Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 27, Number 29, Indianapolis, Marion County, 6 March 1878 — Page 2

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL. WEDNESDAY MORNING, MABCH G, 1S78.

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 6. HAYES ANI III VETO. Elsewhere in tte Sentinel will be found the veto message of R. 15. Hayes, the presidential fraud, forbidding the passage of the silver bill. We also have telegraphic advices that the house of representatives promptly passed the bill over the veto by a vote of 19G ayes to 73 nays 22 votes more than the constitutional two-thirds ma jority, and that' the senate qaickly followed suit in vetoing the veto by a vote of 43 yeas and is) nayes. We can conceive of no greater humiliation of the presidential fraud, unless it be his impeachment for accepting office from the crime cursed returning board conspirators. From this day Hayes is dead and damned. The people spew him out of their mouths. He ought to be tried, convicted and sent to the penitentiary with Anderson. lie represents nothing but fraud. Occupying an oQice to which he clinic J upon a ladder of lies, he talks of "bad 'faith;" accepting office from felons, he prates of "unllinching fidelity;" appointing perjured villains to office who live oft of the earnings of honest men, he sends homilies to congress about "sacred obligations." The wretch who watched the progress of fraud in overruling the will of the people, he woald have the people believe that he has honest and "firm convictions" in regard to the right. Henceforth Hayes has no party but Shylocks and ofticebolJers. Accepting office with a tainted title, s ill Hayes might have got through his terra without massing the indignation of the American people upon him. But he has chosen a different course, and must take the consequences. He is to day the most distinguished miscreant in the world. As a representative of perjury and forgery he has no compeer. He stands alone the official monument of fraud and lies. That his opinions are regarded of no consequence whatever the vote of the house of representatives and in the senate is conclusive. His reasons for the veto are disregarded, and his authority spit upon. As the agent of the Shylocks he is despised, and his veto message is likely to create a demand for his removal from office. The people are tired of this eternal antagonism to their interests, and since Hayes has no valid title to the office he holds, and uses his authority only to oppose the welfare of the country, it is more than likely that the people will demand bis resignation or his impeachment for complicity with the Louisiana returning board frauds. At any rate, his influence as president Is gone. He has shown his hand, and done his utmost to crush the p?ople. Henceforth there will be no peace for Iliyes. A fraud from the beginning, he may escape the penitentiary, but by common consent ho will be regarded as despicable as Anderson, or any of the returning board miscreants. The silver bill is a law in spite of Hayes, and the country will rejoice. ncsontvr.t Ain ukeohack Mrs. The Terre Haute Express evidently fears that agreat'many honest and sensible '"greenback 'men" will indorse the democratic platform and vote the democratic ticket. The indications are that the fears of the Express will be fully realized. The Kxpress gives a "few" of what it styles "good reasons why green'back men should not support the democratic "party." None ot the reasons stated are formidable, but they are exceedingly partisan. The Express objects to the democratic party, "because democrats have always held their greenbackism second to their democ"racy." This fact should exalt the democratic party in the estimation of tUe Express. Demcracy is a fundamental principle upon which the superstructure of the government is reared. Greenbacks, however desirable, are an incident, and, therefore, are of secondary importance, as the Express will doubtless admit Destroy democracy, and no government by the. people exists; but a government by the people might exist and endure if the full greenback era were not at once inaugurated. The Express seems willing to admit that the democratic party has been steadily growing in popular favor; that it has improved its policy, eliminated errors, grown In the knowledge of the truth, and niada commendable progress in overwhelming the radical party by exposing its errors, frauds and crimes, and yet the Express i3 not satisfied. The Express sees the democratic party in power in the national bouse of representatives, and knows that very soon it will control the senate, and that it is still marching -on to other conquests, which must redound to the welfare of the country. The Express, we say, sees and knows all these things, notwithstanding which it is willing to say that "the Indiana democracy are yielding to and not leading public sentiment." The Express can hardly expect any large measure of success in antagonizing a party, whether it is yielding to or leading public sentiment, for in either case It mu3t of necessity be in sympathy with public sentiment, and it is not wise or prudent to make distinctions when differences, if tney exist