Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 27, Number 21, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 January 1878 — Page 7

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY MOBNING. JANUAKY 9, 1878.

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THE REPUBLICANS ts. HAYES.

One of the Old School Denounces the Fraudulent President T7i roll, Complete, and Accurate Text r the Hon. William E. Chandler) letter to tb Itepnbllcans or ' New Hampshire. INew York Hon. Coxcord, N. II., Dec. 20. To the Republicans of New Hampshire: It is my privilege and duty as your representative on the republican national committee to state to you the reasons for my hostility to the so called southern policy of the administration of President Hayes. The presidential campaign of 1S7G was carried on with no announced change of the principles of the republican party con- . cerning the southern states lately In rebellion. The Cincinnati convention had declared the republican party, to be "sacredly pledged'' to tbe complete protection of all citizens of tho Swtith '"in the free enjoyment of all their Tights." "We declare it to be the solemn oil Ration of the legislative and executive departments of the government to put in immediate exercise all their conetirutional powers for securing to every American citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the exercise of all civil, political, and public rights. To his end we imperatively demand a congress and chief executive whose courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these results are placed bejond dispute or recall." Mr. George William Curtis, in the convention, had commended his favorite candidate as one who, "armed with the power of the government of the United States as district attorney of Kentucky, hunted and hunted and hunted the ku-klux until the ku-klux disappeared. The life of every man in the south is safe in the hands of this man from Kentucky, who has known, as yoa of the south have bitterly learned, the mortal perils of the struggle." Gov. Hayes, in his letter of acceptance, indorsed the resolutions, and specially declared himself in favor of "the complete protection of all citizens in the free enjoyment of all their constitutional rights." "What the pouth most needs is peace, and peace depends upon the supremacy of the law. There can be no enduring peace if the constitutional rights of any portion of the people are habitually disregarded." The candidate for vice president, the Hon. "William A. Wheeler, announced it to be the mission of the parly to secure "to every Amtrican citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the exercise of all civil, political and public rights. This will be accomplished only when the American citizen, without regard to color, shall wear the panoply of citizenship as freely and securely in the cine brakes of Louisiana as on the banks cf the St. Lawrence. The presidential campaign was carried on, so far as methods and utterances were concerned, in no respects differently from the campaigns of 18W and 1872. The duty of the federal government to interfere by all possible constitutional and legal means for the protection of life and a free ballot at the south was the principal issne of the contest. The "bloody shirt." as it is termed, was freely waved, and Governor Hayes himself urged prominent public men to put forward, as our best argument, the dangers of "rebel rule and a solid south." On the 8th of November, when he thought himself defeated, he uttered these words: I do not care for myself, but I do care for the poor colored men of the south. Northern men can not live there, and will leave. The southern people will practically tr-at the constitutional amendmenu as nullities, and then the colored man's fare will be worse than when he was in (slavery. That la the only reason 1 regret the news Is as it la. Oa this main issue, the necessity of keeping federal power in republican hands and using it for the protection of black and white southern republicans was the presidential campaign, by Governor Haves' advice and procurement, earned on and won. II. Oa the morning of the 7th of November it was apparent tha Hayes and Wheeler were elected by one majority, if South Carolina, Florida and Louisiana had given them their votes. But immediately the Tilden forces hungry northern and desperate southern democrats determined to preveut the countins of the votes of those states for the republican candidates; and threats, attempts to bribe, and all manner of foul influences were arrayed to seduce or intimidate the local republican officials who were to declare the result. To counteract these machinations, Governor Hayes sent a Urge array of distinguished persona to the contested states from Ohio, notably the following: Messrs. John Sherman, afterward made secretary of the treasury; Stanley Matthews, private counsel for Governor Hayes, afterward made United States senator by his influence; Edward F. Noyes, afterward made minister to France; John Little, Governor Hayes' attorney general; rJamnel Shellabarger, Governor Hayes' private counsel; James A. Garfield, member of electoral commission, and administration candidate for speaker; and many others went there from other sections. In South Carolina and Florida, owing to the manifest facts and to the noble