Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 26, Number 30, Indianapolis, Marion County, 14 March 1877 — Page 9

ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE.

Tie Democrats in Congress Issue a Manifesto. Tie Iniquity af the Commluita De clared and tno WbU Caao Beyle-wed. Haw Ilayea Uot the Offic af President. ' Wabhisqtow, March 4. At the caucus of the democratic members of the house of representatives held od March 3, 1877, in the hall of the house, the following address was unanimously adopted, L. Q. C Lamar, chairman; Henry B. Banning and William M. Robbins, secretaries. At a meeting of the members of the national democratic committee held on the third day of March, 1877, th following address was unanimously adopted, A. 8. Hewitt, chairman, and F. O. Prince, secretary: To the American People: We submit to the country the following review e4 event which hare reunited In the declaration that R. B. Hayes hau been elected president of the United States in the late political canvass. Two facts stood out prominently: 1. The republican party true to Its sectional nature, thought to unify the north against the solid south, and while engaged In that effort It was striving . to to make good its probable lotwes in the north by dividing, the votes of the south. This division it sought to effect by an unconstitutional nse of the army in fonth Carol' na, Florida and Louisiana. 2. The troops were sent to these states when there was neither invasion nor domestic resurrection to require them with the legislature early to be convened. The only demand for their presence was made by the state executive. The election In these states therefore were held In the shadow of military power, the bayonet glistened at the polls. In depositing their ballots the citizens enjoyed only such liberty as was permitted In other states the elections were on usually peaceful. Immediately afterwards the result showed that 194 Tilden electors bad been chosen. Of the whole popular vote they received a majority of mora than a quarter of a million of that Caucasian race which controls every other Christi n and civilized government of the world. They received a majority of more than 1,000,000. On the day succeeding the election it was announced by the chairman of the republican national committee that 184 Tilden and 185 Hayes electors had been chosen. Nothing had then been learned of the election excepting the vote actually lost. It has never since been disputed that by that vote a majority of the Tilden electors had been appointed. Such announcement, therefore, could only have been made in pursuance of an arrangement to change the vote shown to have been given by the people. We charge that after the true result bad been proclaimed a conspiracy wss formed by the republican leaders to reverse the decision made at the polls. The field chosen for the development of this conspiracy was the states of Florida and Louisiana. The persons to act with the original conspirators were the governors and members of the returning boards of those states. The field was well chosen. The state officers selected were suitable persons for the work to bdone. For more than 10 years these utaf e s had been subjected to govern nents not of their choice. Taxation and mal-edminlntration had robBed them of their substance and well nigh destroyed their spirit and hope. The army of the United Htatea had been freely used to maintain governments in their acts ot corruption and usurpation. It wax believed that it services would aid In the designed conspiracy. The names of the officers depeneu upon are Marcellus L. 8tearns, Haraue 1 B. McLin anu Clayton A. CowKill, of Florida, and William Pitt Kellogg, J. Madison Wells. Thomas B. Anderson, E, Coszenova and J. B. Kerner, of Louisiana. These men were not strangers to the American people. They had before usurped authority. The returning boards ol those states had made theraaelvea by-words in the land. The governors were known to be pretenders. If there were two names dishonored In the general estimation they were the names of W. P. Kellogg and J. Madison Wells. To such men was the work ol consummating the conspiracy confided. They entered upon their tank with alacrity, advised and encouraged by the leading visiting republican statesmen of the north. They took each step with deliberation and apparent regard for the law. Hefore the election in Louls ana William Pitt Kellogg and his subordinates assumed the exclusive control of tiie execution of a registry law, and they refused registration to thousands entitled to it, and added thousands to the lists who had no right to vote. On the day of the election the polls were managed by officials appointed by the governor. These were in nearly every Instance members of the republican party. United States marshals swarmed at every precinct when thought necessary, under the Jiretense of preserving the peace, but in fact to ntimidate voters. The ballot boxes were stuffed in the interest of republican candidates, the poll books were falsified lu some Instances, and then returned to the canvassing board, while in other cases the returns riving democratic majorities were withheld from the canvassers altogether. After the returns had been delivered to the board they remained In its exclusive possession and while there they were opened with its consent, the original papers abstracted and false ones