at all, are so trivial that splitting hairs becomes an unprofitable employment, in which neither democrats nor greenback men will engage. We are not advi.ed to any great extent as to the acceptability of the democratic platform by the "greenback men" ot the state, but so far as our information extends U is received with decided favor. The same is true with regard to thousands of republicans. This is just what might hava been expected. The platform enunciates grevt principles; meeta the. most urgen: demands of all panics; advocates measures which are fraught with good to the state and the country at large. These positions are absolute verities of current history. The democratic party, sines it obtained control of the national house of representatives, has massed its forces in favor of reforms Id every department of the government; compelled thieves to step down and out; forced the removal of federal troopi from the southern states; renionetiiied ilver, and advocated tlv repeal of the resumption law. Notwithstanding all this the Kxpress is willing to tell its readers that the career of the

democratic party for the past seventeen years "almost forbids that it should become force in reform." The people of Indiana are not likely to allow suc'i talk to deflect them from their purpose to better their condition, or to allow the ambitions of a few aspirants to triumph at the eipense of the business welfare of the state. The general good is now demanded, aad since the demo, cratic party is in a better position to secure it than any other party, the people of Indiana are likely to place their votes where they will secure the largest and the most lasting benefits. DIVERSITY OF LABOR. The average Shylock organ is always ready with excuses for the universal depression in business, shrinkage in values, bankruptcy, idleness and poverty. They have a cata logue of set phrases. Sometimes it is "over 'production," another time "speculation.", An "inordinate desire to grow rich" is made to account for hard times. And again the difficulty is accounted for by the "laziness 'of the people." When a remedy is demanded the Shylock organs are equally ready. They say "go to work, be economical, live within your means," etc., etc., but if these panaceas are found insufficient, then comes the old prescription: "Goto 'firming." "Go west and grow up with the country." We have no fault to find with agriculture as a business; we recognize fully its itnporten.ee, but we suolait that farming is not the remedy for existing business depression. The people can not all be farmers, nor would it be for the public welfare if it 'were possible. Evidence is abundant that farming interests have not been overlooked. The country is overflowingly full of food, but strange to say, thousands of homes are suffering the pangs of hunger. The St. Louis Globa-Democrat says: The country ha ho tie things to groan over; tnitHe W thoroughly at a loss In its calculations J manufactures are bankrupt; and yet we never had a more bountiful harvest than in 1877. The land teemed with every variety of product. There was enough and to spare for every citizen of the Union. The difficulty evidently has risen from the fa ft that too small a proportion of our population has been In the direct line oi production. The plentiful or kui crabuudant provision of nature fell lavishly Into the ha mis of a Mnaller number than it was intended for. That we have land enough to pro vid comfort aud competence for every one who will work Is "self evident. The lazy will be badly off under all circumstances, and neither nature nor neighbor can make them )ermaneutly contented or happy. Here we have a Shylock organ admitting'the fact that harvests have been "bountiful;" that "traffic is at a loss in its calculations," and that "manufactures are bankrupt." To cure these ills more ' farming is recommended. The fallacy of the proposition is too apparent to require contradiction. There has been no lack ot farming. The harvests attest the fact, but the farmer has not been able to save the manufacturer. Abundant crops have not kept railroads from bankruptcy. Cheap food and starvation are facts that stand side

by side; and still the Shylocks, while oppos ing every measure calculated to revive general industries of the country, set ma chinery in motion, give artisans, mechanics and laborers employment, wages and food, exclaim, "Go to farming!" "There is land 'enough forall!" "Cease your idleness!" "Cultivate the soil and hush your lamentations!" If Shylocks, by their grasping, devilish policy close factory and shop, forge and mill, and turn thousands of skilled mechanics upon the street, their victims are denounced as vagabonds and told to "go to farming." If these victims of a legislation that crushes like an anaconda, withers like a sirocco, devours like a vulture and kills like a scourge,' demand a hult in the march of business curses, Shylocss advocate shooting them down on the streets as if they were wild beasts or mad dogs. What Is wanted is not so much more farming as less Shylock influence and rule in the legislation of the country. Instead of contracting the currency and shrinking values out of sight, the country