fearlessness of Governor Daniel II. Chamberlain and Governor Marcel 1 us I Brearns in protecting the canvassing board?, the correct result of the election the choice of Hayes electorswas declared without extraordinary assurances from the nortbern visitors. In Louisiana, however, there had .been thrown Into the baliot boxes over 7,000 more votes for Tilden than for the Hayes electors, and to make Hayes president it became necessary for the returning board, acting under peculiar local laws, to throw out more than 7,000 Tilden votes on account of alleged murder, riot and intimidation, preventing a fair and free election in certain parishes. To perform this extraordinary, even If justifiable work, in the face of an armed and Infuriated democracy, required men of undaunted courag; and such courage the returning board possessed. It required, also, that the board should have assurances that the national exigency demanded its performance; that the moral sentiment of the north would approve it, end that they themselves should be protected from evil consequences to be apprehended from the violence of a mob government, which it was known would be established by one Nichol Is, pretender to the office of governor against Stephen B. Packard, who was sure to be foand elected governor if the Hayes electors should be found to have been chosen. All these assurances were freely and forcibly given by Senator Sherman and his associates. Mr. Stanley Matthews declared to Mr. J. E. Leonard, and on more than one occasion, that Hayes and Packard should stand or fall together. A reported interview of Governor Hayes, December 3, with Mr. W. R Roberts, of the New Orleans Times, having occasioned alarm as to the futnre course of the prospective president toward southern republicans and the Louisiana and South Carolina governments, Governor Hayes, through his private

secretary. Captain A. E. Lee, since made consul general to Frankfort, and General James M. Com by, of the Ohio State Journal, since made minister to the Sandwich Islands, denied the reported interview and all sympathy with the sentiments therein expressed. Kaconraged and forced forward by these assurances, the returning board boldly performed its dutr, gave voice to the murdered republicans of the bulldozed parishes of Louisiana, and made Hayes president and Packard governor of Louisiana,, by titles indtssolnbly connected in law, in morals, and by every rule ol honor that prevails among civilized men. The same tender rogard for the Louisiana republicans, and for the result which they had achieved, continued during the ensuing struggle in congress. The returning board were arrested and confined at Washington by the confederate houso of representatives. Sick, and in prison, -they were visited by Senator Sherman and his associates, and urged to stand firm until relief should come from the advent to power of the president whom they had made. Before the electorial commission, to maintain ana vindicate their work". Governor Hayes personally continned the employment of Messrs. Matthews and Shellabarger, while Senator Sherman, from his place in the senate, on December It, threatened negro insurrections unless Hayes should be counted in and the "poor colored men" placed under his devoted care: There are other remedies, but I do not like to discuss them. We can teach the negroes that they have an Inherent right ot self defense. The negro might soon be taught, especially in those parishes where there are three black men to one white man, that he has the right of well defense; but who wishes to even susr-test, or Intimate, or anticipate -such, horrors? Who wishes to see a war of races? Yet, rai her than see what has occurred in Louisiana, these men will learn that they can resent these outrages; that the negro can dufend his cabin, his wife, his children from these outrnges. and that he will be Justified by the laws of Gott and man In repelling these assaults, whether they come by dav or bv night. 1 do not want to see this done, "l fear it. ana yet it will come aniens you give to the negroes the rights which are secured to :hem by the constitution of the United States. 1 do believe that under a wise policy.wlth an administration that will be Arm In maintaining the rights of the blacks, as well as tejgenerons to the whites, all the clouds that are now lowei inj upon our house will pass away, and be in the deep bosom of the ocean buried. With substantial unanimity the republicans of the country seconded the determination of their representatives in congress to declare and achieve the election and inauguration of President Hayes; and the republican party was never more courageous, harmonious or united than on the day of his accession. III. Coming to the presidency under these remarkable circumstances, what should have been President Hayes' course? 1. Unquestionably he should have asserted in every possible way, the moral and legal validity of his own title, and of eyery step taken by his procurement or desire in the long series of events which established it. 2. He should have maintained faithful and scrupulous allegiance to the principles of the republican party, by proclaiming which the victory had "been won. and the