substituted Instead. When the returns were opened, the board with an appearance of fairnet8, permitted the persons representing both parties to be present. When the decision was made as to what should be counted secret sessions were held from which every democrat was excluded, although the law constituting the board requires that It should be composed of representatives of both political parties. In counting the votes the board exercised powers not conferred by the statute, and in the most flagrant disregard of truth and Justice. The members ol the board changed the poll books so that the republican officers appeared to be cho2en, when their opponents had in fact been elected. They forged the names of officers to certificates of election. They threw out the votes of precincts upoh affidavits which they kuew bad been fraudulently obtained. Indeed, they themselves ordered false affidavits to he made hundreds of miles from the places whlcn they purported to have been taken, in order that the decision might appear justified, which they had In advance determined to make. They arbitrarily threw out votes where there was no preliminary statement from the commissioners of election to give them Jurisdiction. They corruptly, in order to elect their favorites and to correct mistake of certain republicans in voting for the electors, added to the lists votes which had never been cast While considering the case the members ot the board endeavored to enter into negotiations with both the republican and democratic national committees to sell their decision. A half a million dollars was the price asked, and not obtaining it they tried to bargain with the leading democrats of Louisiana to elect a state ticket of their party. J. Madison Wehs, with the approval of Thomas C. AnderPfUlUUCini IVC1CVK i 1 UVtM for 1X0,000 cash in hand. The money was not paid, and negotiations were then renewed. If ever broken off, with the leaders of the republican party. The result was declared in its favor. The cnir conspirator, J. Madison Wells, admitted that he had been paid by that organization for bis decision. In Florida the same frauds coaracterlzed the returns, and the action of the re turning board. Votes wer thrown out with the same disregard of Jostle, besides in that tat it refused to regard the order of the courts of competent Jurisdiction, and proceeded In the most defiant contempt of Judicial authority. In this manner more than 1,000 Tilden votes were thrown out in Florida ana more man iu,uuv in louisi ana. The votes of these states In consequence of conspiracy which in fact had been cast for Tilden were given to Mayes, ine oniy ex cuse for this outrageous reversal of tn judg ment of a Deo Die la. that intimidation had been practiced by the whites against -vote wnere tne votes were tnrown out. Whether this intimidation cornrolled some persons to vote against their will or prevented some from at tending, it afforded in either case no Justification for the deliberate rejection of the ballota by the returning boards, but the statute of liOUlsiana oniy authorized tne prooioi intimidation where chances of violence were made In writing by the commissioners of elections

On the day when tne election was neia tnese

charges were to be eneloaed to the boar j

cases only were charges made as required. In the rest evidence was received without proper foundation having been laid. The evidence received consisted in the main of affidavits written out by clerks and employes of the returning board wltheut either having been seen by the persons purporting to certify to them. There was therefore no adequate proof of intimidation. It may be remarked here that the temptation to Kellogg and his returning board was very great to manufacture cases of intimidation, for it was only in them that the democratic majority could be overthrown and conspiracy be successful. We should not fall to call the attention of the people to the dangerous effect of the doctrine ol intimidation in politics. It disqualifies from voting not only the parties to the act of intimidation but all those who have voted at the same precinct with them. Two persons may conclude to make a case of Intimidation and thereby cause a parish casting thousands of votes to be rejected. It mskes elections a farce; it takes power from the people to rest It In returning boards; It enables the latter to Impose the severest of political penalties, disfranchisement, without glvlbk to the persons punished an opportunity of having a trial. Tbe republic deserves to lose Its liberties if It tolerates such outrsges for an hour by this disregard of law, disobedience of courts and contempt of the rights of voters; by their frauds and corruptions and usurpations; by their briberies and perjuries and forgeries did the conspirators obtain the certificates of election for the republican candidates In the southern states named. From the d.y that tbe certificate wer Issued to the Hayes electors in Louisiana and Florida, the country has been filled with an an precented excitement. The people have done little else than engage In discussion as to the fraudulent conduct of tne returning boards. In this condition of affairs business has been generally suspended, failures have been frequent and prostration has seised upon nearly every interest In the land. When this excitement was at its height, congress assembled: one of its duties