needs more currency and more confidence. Instead of urging men to go to farming, the demand is that Shylocks shall be compelled to take their vulture beaks out of the vitals of the business of the country. When this Is accomplished there will be a revival of industries, producer and consumer will mutually advance each other's weifare, and there will be less clamor for mechanics and laborers to seek on the wild lands of the west means to keep them alive. Diversity of industries is the great demand of the times, and this will be accomplished when the people instead of Shylocks control legislation. HIGH SCHOOLS . rilEK SCHOOLS. Evidences are multiplying that high schools as adjuncts of the free 6chool system are becoming unpopular with tax-payers generally, and tbe whole question is destined at an early day to be subjected to a very thorough and critical examination with regard to cost and benefits. The Chicago Times, in a recent issue, devotes considerable space to tho subject, and demonstrates by what appears as entirely reliable data that the cost of high school education, as compared with the free school expenditures, is out of all reasonable proportion. The Times holds that the high schools ot that city "are not iu reality a part 'of the common school system," but on the contrary are "costly, special and select 'schools, limited to the social use and 'advantage of a few," and adds: Ihey are uot commou schools, for they are not schools com iuou to all ptipl a within what U called the "scupol age." 1 iey are a species of co lege, to which only such pupils are adiu tiled ms have passed turouh the common 1 schools (those from private schools being absolutely excluded) and taey are nut common even to them, for only such can gaiu admittance as pass a prescribe! examination In preparatory studies. They are lu ihe strictest seuae of the term select school, whose doo:s are cloaed auiust pupils lu cwnunon, and are open ir.iy to such as ar aelecled by tbe prescribed method. Let us test toe propod'lon by the facts. The latest fechool cetwi shows that Ihe e are iu Chicago of the "school age" ( from tt to i y arsj, lhi,18l children. The common schools arts open to all these children -there Is uodwrlmligation, no test by wliihthey ca beexcluded. llut th . common school accommodation ar iu-tulllcient for ail, or for1 half of them. The tclioot tUtuislic show that the total number of pupil lu ihe common school ot thU city 1 ouy a little over 4i,ouo. Hut the mmlwr of private schools In the city Is greater than tbe lumber of public, (ia t. support d) scuooU, and thestatis lc-i show that tUtJ uumlier of pupils lu tne piivate m.-uo its is anoul ltS,lM. . n the pubilo and the prlvuic ach'sjls together, the wnole numb-r of pupiia Is, thertfoie, 71,1X10, l3avuiK over &i,i o who, if they are not found In the h zli schools, are apparently nt aitendauis npon any tchoois whatever. Th wiiold number of pupils in the hitth B-hools Is less thau nittcn hundred. Appa-rvnllj. then, tneru are 6ljH cml'lreii, of toe school aae, in the fctreets ot Cl.lcago, whooJKUt tub in the puollcs' hools, but who aru txci uded thervrvai by the loo

limi'ed accommodations. But this apparent number Is not the real number; because a great many boys and girls, upon arriving at the age of 15 or i3, are taken out of the schools of tueory and placed In the (to them) more valuable schools of practice, tbe shop aud tbe counting hou e, where the education which will be niOHt serviceable to them lu the struggle for existence U acquired by tbe tuition of Win most uselulof all U-aobors, experience. Tbe real number of children In Chica.o that ought to le in tbe public school is perhaps one-tbid of the number who, from the bcIiooI records, appear to oe out of school say 12,000. These are excluded fiom Ihe common ehool, In which they have an e)ual right with all other chi dren, mainly because the common school accommodations are insufficient. In response to the query, why are common school accommodations insufficient? the Times answers by saying that "the money 'contributed by the tax payers in common 'for tbe support of common schools has been 'largely misappropriated to the establish'ment and support of select schools, from 'which pupils in common are excluded," and adds: Tbe kooooI statistics tor 1S77 are not yet published (the foregoing figures being approximations.) Hut the ncho 1 report tor 176 snows that the total average number of pupils In the public schools wa 3.S.081. The total number in the "hlgu ncliooU" was: Central high school 3X0 North division hlh snhnol ..,.,,.. 82 Bou'h division high school-.............. 1S2 West division higti school.....-.- 'JT.t Normal department 91 Total in high schools .....l,0t9 From which it appears that the number of pupils in the high schools In 1876 whs only 2! jer cent, of the whole number in the public hdiools. The total current cost of the schools In that year was S71U.H2S- The total current cost of the h gh schools was 5'c',rc From which It will be seen that though the high schools served onlyJS percent, of all the pupil", they consumed i percent, of the school money. The same fact Is exhibited In another way. The expense per pupil of supporting tbe common school in lS7t appears iroin the report to have vr ed in the ditlerent schools from f 12 tti lof2U.it the exense being hihf-sl in those schools where Gemini and o'her foreign languages are taught to a tew pupils. The average expanse per pupil in the common wnools was tlS.btf. Iu the select or high schools the ex