men of that party whose unprecedented efforts and cour.iga had elevated him to a station of the highest honor and power as its representative. 3. Above all, he should Lave avoided any yielding or concessions to the democratic party, from which the presidency had been so suddenly, unexpectedly, and exasperatingly wrested. It is inconceivable that any wise or honorable man should be willing to take the presidency and then sutler or effect any taint upon his own title. Governor Hayes bad it in his power at any moment from November 7 to March 4 to avoid the responsibilities of the office, but thought not of doing it. On the contrary, at every stage in the progress of the countings, state and national, his active influence was present through his counsel, agents and intimate friends pressing forward the struggle. Not declining, but eagerly demanding and taking the place, it nectssarily follows that he was bound to maintain the integrity of his claim thereto, and ot the means by which it was made effectual. Any other course would ba sure to bring deserved condemnation and disgrace upon himself, the men of the party who had been prominent in his behalf, and upon the party itself. To make concession to the defeated democracy, and to abandon tbe principles of his own party, would not only proclaim his doubts ns to the rightfulness of his own election, but would al.-K) be an admission that such election, even if rightful and honest, was undesirable for the country. If the men and principles of the democratic party were to control the country, why should they not do so through SamueJ J. Tilden, their appropriate representative? "Why the protracted labor, the high excitement, the dangerous struggle, the death or ruin of southern republicans if the principles of the republican party were to be abandoned and the administration to ba made democratic in all respects except in name? Wisdom and honor, therefore, it seems to me. clearly required that President nayes should maintain his own rightfulness of title, and stand by the men and principles of his party. Had be done so, in my belief, the democratic cry of fraud would have been the merest foily; the republican party would have remained dominant in every northern state and in several southern states, and would have swept tbe country in the recent fall election. Instead of all this, what do we see? IV. Almost the first act of the new administration was to fulfil a bargain that bad been made during the presidential contest, by which, if Hayes should be president, the lawful governments of Louisiana and South Carolina were to be abandoned and the mob governments ia those states were to be recognized and established. Certain democrats in the house of representatives, seeing that, by the recurring decisions of the electoral commission, and the regular proceedings of the two bouses under the electoral bill, which they had warmly supported, Hayes would surely be president, had conceived the plan of saving something from the wreck. They had therefore threatened, by dilatory motions and riotous proceedings, to break up the, count, and then opened negotiations with such timid or too eagerly expectant republicans as they could find ready. They had succeeded beyond their most sanguine expectations. Senator Sherman had visited Ohio and consulted Governor Hayes. Mr. 'Henri Watterson. a democratic member, and a nephew of Mr. Stanley Matthews, had acted as go between, and on the one side Messrs. Matthews, Charles Foster, John Sherman, James A. Garfield, and en tho other L. Q. C. Lamar, John B. Gordon, E. J. Ellis, Randall Gibson. E. A. Burke, and John' Young Brown had agreed: 1. That the count should not be broken up in the house, but that Hayes should be declared and inaugurated president; and 2. That upon Hayes' accession the troops should be withdrawn from protecting Governors Chamberlain and Packard, and that the new administration should recognize the governments of Wade Hampton in South Carolina, and F. IL Nicholls in Louisiana. By certain general and Indcinite letters,

since given to the public, by a secret writing now in the hands of E. A. Burke, and in other ways, the agreement was authenticated; and President Grant was immediately requested by Governor Hayes' counsel on no account to recogniz9 Packard or Chamberlain, but to leave the ultimate decision as to their fate to the incoming president. After the inauguration the bargain was speedily fulfilled. As soon as the electoral vote of their states was safe. Governors Packard and Chamberlain had been notified by Messrs. Matthews and Evarts to get out. Governor Chamberlain was now summoned to Washington and informed that he must surrender. He protested against his taking off. The president hesitated, but Wade Hamnton demanded the performance of the barga'm. Mr. Matthews was sent for. came from Ohio, and within 24 hours the United States nag was ordered down in Charleston, and Governor Chamberlain stamped out. As to Louisiana, the fulfilment proceeded more flowlv. but none the less surely. Packard lil made (March 21) a constitutional call for federal aid, which was difficult to withhold from one as surely governor as Hayes was president And yet there was tbe bargain. As a subterfuge, an unconstitutional commission, consisting of Messrs. John M. Harlan. Josjph IL Hatvley, C. B. Lawrence, Wayne MacVeagh and John C. Brown, was sent to New Orleans, instructed to gradually destroy the Packard legislature by