was to count the electoral votes of tbe states, including Louisiana and Florida, with the view of facilitating tbe count and providing for the peaceful performance of its duty. By congress a bill was passed creating an electoral commission. By that law the commission was to ascertain the true and lawful vote of every state. In this labor it was to exercise as to hearing of evidence and ex amination of papers such power as congress or either house of congress pos-M-HM-U. In belief that evidence would be heard, and that a settlement of the disputed question of facts would be fairly reached, the congress and people accepted the commission. How that confidence has beeu disappointed, how a decision has been made. based upon. . a reruai to consider the unfortunate question of dapute. is well known to the country. When the certificates from Florida and Louisiana were opened and submitted to the two houses. objections were filed to those presented by the Havry electors. Among other grounds of -ob jection it was urged that these certificates had oeen -fraudulently and corruptly Issued by the returning boards and executives or those states and as a result of a conspiracy between them and the electors claiming to have been choxen , that such certificates had been Issued in violation of the laws of the respective states, and that some of tbe electors named therein were Ineligible by the express S revision of the constitution of the United tates. When these objections were made before the commission, proof offered to the commission to sustain them. Tbe commission by a vote of 8 to 7 refused to receive the testi mony one red except as to tne ineligibility iss to a single member In Florida. It a as voted In case of Louisiana that the commissim would not have evidence to show that tbe returning board was an unconstitutional body. That it was not organized as tbe law requires at the time the vote was canvassed; that It had no Jurisdiction to canvass the electoral vote: that charges of riot. Intimidation und violence were raiM.and that the returning board knew that fact; that the certificates -were corruptly and fraudulently Issued, and as a resnlt ot tlx conspiracy and that the vole ol ihr h lit Us has never been compiled or canvassed, the anine rulings substantially wer made in the case of Floriua. Thecow mission also refused to hear proof: that at the time of the election in Houth Carolina anarchy prevailed, destroying the republican form of government in that state, and that troops were retained there In violation of the constitution to Interfere with a iree choice by the election, so that the lawful vote of the state could not be known. Against these decisions we protest mofet earnestly in the name ot a tree and republican government. In the firtt place they struck a fatal blow at the constitutional powers of the two houses to count the electoral vote. I his power has been exercised by both homes, without dispute, from the foundation of the government, that evidence should be reached in cases of contested return wems clet-r their principle hat been maintained by the ablest Maitsman the country has produced. It was p. notice confined to principle, In tne secrtt secession, notaoly lu the case of Louisiana in 1)S anl 1S73, such evluently was the view of both houses. At the present session Investigating c mmittee were sent to Florida. South t arolina, and Louisiana to take testimony and report as to the elections in thoe states. It is difficult to see upon what principle this view can be based. The duty of congress is to count the vote. This makes an enactment of the vote to be counted ; this again maaes determination ol What is the true vote and this distinguishing of false from true. This requires evidence. Forms of law expressing the fact can't be made unless evidence be admitted; for if fraud possess the count how can the count, how can successor falsehood be presented? If either Jury deny the action of tne commission it disables congress frosn performing certain constitutional duty. In the second place this decision nullifies an article of the constitution. In section 1, article 44, it is provided "But no senator or representative or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector.'' If the states choose electots who are ineligible how can this pro vi ion be made effectual? The state by its action has refused to repeal it, and manifestly it can then only be foieed br power authorized to pass upon the vote which the state has returned. Congress then in counting the vote must determine who are and who are not eligible electors: the facta, which can only be ascertained by evidence, aliunde any other doctrine abrogate the previous construction and in effect substitutes the following: "(Senators, representatives and all persons holding offices of trust or profit under the United U tales may be appointed electors. In the third place, the doctrine Ignores all precedents and rules of morals in excluding evidence of fraud submitted; nothing can stand which is tarnished by fraud. It vitiates everything. It annuls every deed, cancels every obligation, annuls every contract, reverfes every Judgment, every trivnal however organized is bounu to regard every fraudulent transaction as a nulity, however it may come before it. The decision of the highest tribunal, if procured throuzh fraud, should be treated as of no effect by the humblest