pense per pupil was as follows: No. pupils, Central high . ) North division high K2 South division hixh... . 12 West division high 274 Normal department. M Ex. per pupli. (to 14 4i 68 31 60 41 r5 61 12 Total pupils 1,(K)9 Av. foO 01 From which the reader will nee that the averageexpense per pupil, for the Vi per cent, ol the pupils served by the high schools, was nearly three times the average expense per pupil of the 97 ier cent, of the pupils served by the common schools. Can any rational person pretend that schools which serve only 2 per cent, of all the pupils that participate In the benefits of t'.e school fuud school from which t7 per cnU of those pupils are excluded schools which consume 7 per cent, of the school money for the special benefit of percent. f the pupils who share In the public school system schools lor t he special education of so insieniflcani a fraction ot the pupils at nearly three times the expense per pupil that pears in the common schools can any person of respectable understanding pretend to say that such 8eclal schools for the few at the cost of a fund which belongs equally to all, are common schools? Ii 1h perfectly absurd to call the common school. Common schools are schools which are common to and for all, and from which none is excluded by any test of education, of social status or of anythiuK else. The subject is also being discussed in tbe east, and we see it stated that: The board of education in New York a few days ago reduced the salaries of teachers very materially at Chicago the propriety of curtailing the time for teaching has been taken under serious consideration as a necessary exI pedietit to i educe public expenses. The board ot education at Kocties'er, N. Y., has votttl, li to 5, to abolish the free nc :demy in that c.ty on the ground, which Is the correct principle, that the state has no i l!it to educate bevond what is known a the common ludlmcnu rending, writing and arithmetic. As tbe discussion proceeds it will be required of the advocates of the high schools as a part of the free school system to show that the common and high schools combined are of fo much importance to the perfection of the system of common school education, and cf such advantage to the state that the high schools can not ba discontinued as a rart of the system without great injury. THE AR3IY. The times are hard, money scarce and business is prostrate. Economy is therefore in order. The democratic party is pledged to retrenchment and reform. Since it has been in power in the national Louws of representatives it has saved the country many mil lions of dollars, and still it is pruning. It has now got to the army, and proposes to save annually $1,500,000 to the tax burdemed people of the country. Messrs. Banning and Bragg, of the military committee, both soldiers, have been doing some excellent work which has been approved -by the military committee, and the bill prepared lops off a great number of army abuses. IJslow we give the charges the bill makes in the pay of ofMcers.

c c S si3,vn t lo.ooii ll,utn 7,oio 7,-VK) 5,00 h, M) 4.S00 V!0 3,'i.Ju 3,'W 3,000 2.5011 2,b 2.0UI 1,K(). i. mx i jim 1,8U 1,K I,i0 LtiOO 1,000 J.5U0 l,"x)0 1,100 1,500 ' 1,400 1.I0O 1,K) l,l 1,1'Kl ii I.KIJO

'A Oeneral - . Lieutenant tieneral..... Major (ivineralBrigadier GeneiaL Colonel I-ieuteuaiit Colonel 1 1 3 11 7 M IV 40 41 5M &0 415 4 IS 31 1 Major Cupialu (mounted) Cajvain (not mounted) ......... Art j u ta n t ItcKlmental Quartermaster.. Ftrst Lieutenttnt (mounted).. First Lieutenant (not mount ed) Second Lieutenant (mount (fll ) Second Lieutenant (not mounted). Chaplain . ...... Ordnance Storekeeper.Offioers hereafter are not to have the same allowances for commutation and forage, but the efficiency of the officers in the field hJ3 not been diminished. Oihcers of the army hereafter will have to receive such quarters as the United States furnish. As a consequence commutation for quarters is abedl:hed, and officers doing holiday duty in the various cities and posts will have no advantage in this regard over the brave fellows who are on duty, hunting Indians.' This one item will save the government several hundred thousand dollars annually, money for the expenditure of which there has been no authority. If officers want to live in hotels or in fine residences they will have to foot the bills. As a matter of course the officers kick like mules, but abuses will have to be stopped whether they are pleased or displeased. Thk fact is stated oliicially that in the departments at Washington women are doing work for $G00, while men are receiving $1,200, $1,400 and $1,000 for doing precisely the same work. Tut. general impression seems to be that Hayes, the presidential fraud, will add to the load of infamy he now carries by vetoing the silver bill. Haves can not veto Anderson out of prison.

REPUBLICAN DEATH STRUGGLE.