spdacing or forcing its members into the Nicholls legislature. But they proving too stubbornly republican tbe commission telegraphed the president that nothing would destroy Packard but the actual order withdrawing the troops. At the word the president gave the order, Packard was crushed and tbe commission returned triumphant to Washington to "be recognized" one of them. General Harlan, by an appointment as supreme court judge; another, Mr. Lawrence, by the release of Jake llehra, the great whisky conspirator and defrauder of the revenue at Chicago; General Hawley was offered the appointment as chief commissioner to the Paris exposition, but declined because the salary was to be only $5,000; and three offices were tendered to Mr. MacVeagh, but declined on the ground that his signal services demanded more ample recognition. The English mission was next assigned him, but circumstances have made its delivery inexpedient or impossible. One other hope remained to Governor Packard. He had a lawful court of justice and might appeal to that. But there were two vacancies, and it required all three of the judges Ludeling, Leonard and John E. King to make a quorum. Judge King was immediately appointed collector of New Orleans, Packard's court was struck down, and the" Nicholls mob government reigned supreme. The bargain was in every way fulfilled, and Mr. Burke had no occasion, os had been threatened, to make public the secret agreement. Hayes had been made president by the fidelity and courage cf Packard and Chamberlain and their devoted followers, and his administration had trampled them down. V. In further pursuance of the bargain made with the southern democrats, the new ad

ministration has adopted a so called souths ern policy. 1. Eatirely contrary to the announced priucmles of the republican parly. 2. Which has been tarried out by tho abandonment of all federal intention and effort to protect life, property or sufferage at the south, or to enforce the constitutional amendments; and 3. Has resulted in the enforced dissolution of the republican party at the south, and its demoralization, division and defeats at the north. Senator Dawes, at Faneuil hall, November 2, in defending what he admits to be a change a new departure bases it upon the proposition that, When the rebels laid down their arras, the states and the people fell back at once into their old fiosltion, every one of them with as much power as before the war. The rebel went from the bittle. field to the ballot-bo, and stood there equal with his conqueror. Messrs. Charles Foster and Stanley Matthews, Intbeirwrittenguaranteeof February 20, 1877, to John B. Gordon and John Young Brown, define the new policy to be to give to the southern states "the right to control their own affairs in their own way;" and John Young Brown so describes it in his account of the bargain. By the New York Tribune of September 2G, it appears that "tJovernor Wade Hampton is still with the party, and is Introduced by the president t. every audience us ah hontaiid patriotic man," and that at Atlanta Hampton said of the president: "When I mw him carrying out the policy for 12 years advocated by tne democratic parly, I said I would sustain him in that policy as long as he continued in that path." . President Hayes himself also calls his new policy only the application of the principle of "IocaI Keif government," and thus eulogizes the Georgians who are to be intrusted with it: You, here, mainly Joined the confederate side and fought bravely; risked your lives heroically In behalf of your convictions. Aud cau any true mun, any where, fall to respect the mau who risks ills life for his convictions 7 i At Chattanooga, September 20, he said: As I demand respect for the man I found fighting against me, for my convictions, 1 yield the same measure of resect to hi in who fought for his convictions. At Gallatin, Tennessee, he said: We have differed In the past, but we have fought out that difference. Those among you who fought and risked your lives did so for f'our principles. We fought and risked our Ives on the opposite side tor our convictions, and men who can do that can meet and look each other In the face with respect always. At Atlanta, September 2.'$, be said: So. with no discredit to you, and no special credit to us, the war turned out as It did. Having thus blotted out all distinctions between loyalty and treason, between Union and rebel soldiers, between the torturers of Andersonville andjtbe veterans of the north, he is equally explicit as to what he means to do tor the poor colored men whom he pitied so much November 8: And, now, my colored friends, listen. After thinking it over, I believed that your rights and Interests would be safer If the great masof intelligent white men were let alome by tne general government. His confidence in his new friends is complete. At Chattanooga he also tells the col ored people : Our confidence is perfect, that with the bay onets removed from the south, the people of the south would be safer In every right, lu every interest, than ihey ever were when pro tected merely vy tne uayonet. As the policy of the democratic party was to be carried out at the south, a southern confederate general, Mr. D. M. Key, a democrat who had opposed Hayes' election, and, in the senate denounced his title as fraudulent, was appointed postmaster general, and commenced the distribution of the southern post offices to rebel democrats. The negro murderers of Hamburg and Ellenton had been indie id in the federal courts of South Carolina. The great and good Hampton appealed for their release, and it was accorded by the president in a letter of May 12 granting general amnesty to negrsmurdersrs as "political offenders." To make immunity more certain, tbe policy of appointing as district attorneys and marshals men agreeable to the white people of the south that is, democrats was determined upon. At tho dictation of the most trusted and

