for the military arm of the government, and, 'indeed, have manifested a disposition on 'every possible occasion to impair its usefulness wherever they could." The GlobeDemocrat knows full well that it lies when it attributes to the democratic party any hostility to the army. An army sufficiently large to do all that the government can constitutionally demand, has always been advocated by the democratic party, and the fact that the army had been required to perform duties in distinct violation of the conttitutionis whatattracted the attention of the country and made It necessary for the democratic party to compel the administration to regard the constitution and the law, and the Globe-Democrat explains the action of the democratic party by saylng'that "this spirit 'of opposition was intensified by the use of 'the army as a posse comitatus in the three doubtful southern states at the last general 'election, and the bitterness felt in consequence of the action of the government In 'ordering troops to be sent to Louisiana, 'South Carolina and Florida, culminated in 'the positive refusal or the house to make 'any appropriation for the army eo long as it 'could, by any chance, be used to promote 'the interests of the dominant party." Here then we have the facts plainly set forth that the opposition of the democratic party was confined exclusively to tbe duties which army sense to party is Grant had compelled the to perform, .and in no the army itself. The democratic in favor of an army sufficiently large to preserve order on the frontier, and there would haye the rank and file instead of at interior towns where federal soldiers are not wanted. As for the Indian war, the fact in established beyond controversy that it was caused by a set of thieving Indian agents appointed by Grant and retained in office by Hayes. Nevertheless the democratic party is in favor of putting down the Indians with a strong arm, and if the necessity for soldiers is as great as the radical organs would have us believe, not one should be kept east of the Mississippi river. The time for quartering federal troops in states, to control elections is, we conclude, past, to return no more, and every lover of liberty should rejoice to know that the democratic party has made it impossible for Hayes to use the army for any such nefarious purpose hereafter. The democratic party is the friend of the army. It does not however favor a large standing army, or its employment for abridging the liberties of the people. THIS WORLD AND JIttXEY. There is no mistaking the fact that this world and the obligations it imposes are rapidly getting the better of the "next" world with all the beatitudes that the most imaginative rhapsodists picture as a part of its attractions. While a few, like Moses, mount up to sublime altitudes and talk with the Creator, the great mass of mankind remain at tbe base of the mountain and dig for the auriforous metal, with which they fashion golden calves and then worship them with more than heathen devotion. Here and there we find an individual who protests that be does not live in this world at all, that his thoughts and affections, his desires and aspirations.are all beyond the Invisible line that divides this world from the next, and as a consequence such people take no thoughts of the morrow, what they shall eat or wherewithal they shall be c'.othed. They are forever contemplating the lilies, noting with special care the fact that they neither toil nor spin, but still look very beautiful. Such people generally enjoy gcod appetites and sleep sound, and are of no value under heaven. Fortunately, there are not many of them nowadays, and their number is gradually diminishing. A vast majority of the people are utilitarians. With them life is real and earnest. They .recognize its duties and its obligations, and are willing to work out their salvation at any honorable calling. They are not afraid to live. They have the courage to be poor, if that is their lot, and never think of.abridging their lives by any of the thousand methods that ciodern civiliza tion has devised. As for the next world, while not unmindful that they are forever marching to the ford where the dark river Is to be passed, they toll on to the very brink and step In with their every day clothes on, trusting, aye, trusting to Providence for a safe landing on the other aide. The central ilea of modern civilization is money, and it is not a bad idea either. It Is every day taking a stronger LtfJ upon the world. Gold, sliver and, utaX jaeaey

move tbe worli The announcement that in some far off region there is gold, and the world moves instanter in that direction. It maybe surrounded with jungles, full of man eating wild beast?, and hooded cobras may lurk in all of the pathways; the springs may flow with bitter waters, and tbe trees may be as dead as the fabled upas. But these things do not matter; on they press, young and old; gold is in the distance. The road is lined with skeletons; butnothing daunted, the eager crowd presses on. Tracks are blazed through the forest. In due time, the wild beasts disappear, the savages are killed, the snort oi the locomotive is heard along the iron track, and an empire is redeemed from the wilderness and marts of trade rise np ahfig tbe highways traveled by the gold seekers. Why this thirst for gold? Simply because of its moving power. With gold all things atilitarian are possible. The czar can not ight the Turk without money, and the Turk yields up his sovereignty becanse he can not obtain it. Parliament votes Beaconsfield a few million pounds sterling, and the victorious hosts of Russia are stayed in their march, and a new empire comes under the scepter of the queen or England and empress of India. Money whitens every sea with the canvas of the merchant marine of the world, and money concentrates in the great marts of commerce the teas of China, the spices of Borneo, the ivory of Central Africa and the valuable woods of South America to be exchanged for the products of forge and" factory. The highwavs of trade are paved with money; cities, towns and villages are its monuments. The vast fields unier cultivation, where waves the golden grain, are its playgrounds, and the world is every day being brought under its sway. It is capturing the religious world, and tall steeples, rosewood pulpits and'gilt edged Bibles tell the story of the captivity of religion and the willing slavery of the clergy. The benevolent institutions, where the tbe state gathers together the unfortunate, the poor, the insane, tbe blind and the deaf, tell in wondrous language what money may do for the world when directed by heads that comprehend the duties of life. In this country when there was pientyof money all was prosperity. From ocean to ocean the people were employed. Houses were built for homes. New farms dotted the plain; new bridges spanned the rivers; new mines were opened, and money was working out the business salvation of tbe country. Money is now the demand gold, silver, paper money; money, enterprise and labor a trinity of forces whose fiat would lift humanity to grand elevations beautify the world and make it in all regards so desirable that men and women would desire to live to the ripe old age of the Methusal&hn period. With plenty of money this world would never grow old, and its duties would never become irksome, and it is to be hoped that the pulpit and the stump will combine their forces during the coming campaign to impress upon the people the supreme dity of the government to put forth all the money demanded by Bound business principles, which is the democratic doctrine. .