Tbe Reason of Mr. Hayes's Fall a re and the Doom of tbe llepabllcan Party George W. Julian Writes tbe Obituary of the Party. From the North American Revlew.l It was not strange, therefore, that tbe old leaders assumed the eat ire direction and management of tbe canvass for Governor Hayes. They were entitled to it by the logic of politics. Instead of advocating the reforms specified in the Cincinnati platform and his letter of acceptance, they studiously avoided all reference to them. The question -of our civil service was not discussed, and if mentioned at all it was in the way of laudation. The whole management of the canvass assumed that the administration of Governor Hayes, should he be elected, would be a continuation of that of General Grant. The canvass, In fact, was merely a renewal of the struggle between the policy of hate and the policy of reconciliation which had so long divided the people, and under cover of which political demoralization was rapidly reaching its climax. It was a new arid enlarged edition of the conflicts of 13G3 and 1872, in which 'the republican leaders in every section of the' Union labored incessantly to unite the party and energize its action by keeping at a white heat the animosities en gendered by the war. Governor Hayes serenely looked on, and if he did not expressly sanction this mode of conducting tee canvass, he certainly could not have been ignorant of the raaue on which the battle was being waged, and the methods employed to secure the victory. If it had been known that after reaching the presidency be would openly espouse the democratic policy respecting the affairs of tho south, and set his face against the corrupt use of the public patronage which had prevailed under his predecessor, we are confident he would not have received a single vote at Cincinnati, nor have been thought ot as even a possible candidate. His election was the triumph of. the ''machine politicians," because tuey had a perfect right to claim it a i legitimately redounding to their glory and advantage; and it should surprise no one that they are now banded against him as his enemies, and determined to punish him for recreancy to party obligations by which he had fairly bound himself in the acceptance of his nomination and the attitude be maintained during tbe canvass. But let us follow tbe fortunes of the party a little further, and- note the efforts it put forth to prolong its unhallowed rule. Its career thus far bad made it perfectly certain that it would not willingly resign its hold on power, and would scruple at no means ot prolonging its life; but the memories of the war could not last forever. In peace or in strife the people of tbe lately warring sections of the Union were destined to live together, and it was the clear interest of both that the past should be forgotten in the rivalries of a common brotherhood for the common weal. The grand achievements of the party during the war could not always form the basis and mainspr ng of its life, and bide from the people the frightful abuses which at last threatened the existence of our institutions. The death struggle of the party was alarmingly foreshadowed by events, but its trained captains, girding themselves for the work, and relying npon the same party devil worship which had served them so long, prepared for the final conflict That they still acted upon tbe darling theory that the overthrow of the party would involve the certain ruin of the country, and that its continued ascendency was therefore to be maintained at all hazard, was abundantly demonstrated by unmistakable facts, to which we must now invita the attention of the reader. On the morning of the day following the presidential election the opinion generally prevailed that Tilden and Hendricks had been chofen. The leading organs of republicanism conceded the fact, and several of them indulged in melancholy moralizings over the event. Democrats, of course, rejoiced, but their joy was short-lived. A tflegram from William E. Ciiandler was eon ilished over the wires, claiming the election of Hiyes and Wheeler by one majority of the electoral college, aDd by the votes of the very states which were finally counted in their favor, through the electoral commission. This claim was at once asserted by the republican press and politicians throughout the country, and was never abandoned. Mr. Chandler was a very active and prominent republican politician, a mem ber of the national executive committee, and perfectly notorious as a most unscrupulous partisan. He is tbe same gentleman whose services in Florida afterward proved so valuable to his party in securing the count of that state for the republican candidates, in defiance of both fact and law, and who has since publicly defended the action of the Louisiana returning board in throwing out Governor Tildecfs majority ot more than 700 votes, on the ground that "the national exigency demanded it." The supporters of Tilden and Hendricks were su prised and alarmed by Mr. Chandler's telegram, and Mr. Hewitt, chairman of the national democratic committee, soon afterward invited several representative public men, of both political parties, to repair to New Orleans for the purpose of securing a fair count of the vote of Louisiana. The president, prolessiDg to have the cause of honesty and fair dealing at heart, extended a similar invitation to a number of prominent politicians, but all, be it noted, members of the republican party, and the chief of them very decided partisans. He also ordered to lxnriiana an imposing militarv force to preserve peace and good order, and stc that the returning board was unmolested in tbe performance of its duty; but, as he had destroyed civil government in the state by the bayonet at the bidding of his party in lf72, it was not easy to see tho necessity for this military order, unless some new outrage was contemplated. It should also be remembered that, according to his own de clared opinion, the state was in such a condition of lawlessness that its vote Ehould not be counted, which was an admission that Tilden and Hendricks had