court in the land. As said by a distinguished writer, "It matters not whether ludgment impugnet has been pronounced by an inferior or bv the highest court ot the land. But in all eases alike It Is competent for every court, whether inferior or superior, to treat as a nullity any judgment that can be clearly shown to have been obtained by manifest fraud. It remained for this commission to dictate that there were certain tribunals which would perpetrate fraud with impunity, and that there was one court which could not lay its hands upon fraud when brought before It for review. These exceptional tribunals were the returning boards of Florida and Louisiana; that exceptional court is the electoral commission ; fraud has found an entrenchment from which it can not be driven In a contest making a choice of the highest officer of the greatest of republics. A doctrine more corrupting in its consequences, more destructive of the parity of the election and more threatening to the perpeulty of free government, could no easily be suggested. It u sought to Justify this decision by an appeal to the state sovereignty. This argument is that if the states choose their electors in their sovereign capacity, their decision can not be reversed, by any other authority. This proposition pnshestolta farthest limit the doctrine ot states rights. The theory of the most advanced advocates of that scboolwasonly tbat tbestatea were sovereign as received power over tkem which were delegated. It was conceded that the constitution was supreme, the power to choose electors would not have existed except for the constitution. It was therefore a delegated power, the legislature of state chooses electors by virtue of constitutional provision. It is a duty to be performed by the state while in the union. It

;an perform it before admission, nor after the Union la despated. Can it be possible that there is no power In the union to determine force a president upon the people. The power to review the action of an electoral college seems neoessarily tobe decided from the nature of a confederated government If one party to the compact possess . a power as to its ' subject matter superior to the power delegated by agreement the compact Inevitably falls, for It is Impossible for a confederacy to exist unless the Jurisdiction of Its Individual members as to , the powers committed to confederate is subordinate to the larger Jurisdiction of the latter. If for example, as In this case one state can receive Its functions as to electing a president in violation of the constitution without any power in the union to reverse Its action, then , a constitution was necessary lor the delegation of powers, and the nation may be governed In violation of the very Instrument which created it, but whatever is the power ot congress at to the authority over the vote of electors, it is certain that it is not bound to treat as valid fraudulent certificates. It matters not how absolute the sovereignty under which a fraud is perpetrated, it cant receive protection nor be granted recognition If thtie w a tribunal to which the certificate are submitted. It is bound to treat them as worthless. The certificates were charged to be fraudulent. The commission, if it wanted them, gave them validity. It failed in lu duty to hear facts to prevent . the success of fraud, even thoogu the certificates came from a sovereignty one hundred fold greater than Louisi sna and Florida. By these methods, under the forms prescribed by the law constituting the electoral commission, Rutherford B.Hayes has been declared elected president of tbe United States. His title rests upon the .disfranchisement of the lawful Voter. The false certificates of returning officers acting corruptly, and the decision of a commission which has refused to hear the evidence of alleged frauna. For the first time are the American people confronted with the fact of of a president fraudulently elected. His Inau guratlon will be peaceful, and in that hour tbe most infamous conspiracy of all history will receive ljs crown. la th exciting days Just psst the forbearance of tbe people has maintained peace, let it not, however, from this be understood thHt the fraud to be consummated on March 4 will be silently acbuiesced in by the country. Let no hour pass in which tie usurpation is forgoutten let agitation be unceasing, that at every opportunity the people may express their abhorrence of the outrage. Let the watch of confidence be voted at every election now the duty has been performed and whether in compliance with the constitutional provision. To assert this doctrine Is to declare absolute Independence of states; to deny the supremacy f the constitution and to leave the United States powerless against fraud rr violence of states which were in Mr. Hayes and his administration both must be controlled by conspirators who have elected the one and will organize the other, and whatever of good from either will always be daikened by stain upon their title. Let the democratic party at once organize for new contests to secure ovei whelming victories, that conspirators may never again attempt the experiment which now humiliated he republic, and has installed In lis highest ffl ce a usurper. (Signed) Frank M. Hurd of Ohio, Randal) L. Olbson of Louisiana, Josiah G. Abbott of Massachusetts, Otto R. Si Dele ton of Mississippi, William P. Lynde of Wisconsin.