potent advisers of the administration. General Gordon captured by Grant in l$i-, put in federal command by Haves in 1373 one O. P. Fitzsitnmons. a rebel democrat and a cousin of Wade Hampton, was appointed marshal of Georgia, in place of one Sinytbe, a competent and honest republican, and was conlirmed by the democratic senators" votes and that of Stanley Matthews alone. Fnor to the selection of Fitzsimmons the president had determined to change Suiythe and apioint Mr. W. A. Huff, of Macoi, a democrat whom Gordon had selected. Some republicans of Georgia joined in recommending Huff, upon discovering which damning fact Gordon retracted his selection of Huff and procured the president' to nominate Fitzsiminons. Gordon thus states his reasons in a letter to Huff: I heard for the first time that yon werebJing pressed for appointment as a suitable person to build up the republican party In Geor-gia. Surprised at this, I at once asked the president towithiiold auy appointment for adayand until I could be heard from. The president consented. Messrs. McBurney and Dibble, republicans from Macon, say Ira their letter to the president that your apjolntment would materially strengthen republicanism In (ieorgia, in harmonizing conflicting party dirlerences, and bring raucu strength from sources hitherto dormant or In active opposition. 1 therefore asked ih-i president the direct question, "Is Mr. rlcfT urged for appointment as a democrat?" He said no, not as a democrat; but as a man with very liberal ideas in politics. The information given me by the president himself, supplemented by the fact that Messrs. Mc Burner aud Dibble hal presented and urged yourappointinent because it would luatetially Htrengthen republicanism, in Cierla, were the reasons, the only reasons and I think su9iclem reasons for my opposition to your appointment. They left me no alternative but to say to the president that I did not believe your appointment would be acceptable to the people of Georgia. Had you mode known your disapproval of such arguments, you would have saved the president from any misapprehension as to your political status, me from the diagreeable task which a sense of duty to my state compelled me to perform, and yourself, possibly, from the morlitlciUiou experienced at the loss of the ollice you desire to nil. J. B. Gordon. And so General Gordon procures Samuel J. Tilden no, Rutherford B. Hayes! to turn out Smythe, a republican, change from Huff, a liberal democrat, to FitZMtnnions, a rebel democrat, and make the latter marshal to protect the poor colored people of Georgia! . Of a like character, procured by like influences, ore the appointments of Waldon as marshal of Tennessee, and Northrop and his assistant as district attorneys in South Carolina. Thesa significant instances of a surrender of the power or the federal courts to rebel democrats, the prompt and complete amnesty to all negro murderers and ku klux, and the. eager trampling out of the only remaining republican state governments at the south, entirely crushed all republican courage, and left republicans at the mercy of their enraged enemies, who turned upon them with fierce hatred. Persecutions and prosecutions in the state courts have been freely resorted to, and obnoxious republicans driven awayor unjustly convicted. The republican party has been compelled to disband, and the dangers of a solid south and rebel rule, which President Hayes wanted the people of Ohio made to believe would be averted if he were elected, have become terrible realities. In Mississippi, Governor Stone, infamous for his failure to prosecute effectually the Chibholm murderers, was re-elected by iX.,382 votes, only 1,103 republicans daring to go to the polls, where, in LS72, Grant had 82.175 votes and Greeley only 47.2SS, and in 1876 Hayes had 52,003 votes to 112,173 for Tilden, In Virginia, 101,910 democratic votes were cast and 4,333 republican. In Georgia, the republican party, seeing Senators Gordon and Hill, tbe intimate friends and trusted advisers of President Hayes, dictating the appointments and controlling the federal patronage, must of necessity dissolve, and yet, in 1872, Grant had 62,550 votes and Greeley 7G3"x, and