COST OF RoI'ALTT. The approaching marriage of Queen Victoria's third son, Arthur William Fatrick Albert, duke of Connaught, to the German princess Maria Louise, creates another demand for a grant of money, which is likely to be handed over after the usual amount of fault finding on tbe part of those who, favoring royalty, do not like the expense it entails. It is stated that Sir Charles Dilke will, on the occasion of granting marriage money to Princa Arthur, make an effort to find out how much of a direct tax royalty has been upon the revenues of the kingdom since the days of William of Orange. The annual grants and annuities now received by Victoria and members of her family are as follows: The queen 11,925,000 The prince of Wales (including S3:0,000 from the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall) 550 000 The princess of Wales....... .... 50,000 Duke of Kdlnbargh - 12j,(t0 Duke of Connaught .. "5,000 Prince Leopold .. .. 40,t) Crown princesH of (iermany....... - 40,000 Grand duchess of Hesse 30,0u0 Princess Christian of Schleswlg-llol- , stein .. 30,000 Princess Louise (marchioness of Lome) .......,- 30,000 Duchess of Cambridge - 30,000 Grand duchesH of Mecklenburg-Stre-litz - .. 15,000 Princess Teck - . 25,000 Duke of Cambridge - 00,000 A total of r:75,ooo Of this amount the children of Victoria receive $970,000, and from the first grant to her sons and daughters up to the present time the sum totel drawn from the treasury amounts to more than $7,500,000. Sir Charles Dilke will perform a patriotic service by calling the attention of the people of England to the cost of royalty, for it may be' the means of rousing tbe indignation of the queen's subjects to a pitch that will arrest future extravagance. Evidently there is abroad in the world a feeling of uncompromising antagonism to that sort of rule which compels the bread producers to bear an unequal share of the bcrdens of government, and the day is not far remote when kings and nobles will not be permitted to enact the laws without consulting the people; a time when royalty and aristocracy will be compelled to stand on a level with the workers. INFLATION, CONTRACTION AND WAIiES. Inflation means the redaction of wages. The reduction comes from the deeline In the Fiurchasing power of the dollar. Say we have n the country of "paper money" S75O.C00.OO0 face value, and we add to it I2o0.000.000 the 11,000,000,000 will not buy a barrel of flour, bushel of potatoes, or salt, or a y aid of cloth more than the C7oU,000 000. That is to say. Inflation is dilution, and a so called dollar of the $1,000,000,000 1 worth twenty-live cents less than one of tn 1751,000,000. In other terms, a man earning ll 3 a week of the f7.jo,000,000 must get fJO a week In order to exercise an equal punfiasiog power out of his wages if the inconvertible circulating medium is raised to fl,(jiiO,OiiO.OOO; ai.d raising salaries Is attended with striking and other troubles. A refusal now to resume, und a policy Hint would put up the premium on gold to 25, would be equivalent t a redaction of wages twenty-five per cent. R-sump;ion means the stabUity of the dollar. Cincinnati Commercial. It is not necossary to discuss what inflation means, though the above from the Cincinnati Commercial is unadulterated sophistry; indeed, it is morse than quibbling. The Shylock policy of the radical party, having nearly ruined the country by contracting the currency, having driven men from work to idleness, from competency to poverty, and from virtue to crime, geeks to ebjeuro xts.

record by denouncing inflation, when the people ask only for so much currency a? shall meet the legitimate demands of business, or the demands of legitimate business. Admitting for the sake of argument that inflation abridges the purchasing power of a dollar, but gives employment to all tbe people, we bold in that event that inflation is better than contraction, which deprives workingmen of employment and as a consequence leaves them without any money at all. Suppose that with currency inflated Jto $1,000,000,000 Sour is $10 per barrel