WHAT TUE PRESS THINKS OF TUE IXArOÜBAL. Comments from Xorth, South, East and THK REPrüLICAÜ. The Republican says: "The inaugural address of the present occupant of the execu ive chair awakens more curiosity than ii.terest. Reaching his high p!ace by means utterly hostile to the spirit and purpose of popular government and utterly destructive to the fundamental principles of political morality, his opinions, whatever they may be, have none of that weight which would otherwise attach to them. Tbe address may be considered an enlarged and revised edition of the letter of acceptance, and like that document lacks the definiteness and decision which tbe public have a right to eipect when motions of great magnitude and vital importance are under discussion. This weakness is specially noticeable in the treatment of the southern affairs. The most careful reading fails to convey any clear idea of what is to be done in the states toward which all eves are turned. We are furnished with a liberal quantity of pleasant platitudes, but not one plainemphatic declaration from which the future course of the federal government may be inferred." THE TIMES. The Times says: "Yesterday R. B. Hayes, Bradlev's bastard president, was sworn to discharge the duties of an office to which he had not been elected, and in usurpation of the rights of the lawfully elected magistrate. His address abounds in platitudes and fine promises. It is doubtless the hypocritical cant of a corrupt man. If sustained by his acts it will be ä betrayal of the confidence of the men who placed him where he is. If, in keeping with his character. it is insincere. The creature of Morton and Chandler prates about civil service reform; tbe beast of tne returning board whines about patriotism an i the glory of self government; the de stroyer of a republican form of government implores the men whom he has swindled to assist him to preserve it. The first act of the fraudulent magistrate is to betray his associates in crime. They have learned too late that the recipient of their stolen goods refuses to make a fair divide of tbe swag. Thus endeth the first days' rule of an usurper." THE KNQCIRER. The Enquirer styles the message "The Usurper's Inaugural Address," "The Inaugural Message of Our De Facto President." It divides the address into five parts, and discusses each part separately, commenting upon them in a very bitter tone. THK TIME8. The Times says: "It is a creditable state paper, and carries the impression of a broad and intelligent grasp ot the subjects com men ted on. The tone is in every respect commendable. The reader will see, on a perusal of the document, that the author of it at least does not seem to speak with two tongues. It is further apparent that he is capable of conceiving a statesman-like policy and of expressing it in apt terms, and that the conservative position assumed is marked by a dignity and independence which show tbat tbe ideas presented are not taken sec ond-handed. So far as it is an index of the Dolicv it is ausDicious. and we have no doubt will satisfy the best elements of society in all sections of the country. Whether the deeds of the new ad minist ra tion will correspond to these pleasant re marks of the inaugural remains to be seen." THK DEMOCRAT. The Democrat says: "The inaugural ad dress of Mr. Hayes is the first statesman like utterance that has come from the republican party since the close of the war. If he shall have the firmness and courage to carry out the broad and catholic views and purposes 1 , ll 1 1 Al MI J - expressed in mat aocumem ue win uisarui much opposition to bis administration. greatly reduce the difficulties of his position and confer a real benent upon the country THE BEE. The Bee says: "Without passing suddenly from our extreme incredulity to something resembling confidence, we must say that we have been favorably impressed by the inaugural speech of Mr. Hayes. The newly made president has been more explicit than the southern representatives could have ex pected under the circumstances. The policy of pacification is clearly denned, and we be

lieve that no doubt can be entertained as regards his sincerity.'? THE CHK0XIC1 A5D 5TIBIL. : "' ArcretA, Ga., March 6. The Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel says of tbe inaugural: "If Pretldent Hayes sticks to the spirit of his speech he will do mach towards lessening the disappointment which the south felt when the judgment of the electoral commission was pronounced. Altogether it is a manly, moderate, and statesmanlike address."