been elected. On their arrival in New Orleans, the men who had responded to Mr. Hewitt's request proposed to Senator Sherman and the republicans associated with bim a joint conference and friendly co-operation, with the view to a just aud satisfactory settlement of thothreatening political controversy. But this proposition was summarily rejected, on the pretext that these representative republicans had no legal authority to interfere witn the vote of the state, or the action of its officers in canvassing it; and when they were reminded that no such authority had been thought of, und that the proposed conference contemplated only such moral influence as it might be able to exert, these republicans disavowed any authority or wish to interfere with the action of the returning board even to that extent, and thereby left the public completely in the fog as to the meaning of their mission. It is very difficult t j reconc le this conduct with the claims of honesty and patriotism, since a single tamest word on their part in the interest of peace and fair play would almost certainly have been heeded, while their refusal to act necessarily roused the suspicion that they sympatkized with the determination of the returning hourd to count the state for Hayes and Wheeler at all events, and were present for the purpose of abetting that object. The character of the returning board gives a still keener edpe to these facts. It was tbe creature and instrument ot a state government founded in flagrant usurpation and fraud. Although the law creating it required that its members should belong to ditlerent political parties, they wern all repubncins, and two of thetn officers in the custom house at New Orleans. The entire clerical force of the board was also composed of republicans. who would, of course, be the ready instru ments ot their employers. Its members were ihe same men who sat upon it in 187 i, and otter the election in that year took the ma ioritv of votes from one side and gave it to the other by "unjust, arbitrary and illegal

acts," as admitted by a republican coEgreasional committee. The president of the board had branded himself as a perjurer in the testimony he had given respecting the state elaction of that year, and had disgraced himself by his political rascality and disregard of law while holding his gubernatorial office in 18G7. The Itoard has been characterized by -Hon. William A. Wheeler as "a disgrace to civilization." and was covered with universal suspicion. And yet, John Sherman, Stanley Matthews, James A. Garfield and their republican associates, in rejecting the proposition for a joint political, conference, declared that they had no reason ' to doubt that a perfectly honest and just declaration of the results of the election In Louisiana would be made by its members, while Mr. Sherman pronounced Mr. Wells "the peer of any man in the Benate!" Tbejteliet that these republican leaders had united with the returning board in its conspiracy to cheat the people of the United States received further confirmation in its action while canvassing the votes. The board persistently trampled upon the law ! under which it acted, by refusing to fill the vacancy in its membership and supply the political element which was wanting. It wrapped Itself in the mantle of darkness while pretending to discharge its duties, by excluding from its sessions the public, the general press reporters, the supervisors and registers of election, and the candidates for office and their attorneys. In a number ot instances the sealed returns from distant parishes were clandestinely opened, and the papers tampered with after they had been received by the board, as was shown by the inspection on the canvass of the return. It was simply iiupo sible to attend its-daily sessions and scruliniza its action without realizing that forgery, perjury and fraud were liberally woven into the work. It j flagrantly violated the law from which it derived its authority, by throwing out the ballots of seven or "eight thousand legally) qualified democratic voters in order to secure a republican victory. There was no charge of repeating, ballot stuffing or fraudulent returns, and their action was founded solely on the complaint of intimidation; and with that they had nothing whatever to do, unless thecommisf ionerof election or supervisors of registration had laid the foundation for it by tneir affidavits, setting forth the facts of any riot, tumult, acts of violence, intimidation, armed disturbance or corrupt influences which prevented or tended to prevent a fair, free and peaceable election, and showing the number of qualified electors de.erred by such proceedings from voting or registering. These statements must be made out within 24 hours after tbe receipt of all the returns for the different polling places, and must bs forwarded in duplicate to the supervisor of registration of the parish. If this foundation was not laid the board had no jurisdiction whatever, except to count the votes returned; and as the fact is undenied and undeniable that no such foundation was laid, the action of the board in counting the vote of the state for Hayes and Wheeler was an vtter defiance of its laws, a flagrant outrage and a hideous mockery of representative government But the line of argument we are pursuing does not end herd. Tilden and Hendricks were coun ed out in Iiouisiana, but the nation was not yet cheated. The house of representatives was in the hands of the democrats, and, if the concurring action of both houses of congress was required in counting the electoral vote, the triumph of Hayes and Wheeler was not yet assured. The grand conspiracy might fail after all; for tbe riht of the vice president to count the vote and declare the result had been denied by nearly all the lending men of the country, of whatever party. Indeed, according to an unbroken chain of precedents beginning with the election of Washington and reaching down to the year 1870, the counting of the electoral vote is rightfully done by congress, or under its authority and direction; while the right of the vice president to c Mint or canvass it has never been claimed by any presiding officer of the senate, at any time or under any circumstances. The twenty-second joint rule, adopted in lSfio by a republican congress, was an eipress recognition of the rigiit of the two bouses of congress to determine tbe question. To this rule and the principle it recognized nearly all tbe leading republicans in the senate stood committed, and their decided opinions