even J l ayes had 4U,44( to iw,xj lor Tilden. In Pennsylvania, where Hayes had 3S 1,122 votes to 205.153 for Tilden, the republican party, in 1877, weighted by the Hayes policy, cast but 211,450 votes, a falling off of 110.000, and the democrats carried the state by 7,000 majority. In Ohio, where Hayes had 330,093 to 323,132 for Tilden, the republican party, in 1377, csstonly 241,437 votes, a loss of 8ii,2;i, and lo.3t the state by 27.000 majority, and the legislature by over 40 majority, which the previous year had been republican by 35 majority. In Massachusetts, where the new policy was most offensively thrustdown tho throats of republicans, of the 150,003 voters for Hayes, who gave him 42,000 majority over Tilden, over 70,000 refused to vote for Governor Bice in 1S77, and the majority against him was 1,83(3, and it was only by the support and money of the organized rumsellers of the state, and over 10,000 democratic votes procured by rum influence, that he procured his election by a plurality, and the state was saved from the fate of Ohio and Pennsylvania. Look, however, at the result where the new policy was repudiated. In Iowa, Hayes had 50,223 plurality, and in 1S77 the republicans had M.S23 plurality. In New York, Tilden had 3:,742 majority and in 1877 the democrats had only 11,204 majority, although the new policy men promoted the democratic side by indifference, and by procuring the new administration to make or announce many injudicious removals of federal officers for the sole purpose of irritating and humiliating Senator Conkling and his friends. VI. These, then, are the facts before us. 1. Rutherford B. Hayes was elected president by the republican party on the platform of opposition to rebel rule and a solid south; and with pledges to protect, to the extent of federal power, life, suffrage and the free exercise of all political rights at the south; was counted in as president only by reason of special pledges to tbe same effect given by his representatives and agents, Senator Sherman and other Ohio emissaries, who particularly and emphatically promised that he would recognize and maintain the lawful state governments of South Carolina and Louisiana, and stand by Governors Chamberlain and Packard. 2. Before the actual declaration of his election, and to secure the same, a deliberate written bargain was made in his behalf by the same Senator Sherman and his associates, by which it was agreed with Senator Gordon, and other southern rebel democrats, that when he should bo president no attempt should be made to enforce the above principles of his party, but that the touth should be allowed to manage its own attain in its own way, and that in particular he would abandon the lawful state governments of Louisiana and South Carolina, and reooenizs in their stead the mob governments of Wade Hampton and F. II. Nichols. 3. After his Inauguration the bargain was literally fulfilled; the United States flag disgracefully hauled down in Columbia and New Orleans; tbe lawful governments notified to surrender to rebel mobs, and upon their hesitation deliberately and actively torn down by his administration by unconstitutional processes and the use of federal patronage, vigorously wielded by tbe same Secretary Sherman and his associates; the

mob governments of Harr pton and Nieholls recognized; and a solid south and rebel rule established by the swift find eager action of his administration. 4. All attempts to administer the government upon the principles by proclaiming which he had been elected and counted in were deliberately abandoned; the south notified that itthould not be interfered with by his administration; southern ku klux aud negro murderers released and amnestied by pre sidential order; the enforcement cf federal laws at the south given up or entrusted to rebel democratic hands; Senator Gordon and his fellow targaincrs accepted as the intimate and acknowledged advisers of tbe president and the disposers of federal patronage; and the black and white republicans of tbe south mercilessly surrendered to the insults, persecutloLS and atrocities of their democratic enemies. 5. A s a necessary result of all this the republican party at the south was disbanded, and no republican votes were cast in states where a free ballot would show large republican majorities; the repebhean party at the north was paralyzed wht rever the advice of supporters or apologists for the new policy was heeded; republican defeats ensued wherever it was indorsedrepublican victories only where it was repudiated; and with a solid south and a divided north the confederate democrats are marching toward a national victory in 18), while President Hayes and Secretary Sherman look on with as much indifference as if they were in name, as they are in fact, allies of the democratic party. VII. In view of these lamentable facts, it is the duty of true republicans to take prompt and courageous action. Silence is a crime; acquiescence and inaction are political death. Can the republican party, of heroic achievements, be bound to an administration which is not a free agent, but is bound by a bargain to Generals Gordon, Lamar, Wade Hampton and other southern democrats now in high office only through the blood of murdered republicans? Does not every voter in the land know that Hayes and Packard were elected simultaneously, and held by the same title, and that when Hayes abandoned ani trampled down Packard he put an irremovable stain upon