..THE CHARLESTON JOCESAt. The Charleston Journal of Commerce says: "We will say that the inaugural address is well written, fair spoken and on the whole a judicious paper. The general tenor of the sentiments and policy, so far as the south is concerned, are liberal and conservative." THE COLUMBIA REGISTER. The Columbia register says: "The inau gural address of the new president will com mand the attention of tne country, and in its utterances and spirit meet with a general a - f .Vi ! . concurrence ana a Bympameuc response. ' THE XEWS AMD COURIER. Charlesto. 8. C. March 6. The News and Courier says: "The inaugural address of President Hayes is somewhat disappoint ing. It abounds in sentiments which will receive the hearty approval of the country. and its tone is unexceptionable. Yet it is not in any regard the message that was looked for. The colored people ar secure In their rights so are the whites, ex t in Carolina and Louisiana. What is needed now is not any exercise of power by the executive department of the eeneral government, but the arresting of any fur ther interference by that government with the domestic affairs of the states. We rec ognize the kindliness of the president's words and we do not question bis motives. But this is sharp and clear cut The sentence announcing that the states within the law must manage their own affairs in their own wsy. and that the general government wou id attem pt no other supervision in bourn Carolina and Louisiana than is the rule in Ohio or Connecticut, would have been more to the south and better for the country than the oratorical generalities which, according to the glasses through which we see, mean everything or nothing. We know that it is tbe settled purpose ot the majority of white and colored citizens of South Carolina to have the Hampton government or military rule. The whole army of the United States can not make effectual the pretended au thority of the loathsome crew "hom the people have formally and publicly cast off forever. Tbe address as a whole is not positive or decisive. Its utterances are compatible in general with what the south needs but are reconciliable with the atrocious policy which has brought two southern states at least to the verge of a revolution. We shall only be able to know what President Hayes really means when we see what he actually does. In the mean time it is safe and comfortable to hope for the best." THE WORLD, ' New York, March 6. The World says of the inaugural: "The tone throughout is that of a sermon, or of the political summary in t monthly magazine, rather than a statesman like exposition ot political principles and urposes. in regard to tne policy be pursued towards the southern states not one word is said which cannot be twisted as easily to countenance the actions of President Grant towards Louisiana two years ago as to indorse the words of President Grant about Louisiana two days ago." DONN PIATT SHADOWED. Ills Interview With a Detective on the Subject of Ills M nrderona Plana. Letter to tbe Cincinnati Enquirer. I was sitting in my office last night cor recting the proofs of an inaugural address that the readers of the Capital expect whenever a president takes the oath of office in advance of its delivery, when a gentleman entered ia that smiling, familiar way that indicates the detective. "Excuse me. colonel," he said, helping himself to a chair, and drawing quite close to me, "I am a friend of yours, although on the force, and come to give you some intelligence tbat may be of use." I thanked him for his kind intentions and begged the friendly gentleman to proceed. "Well, a detail has heen made to shadow you to-morrow, and as I thought this would not be agreeable, I came to inform you. "Can you give me, my dear sir, the reason for this shadowing, as you call it?" "No; I only know that such orders came from headquarters; I suppose they originate in this talk of assassination." "I am reallv much obliged to vou." 1 said. "and you can place me under additional obligation if you will say to headquarters, in my name, that they ars an infernal set of scoundrels to put any such insult upon me "I am sure, colonel, you can not blame US. "Certainly not. I am much obliged to you. You only obey orders. But if they fear that their fraud of a president will suffer as our government hassunered get killed I think the better way would be to put a guard about him." "That has been done, colonel; relays of Sollce, in citizens' clothes, watch his house ay and night, and he goes nowhere without a guard." "Sfcfb a moment," I said as tbe man rose to leave; "this shadowing of me to prevent my killing somebody will also intervene in case any body attempts my life. ' "Certainlv. sir." "Very well, then let the shadows deepen, for my life is in more danger than Rutherford B's. The people who elected Mr. Tilden president of the United States are not here; and the rascals who swindled them out of their choice are; and as they have been convicted of every other crime but murder, I see no reason why they should not commit that I get a pile of anony mous letters by every mail threatening my lire; so give me shadows." My confidential friend hauled off and I took comfort. When the late Horace Greely was imprisoned for debt in Paris he said he took grim satisfaction in the bars from the fact that while he was locked in in the bores were locked out. It depends much on one's standpoint, as the philosopher G. F. was wont to say. This shadowy creation, looked at as a police to prevent our killing someone, waa disagreeable. Cor sidered as a bodyguard to protect one from the miscreants who now crowd the national capital, cowardly and ravenous as wolves, it is pleasant But upon what times have we fallen! All the disposable force of the army is here no end of volunteer companies, infamtry, cavalry and artillery, to protect these villains from the vengeance of an outraged jieople. It reminds me of the day in Pans when Louis Napoleon wiped out the republic with the military and set up the empire. He had then the same march ie and drum ming, the same armed interference between the usurpers and the people. Louis Napoleon held his place through mock elections for 20 years, llow long will these fellows continue; How different all this would have been had the people's choice been inaugurated no police, no military no tear, no threats, but the same quiet, hearty, peaceable, free forms tbat for nearly a century have marked the opening of each administration.

CHICAGO'S SESSATIOH.