on the subject had been recorded in its de- j bates within the preceding 10 or 12 months. What was to be done? How could tbe dem ocrats be kept out of power, and the reign of republicanism ba prolonged, if these precedents were to be considered as binding? The difficulty was not insurmountable. "Where there is a will there is a way," and the case was a plain one in the eyescf the leaders, who regarded a new lease of republican power as a foreordained necessity, and bad never faltered in their pursuit of it since they had been summoned to their task by tbe telegram of Wm. E Chandler. The republican party was stretched on its bed of death, and gasping out its prayer for deliverance from the judgment to come; and if any nostrums would save it they must be administered. The inauguration of Hayes and Wheeer was a foregone conclusion, and, a3 this could only be done through the canvass and count of the electoral vote by the' vice president precedents must be "disregarded and that officer must face the duty. Accordingly Senator Morton, always ready to sacrifice either principle or consistency in the service ot his party, announced that the president of the senate would count tho electoral vote and declare the result, and that, if necessary, it would be enforced by the army and navy. A decided majority ot his party Iriends were ready to join him in this somersault, and the vice president r.vowed his readiness to play hi, yart v7-7Ia th nrpi ilpnt who s VP have said, believed the vote of Louisiana should not be counted, proceeded to mas his troops in the capital. Whether this revolutionary conspiracy would have been attempted if the deniooi-at3 bad been ready to sand by their constitutional rignts can never be certainly known; but the spirit and aim of the republican leaders were perfectly developed and worked out the desired result. A single further Illustration of the domin ating idea and ruling passion of tbe republi can party remains to be noticed. Ihe elec toral commission, which was agreed to under the apprehension of civil war, contained a republican majority of eight to seven. That that majority, itself the product of the party and representative of its ideas and policy, would suddenly call a halt in the march of events through which 40 000 000 of people were to be deprived of the right to choose their chief functionaries was not to be believed for a moment by any man who would soberly ponder the question. That the democratic leaders and masses were so ready to confide in tbe honor and patriotism of a commission so constituted seemed to us then, as it dots to day, a ma'.ter of profound amazement. The crime of the commission, it is true, was perfectly matchless and continental in its proportions, and it was followed by the trover and conversion of the very principles on which the battle for Tilden and Hendricks had betn fought But it was not an eccentric fact, suddenly miking its apparition in our politics, in defiance of the law of cause and effect. It was tbe child of the fonl anc?stry wlrch could not fail to give it birth. It was simply tbe leaf aud flower of Ions years of political corruption and prosperous guilt. It was the achievement of trained mercenaries, who had no mastered the whole gamut of knavery and fraud that their marvelous skill naturally culminated in the theft of the presidency. This is the naked truth in its last analysis. The republican jugps and politicians on the commission simply acted after tbeir kind. They were, them Ives, parts of a long us-h! political machinery which had allowed no obstacle to stand In its path. We believe they felt their owo helplessness as keenly as they deplored the ugly work it imposed. They must have b)en aware of tbe dishonesty and corruption cf tha returning board of Louis

iana. They knew, of course, that Tilden and Hendricks' had carried the state by not far from 8,000 majority. They knew that there was no pretext whatever on which that majority could be destroyed, except that of int'midation, and that he board totally disregarded those provisions of the state law, a compliance with which alone could give it any jurisdiction whatever over the question, or any authority" except to count tue votes cast. They knew that tbeir refusal to look into the merits of the controversy was based upon technical grou&ds alone, end that without going behind tbe returns at all, but only to the returns, it was perfectly competent for them to execute the known will of the nation. But they were republicans, and had long breathed the unwholesome atmosphere of their party. They were thoroughly imbued with its spirit and traditions. They were working for their employers, and could not be expected to rid themselves of tbe feeling of party obligation, when the party itself wason trial for its life. Like other republicans, they regarded the triumph of the democrats as a national calamity, and esteemed the continuance of republican rule asan impelling desideraturs, and they sought their justification in tbe same reasoning which the party leaders bad so long employed to cover up their misdeeds and justify tbe continued existence of their organization. Such are the lengths to which the republi can party has been driven by its long indulged greed of power and the spoil?, and the devilish infatuation that Its gooel behavior during thewarcouli justity its career of lawlessne-s and crime. But its final card has been played. The cup of its transgressions is full, and its hoarded iniquities have at last brought it to judgment. The president of the United States is the incumbent of an office to which he was never elected, and was finally counted in upon the