bis own title? The republican party has lived long and survived many assaults and many treasons, only because it has been a party founded upon high principles, animated by lofty sentiments, courageously acting up to noble convictions. If it now disgraces its record and indorses or fails to repudiate the Hayes sirrender, its voters will leave it by thousands; its days are numbered; it will die a deserved and unhonored death. But such is not to be its fate at least, .not with the republicans of New Hampshire. In 27 elections since 18f5 they have successiuiiy Dattied lor radical republican principles. They sent out the soldiers of the state to fight Generals Gordan and Lamar on the battlefield. When, three, years ago, these same confederate generals came to teach the men of the Granite State their political duties, they were followed back to Washington b"y news of a republican majority largely increased by their harangues. They will receive a similar greeting in March, 187S, but it will not result from indorsing a presidential policy which has surrendered to them the federal patronage of Georgia and Mississippi, and has forgiven the murders of hundreds of their fellow citizens, committed that they might rise to political power, bargain with the agents of a republican president, and dominate in the white house; and when that policy has ben repudiated by the republican party of the nation, and when the north La3 been strain' aroused to the dangers of a solid south and rebel rule? wuicu it vainiy auemptea to avert oy tne e'ection of Rutherford B. Hayes, when it shall have again resumed the work planned, but not accomplished, by the Cincinnati convention of 1870, of "securing to every American citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the exercise of all civil, political and public rights" by means of a "chief eiecutive whose courage and fidelity shall not falter till these results are placed beyond dispute or recall" (so that William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips can canvass Georgia and Mississippi, and colored citizens vote there, as freely as Gorden and Lamar can canvass New Hampshire and democrats vote there) then, and then only, will there be "national pacification" and "enduring peace," and the miss-ion of the republican party will be completed. W. E. Chandler. CocniHlrums. When is the pig the heaviest? "When he is led. When is a sheep like ink? When you take it into the pen. When Is a gambler like a sportsman? When the game is his own. What parts of the body are the most useful to carpenters? The ut.Ua. When is a white man an African? When he's a black in (blacking) his shoes. Why is an arm chair like costly prod act of Lyons and Spital Gelds? Because it is satin. What specialty is the most valuable to a hosier? Hosiery, cf course; it is his stockin trade. Why are indolent iersons' beds too short for them? Because they are too long in them. Why is a spendthrift's purse like a thunder cloud? Because it is continually lightening. Why are the Cape May hotels like tbe letter B? Because they are by the aide of the sea (0 ) Why is a lucifer match like a silver coin? Because it can not be used until it has been struck. When does the blacksmith raise a row in the alphabet? When he makes a poke r and shove I. Why is a boiled leg of mutton like a dancing master? Because it is usually associated with capers. What do yon expect to see reflected in your inamorata's eyes? Yourself, if she is a good looking lass. What does the letter b do for boys as they advance in years? As they grow older, it makes them bolder. Why is a public house like the land of shadows? Because it is the abiding place of good and bad spirits.' Why is a greenhorn who has been cheated in a bargain like the desert of Sahara? Because he's a great f at. The largest bell in the world is in the temple ot Clars, in Kioto, Japan. Unlike the bells of Pekin and Moscow it is whole, and its tone isasptrfect and as sweet as when first suspended. Where and by whom it wai cast is not known. Chinese and Sanscrit characters completely cover it; but they are not translatable by Japanese schol ars. It is 24 feet high and 16 inches thick at the rim. It has no c apper, but is struck by a sort of battering ran on the outside. It Can lie Proven that the flavor given to cakes, puddings, creams and sauces by Dr. Price's Special Flavoring Extracts are as natural as the frnit from which they ar made, and are as much unlike, in delicate flavor and strength, the cheap extract, as can possibly be imagined.

LEOAL.

SALE FOR STREET IMPROVEMENT. By virtue of a certain precept to me directed by the mayor of the city of Indianapolis, Indiana, and duly attested by the lerk of sall city nnder the corporate seal of said city. I will on SATURDAY, January M, 1873, sell, at public auction, at the fit v Court Room, bt-tweon the hours of 10 o'clock a.m. and 4 o'clock p. M. of said dav the following dseribfd lot or part-el of land, or so much thereof as may be necessary to satisfy the sum hereinafter named as assessed against Kueh premises, for street improvement, and nil cost, to-wit: Lot No one (1) Stevens's subdivision of outlot No. one hundred and three (Ktt) in the city cf Indianapolis, Marlon county, Indiana, owned by Kichard Coulter, against which is assessed the sum of fiRbteen dollars and seventy-five cents (518.751 for street Improvement, in favor of Henry C. Koney, contractor. . WI LLI AM M. W I LBtf, City Treasurer. Indianapolis, Ind., Jan. 2, 1S78. SALE FOR STREET IMPROVEMENT. By virtue of a certain precept to me directed by the mayor of the city of Indianapolis, Indiana, and duly attested by the clerk of said city, under Ihe corporate seal of sold city, I will on