Scene at the Second Trial T Alexan der Nalllvasi for the Murder of Hanford. ' ! " Chicago Times. The jury retired at a few minutes to 5 o'clock, and, after a deliberation of five hours, finally came to an agreement Judge McAllister, who felt fatigued, went home at 7 o'clock, but left word that he could be found at his residence on Robey street at ant time up to midnight Messrs. Hynes and Mdran, on learning of the agreement, sent a carriage for his honor, and then began the suspense of the prisoner and his friends. The benches of . the chamber were weu nuea wiia people wno cnieny sympathized with the defendant Some 50 ladies - it iti iii i a were among the spectators. The court room was dimly lighted and very little loud talk was indulged in. nearly' every face wearing a serious aspect. Mr. buiiivan sat under tbe Judge's bench, with Mr. Moran and his brothor on either side of him. His demeanor remained unruffled, and he awaited the verdict which was to seal his fate, for weal or woe, with wonderful self command. He talked freely to his friends, and his - expression of coun tenance was rather cheerful than otherwise. His brother, Florence, appeared to be much more powerfully affected than was Alexan der himself. Speculations as to the result of the verdict were, as usual, indulged in, and most of those present early concluded that, owing to the comparatively short absence of the jury, they had agreed to a short term sentence or to an acquittal. A rumor current in the earlier part of the evening went to show that, on the first ballot the jury stood 11 to 1 for acquittal. After reading over, the instruc tions and indulging in some legal arguments, a second ballot was taken . with the same result This did not look very flattering for an agreement last night but the jurors persevered, wrestled once more with tbe instructions, considered the Hanford letter, and. after some delay, took an other ballet, when all twelve announced for ac quittal. Lvery ear was strained for the sound of the judge's carriage, and at last there came a rumble and a banging of doors, which caused a general turning of heads. It was not the judge, but kmery A. btorrs, the hero of tbe trial, whose reading powers, as exhibited in the reading of Hanford's letter during the afternoon, excel that of any pro fessor of education in this city or elsewhere. Mr. Storrs, although utterly unacquainted with the result of the agreement came up smiling, and chaffed away with that happy mixture o wit and sarcasm in which he has no equal." "The man's acquitted," he said, confidently. "No jury . of decent men would conhne him for a day after hearing that infamous letter." Another half hour passed slowly away. and then came another rumble of carriage wheels.. "It's the judge." - was the general exclamation and, after a few seconds, a tramping on the stairways announced the arrival of the court He was just retiring to rest, it subsequently transpired when the messenger arrived at his residence, w ltn his characteristic attention to public duty. Judge McAllister immediately donned such portions of his apparel as he had discarded. and lost no time in reaching tbe county. building. Suite's Attorney Mills entered the chamber simultaneously with his honor and awaited developments in an impertubable manner. Judge McAllister, muffled in an immense overcoat, assumed his place upon the bench and calmly awaited the appearance of the ury. . ,. . There was a hush of expectancy as the people waited the coming of the 12 citizens who held in their keeping the life,- death or liberty of Alexander Sullivan. They had not long to wait The doors leading from the jury room slammed, and, preceded by a couple of court officers, the dozen "good men and true," headed by Mr. H. J. Morse, the foreman, entered the court chamber in single file and faced the bench. Mr. Doyle, clerk of the court called the roll in the usual form, and every juror responded distinctly to his name. "Gentleman of the jury," said Ju ge McAllister, "have you considered your verdict have you agreed upon it?" Mr. Morse We have, your honor. Judge McAllister How say you, gentlemen of the jury, is the prisoner, Alexander Sullivan, guilty or not guilty, as charged in the indictment? Mr. Morse We find the prisoner not guilty. This announcement was received with a wild shout of applause, which the judge immediately repressed. State's Attorney Mills I demand the jury be polled, your honor. Mr. Morse Here is our verdict in writing; we have all signed it State's Attorney Mills Let's have the polL Mr. Doyle again called the roll, saying to each juror, "Was this and is this your verdict?" And to this each man separately made answer, "It was and is," until the list was completed, when there was another wild shout of applause. Judge McAllister This really can not be permitted. It is unseemly in a court of justice. Mr. Storrs I move the discharge of the prisoner. Judge McAllister Let Alexander Sullivan be discharged. The exculpated prisoner was instantly surrounded by a hundred personal friends, who nearly wrung the hands off him. A note, containing the joyful information, was dispatched to Mrs. Sullivan, who had gone home early in the evening, as she was feeling quite sick. DOUGHTY DUELISTS. How They Disport Themaelve im Backram and Swathing at the German Universities. Goettingen Letter to