pledge of his most intimate and trusted friends that he would turn his back upon the very issue on which he bad been supported in the canvass. While vainly striving to wipe out "the damned spot" in the record of his title, the villains of tbe Louisiana returning board, by whose crimes he mounted into power, are in the clutches of the law; and the republican statesmen who abeited the foul plot by their presence and moral support are evidently troubled by a "fearful looking for of judgment to come." He has mortally offended the great leaders who directed and inspired his canvass, whom he is now striving to hold at bay, and has shamefully mocked the demand of the better element of his party for the reform of administrative abuses. In view of the well drilled cohorts of corruption which confronted him, tbe thorough, reform of our civil service would be an exceedingly difficult problem it he were a man of iron will, perfect courage and absolute devotion to his task. Even then it might not be possible without a popular uprising akin to that which drove the Tammany thieves from their strongholds. It certainly can not be hoped for through a weak, irresolute executive, holding his office by fraud, anxious to colciliate the men who deserve no quarter, and afraid to look the situation bravely in the face. This has been demonstrated already by facts which deserve a passing notice. Mr. Filley, a politician and intriguer of very bad repute, is reappointed postmaster at St. Louis. Mr. Stou?hton has been made minister to Russia as a reward undoubtedly for his services in carrying Louisiana for the president in defense of "clerical errors.' The two chief criminals of the Louisiana returning board have at all times bad free aecrss to he white house as trusted friends, and are yet holding their important positions in the New Orleans custom house, while imprisoned as criminals. Just as if Grant were still president. Babcock continues to bask in the fcunthir.e of executive approval. The removal of Mr. Arthur from the custom housa in New York, after great and inexcusable delay, was accompanied by the oiler to him of the I'aris consulate, being an evident mana-uvre of the president to keep on both sides of the civil service question. Mr. Simmons still holds his position in Boston; while Mr. Cornell is allowed to retain his surveyorship in New York, after his open defiance of the president's order. The former tools of the Union I'acific railroad have been reappointed government directors of that company. Toe president treats tbe office of consul general at Frankfort on-the-Main as a personal irquisite, by bestowing it upon his private secretary. The offer of the English mission to the Pennsylvania delegation in congress was a palpable disregard of civlil service reform, as the president himself has defined it, and so was the offer of the German mission to the delegation from Illinois, and the nomination of Mr. San ford as minister to Belgium. He allows his first assistant postmaster general to send out blanu through the mails to members of congress, to be filled by them with the names of such persons as they may see ' fit to recommend for office. Many of his appointments, like those of bis predecessor, are bestowed as rewards for political services, while the public is left to believe that he is still dispensing his patronage for the purpose of breaking up tne democratic party. Some of the newspapers which haye been foremost in his defense now declare that in the matter of reform he has been as Unstable as water, and that, like the fabled frog in tbe well, he jumps three feet forward and falls back four. A man of his mingled obstinacy and irresolution, and so liberally dowered with feebleness, may aggravate existing political throubles, but can not remove them. Should be surrender himself entirely to the old managers, he will be more irretrievably disgraced than he is already. Should he continue his game of last and loose, be will fare no better. Should he now abandon his temporizing policy and inaugurate the right against roguery which has bn so criruina.'ly delayed, he will fail through the lack of that earnest, well drilled and united opinion in his own p ;rty which any president must have in a trying situation, and which results chiefly from the belief in his treachery on the southern question. In any event the party itself is doomed. It lies wallowing in the mire of itsapestacy, the helpless victim of its leaders and the specta

cle cf the nation. Its race is run, and our ta.sk fitly ends with its death struggle. The mn who have led it into dishonor and shame will take their place along with the recreant leaders of the past, whose political graves are eloquent with warnings against their example; while the hones-t but misguided men in its ranks, profiting by their mistakes, will find other tasks awaiting them in the political reconstruction which draws nigh. Another World Fable. New York World. XII THE WOLF IX CHEAP CLOTUIXO. An elderly Black Sheep of Means having advertised for a Housekeeper, received a Keply on scented Taper, directing him to call at a certain Thicket. On doing so, what was bis Amazement to find himself confronted by a Wolf in Cheap Clothing, who immediately sprang upon him and devoured him! Moral. Served Him Right. XIII. THE 1-K01I.AL 80X AND THE FATTKI) CAL A IV ted Cilf, hearing an unusual Stir in the Household of its Owner, inquired the Cause thereof, and was informed that its O-vner's Prodigal Son had just returned from a Foreign Tour, whereia he had acquired much Etperiencd in the matter f lUilroad Ties. "In that case," said the Fatted Calf, excitedly, 4,I have no Business here. Far be it from me to intrude on the Sacredness of a Tarent's Joy. Two's Company, but three isn't," and he fled into the Wilderness before the Rejoicing Sire could ask what there was in the Hou for Dinner". Moral lletter is a Dinner on Herbs than to be a Fatted Calf at a lSmquet. The Missiouri state prohibition central committee met here to day and resolved to call a state conventioa to meet at St. Lsuia on June C to nominate a et:t4 ticket.