SATURDAY, January 26, 1S78, ell at public auction, at the Oitv Court Roombetween the hours of 10 o'clook a. M. i.ndi o'clock p. Mff Raid day, the following described lot, or parcel of land, or so raucii thereof, as may be necessary to satisfy the cum hereinafter named a assessed aaint such premisesfor street improvement, aud all costs, to-wit: Lot No. seventeen (17) in Donecker et a!. subdivision of lots Nos. nineteen (l'J) and twenty (20) m 8enlerson' addition to the city of I nd i:napoli, Marlon county, Ind ana, owned by Henry Martin, against which is assessed the sum of eleven dollars and sixty-one cents (511.61) for street improvement in favor of John bohier, contractor. WILLIAM M. WILES, City Treasurer. Indianapolis, Ind., Jan. 2, 1S78. SALE FOR STREET IMPROVEMENT. By virtue of a certain precept to me directed by the mayor of the city of Indianapolis, Indiana, and ekily attested by the clerk of said ciiy under the corporate seal of said city, I will n SATURDAY, January 2G, 1873, sell at public auction, at the City Court Room, between the hours of 10 o'clock A. M. and 4 o'clock p.m., of said day, the following described lot, or parcel of land, or so much thereof as may be necessary to satisfy the sum hereinafter named as assessed against such premises for street lmprovent, aud all costs, towit: Lot No. eighteen fl8) In Donecker et ah'a subdivision o! lotsNos. nineteen (iihnnd twenty (20) in Henderson's addition to the city of Indianapolis, Marion county, Indiana, owned by Henry Martin, against which la assessed the sum eleven dollars and Kixty-one cents if ll.sl ) for street Improvement in favor of John, fcchler, contractor. WILLIAM M. WILES, City Treasurer. Indianapolis. Ind.. Jan. 2. 1S78. NOTICE TOJiOa-RESIDENT. Whereas, a certain precept has been duly issued to me by tne mayor ol the city of Indianapolis, under the corporate seal of said city, dated Deotmber 11. 1877, showing that there is due the following named contractor the amount hereinafter specified for street lmprov ment in i he city of Indianapolis, Marion county, Indiana. Due James J. McKnight for cradlnc and graveling Sixth street and sidewalks, between. Delaware and Alabama streets, from James E. Foster the mm of fifty-one dollars (Sil) amoont of aRRessment charged rprainst lot Now. three 13) In Dewey's subdiviMon in Murphy and Tinker's addition to the cityot Indianapolis, Marion county, Indiana. Now, the said defendant is hereby notified that, unless within (20) days after the publication for three weeks of this notice, the amount so assessed against the above described lot or parcel of land is paid, I will proceed to collect the amount so assessed by levy and sale of said lot or parcel of land, or so much thereof as may Ins necessary to satisfy the above claim and all costs that may accrue. WILLIAM IS. WILE-?, City Treasurer. Indianapolis, Ind., Jan. 2 1375. fiOTICE TO NQH-RESIDEHT. Whereas, a certain precept has been duly issued to me by the mayor of the city of Indianapolis, nnder tiie corporate s si of said city, dated December 1 1, 177 .showing that there is due the following named contractor tne amount hereinafter specified for Mtreet improvement In the city of Indianapolis, Marion county, Indiana: Duo David A. Haywood for grading and graveling the street and MdewHlks bou aering the gutters and curbing the sidewalks of Court street, between East and Noble sireets. from (ieorge W. (iabbert the sum of twenty-nine dollars and thirteen cents (?i).lS), amount of assessment cba ged ngainst thirty-six ( 0) feet east of fourteen (14) feet on arket street northwest corner of out lot No. sixty-five 5) in tbe city of Indianapolis, Marion county, Indiana. Now, the said defendant is hereby notified that, unless within (LSI) daya after this publication, for three weeks, of this notice, th amount so assessed ngalnst the above described lot or parcel of land is paid, I will proceed to collect the amount so asseased by levy and sale of said lot or parcel of land, or so much thereof as may be necessary to satisfy the above claim, and all costs that may accrue. WILLIAM M. WILES, City Treasurer. Indianapolis Indiana, Jan. 2, 1878. NOTICE TO NON-RESIDENT. Whereas, a certain precept has been duly Issued to me by the mayor of the city of Indianapolis, nnder the cornorate.sal of said city, datea Pecember H. 1877, showing that there la due the following named contractor the amount hereinafter specified for street improvement in the city of Indianapolis, Marion, county, Indiana: Due Richard Carr for improving Clifford arenue from Massachusetts avenue to the northwest line of the U. 8. Arsenal grounds from Oliver 8. Dean the sum ot twenty-eight dol ars at d five cents, amount of assessment charged aealnst lot No three (3) in square fourteen (Hi. vhlte and Bohlet's subdivision of A. E. Fletcher's addition to the city of Indianapolis, Marlon county, Indiana. Now, the said defendant ishereby notified, that unless within (201 days after the publication for three weeks of this notice, the amount so assessed against the above described lot or parcel of land Is paid, I will proceed to collect the amount so assessed by levy and sale of said lot or parcel of land or so much thereof as mar be necessary to satisfy the above claim, and all. costs that may accrue. WILLIAM M. WILES. City Treasurer Indianapolis, lad., Jan. 2, 1873. v