and the workingman has tbe $10 wherewith to purchase it. while on the other hand, with the currency contracted to $750,00e;000, flour is only $5 per barrel, and the workingman, being out of employment, is without that amount of money, and therefore can not purchase the flour. Under such circumstances we askr ia it not better for the workingmen that the currency be inflated to the $1,000,000,0007 It matters precious little to tbe workingman " what may be the "purchasing power of a 'dollar" it he is so situated that he can not obtain the dollar. We have it from a gentleman thoroeghlv posted unon such subjects, that there are now in anf around Indianapolis not less than 800 me. out.of employment who have been connected with tbe railroad department of indus- . tries, whose average wages before the radical curse of contraction was forced upon the country was not lets than $1.50 per day. These men are not so much interested in the purchasing power of the dollar as they are in obtaining a dollar, and such supreme nonsense as the Commercial publishes, does not in the least help their esse. It does not give them work at any price, and though the purchasing power of the dollar were ten times what it is, they would starve, nevertheless, unless some one stepped forward to help them In this hour of affliction. The man or men who, eight or ten years since, invested their money in improving cities, building workshops and fac tories by which they were enabled to give employment to workingmen, have, in thousands of instances, had their property taken from them, owing to the fact that they borrowed money to extend their enterprises and employ a greater number of laborers. Under the influence of contraction their property rapidly declined in value, while the purchasing power of the dollar increased to such an extent that $5,000 was sufficiently potential to take from them property that cost ten, fifteen or twenty thousand dollars. It ia this Shylock financiering that has driven more than C0.000 men, firms and corporations into bankruptcy at a loss of more than $1,500,000,000, of which, duriDg the past six years, Indiana's share has been about $20,000,000. To demand sufficient currency to arrest this shrinkage of values, this steady stream of failures and increase of the army of idlers, is not inflation in the objectionable sense that the Commercial employs the term. On the contrary, it is sound business financiering, and contemplates the well being of the country. FIGURES TELL. THE STORY. Now, as the campaign is fairly under way, the people will be eager for all reliable information bearing directly upon the cost of carrying on the government. The Washington Post says that "figures properly 'treated will not lie," and then proceeds to show that the democratic party has carried out the pledges of economy. It says: The expenditures f5r the maintenance of the government, from its organization to the present day, prove that the republican party is a recklessly extravagant party. In order to make this clear we netnl onivto take the net ordinary expenses of the government from the first year of Its existence to the end of t&e fiscal year of 1876, to whiih date the record has been made up. For that period the total expenditure for ordinary purposes was S6,'x6,.72,.60. This is for war, navy, Indian, and civil and miscellaneous expenses, and lsexclusiveof the public debt principal, interest and premiumsand also exclusive of pensions. Of the amount given there was expended during the "war period," embracing the fical years Is2-ti3-61-tf3 and 'b. the sum of $3.530,Sfc2J,o8l.61. From the beginning of the government to June 30, lstQ (the end of the fiscal year 18611, a period of 82 years, there was expended for thrt same purposes the sum of f 1,606,724,141.15, or less than one-half as much. Under the ten years of radical rule, from the fiscal year ending J nne 30, lst7, to the fiscal year ending June 30, 1S76( both Inclusive), the sum of Sl,52S,al7,137.87 was exended for the fwme purposes. Thus it is seen that during the five years of the war the radical party expended 82,03403,110.19 more than It cost to run the government lor the whole period of ita existence prior to that time, and that during the ten years succeeding the war the same party expended S22,iyo,M4.72 more than it cost to maintain tt government for a period of 82 years, during which time the democratic party mainly had control of the purse strings. For Un years of democratic rule, from 1852 to '1861 (inclusive), there was expended for the same purposes ouly the sum ol 8d?2,S72,2ti0.52; or, to state it differently, the cost of ten years of radical rule was tU36,U41,X77.35 more than the amount expended by democratic administrations for the same length of time and for the same purposes. The average per annum for the ten years of radical rule since the war was fl52,8Dl,13.7K, while the average of democratic rule before the war was only t')ti.0tj. This shows an increase of l7uii per cent, for the ten years of radical rule over the ten years of democratic rule. Taking as a basis the census of 1800, the cost per capita for tbe net ordinary expenses of the government for the ten years of democratic rule was 118.21; while on the basis of the census of 1870, the cost per capita under the ten years of radical rule was S39.65. Nothing could be more explicit or conclusive. These figures place tbe radical party in a position from which there is no escape. It is not only a profligate party, but a stealing party, and as such stands convicted before the American people. There is a disposition on the part of some to i floht thft nrOGAnt nnllt4ial inntit In 1 nHlun. in the interest entirely of one man. "Voornees and victory" they say is the watchword of the democratic party In the fight that Is upon us. While we nave no personal disllk toward Mr. Voorhees, but recognize him as an earnest, able democrat, we see no good sense in fettering tbe democratic strength and tying it down simply to the popularity of one man. Ledger -Standard. It is gratifying to note that the sober second thought of the Ledger-Standard places its democracy in a position in which it will not be likely hereafter to receive the damaging laudations of the organsof the national thief party, of which the Indianapolis Journal is at the tail of the heap. The increase of acreage in Minnesota devoted to wheat as compared with 1S77 is 313,7W acres making a sum total for 137S of 1,300,331 acres. . 4 A lllh Reputation. For years the firm of Steele fc Price have deservedly had a hieh reputation for the ex cellence or their Pr. Price's Cream Baking ' Powder and Special Flavoring Extracts. They have now added a line of strictly 1 it.i .... r.r... sitn, I 1 1 v perfumes of this or any other country.

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