the Chicago Times. The mensur is a place where pugnacious German students light duels. It is the field of honor. The duelists of Goettingen have located their field of honor in an old building about two English miles south of this city. They are not fond of having outsiders witness their fights; but Dr. Koiner, from the University of Virginia through his acquaintance with several "corps-students," gained admittance for both himself and the writer. Although we walked out to the mensur before daylight a few were before us, others arriyed soon after; coming only to two or three at a time, so as not to attract the attention of the pcdella. The pedellt are the police of the university. Before the fighting commenced, four or five sentinels were stationed between the mrnsur and the city, to signal the aproachotany officer, or other suspicious coking person. Should the officials go to the mensur their approach would be known no little time before their arrival; they would find as orderly a place as they ever visited; they could see nothing there but harmony and brotherly love. The authorities, however, take little notice of these duels. The students fight two or three days each week, and near the close of the mvter, when many quarrels are to be settled before parting, they fight every day; yet .it is a rare thine for a vedell to visit a mensur. 1 and a still rarer thing for him to catch any

of the duelists. These occasional visits are probably jnade more for the sake of appearing to discountenance the practice of dueling than for the sake of disturbingthe "boys' in their sport .Not a few of the professors once enjoyed dueling themselves, as is shown by the scars on their faces. One Srofessor in Goettingen recently advised a yspeptic American, for the sake of his health, to take a little exercise t. e.. to fight a few duels. On entering the old building we found the interior to consist of one large room. In the southeast corner was a restaurant and a beer saloon ; in the southwest corner a doctor's office; at the east end of the room, among some tables loaded with implements for the duel, was a student equipping himself for the combat; at the west end, among other tables, was a second student employed in a like manner. These two duelists belonged one to the Bremensian and the other to the Guestphalian corps. I gave my attention to the Guestphalian. Afer removing all clothin except pants and boots, he put on an old dirty night shirt with sleeves torn oft A large buckskin pad, about two inches and a half thick and much the shape of a blacksmith's apron, was then placed close np under his anus and so strapped arouna his body as to cover his sides, bis abdomen and the lower part of his chest; the lower portion of the pad, which divided into two parts, was strapped around tbe thighs. A piece of hard leather was also placed ovtr the heart At the back hung a strao for the duelist to graep with the left hand when in action, and thus keep the left arm out of danger. This strap jerked like an artificial tail. The right arm was covered with a heavy silken sleeve nearly an inch in thickness, and the right hand with a buckskir glove. Between the sleeve and glove was wound a bandage for the protection of the wrist Another bandage protected the right shoulder, and a third, much thicker than the other?, was . wound closely round the neck. The eyes were shielded by a pair of heavy iron goggles, without glasses. Clad in this defensive armor, it is hardly possible for the duelist to receive any fatal or serious wound. The weapon used in these duels is the tchlaeger. The blade, which is about three feet long, is straight narrow and slightly flexible; the point is blunt, and the edge is blunt, excepting about eight inches naxt to the point; the guard is . made of strong wire and forms a kind of basket which covers the whole hand. Inside this basket is always displayed in three broad stripes the colors of the corps to which the duelist belongs. The hilt of the Guestphalian's cÄlatger displayed the colors green, white and black. The Guestphalian's second was armed with a like weapon. Round his body he wore a broad belt which also showed the colors of the corps. His right hand and arm were protected by a heavy buckskin glove and Bleeve, and his neck by a heavy bandage. The Bremensian duelist and second were equipped in the same manner, except that tbe sword, hilts and the second's belt were ornamented with red, blue and orange. All is now ready, and tbe ump!.re shouts, "Silence on the mensur." The hum of voices ceases and there is silence. The seconds step toward the center, raise their caps and bow to each other like two dancing masters. The duelists approach, each with his second at his left, in a position to ward off any glancing blows. "Lay out!M cries the Bremensian's second.

The isremensian raises nis ngnt arm, witn the elbow slightly bent, brings the band above the head and a little to the front, and lets the blade of his tchlaeger slope toward the left shoulder. Tbe left hand has - in the meantime grasped the artificial tail, and is ' now twitching it with a nervous energy. "Ut out!" aavs tbe Uuestuhalian second "Loose " commands the Bremensian et ajXIU a. UCX is a suai u viaou ea aa . i o i strike over his opponent's guard, and at th Kamp time protect nis own neaa. u im a quica IUI Ii ui uie wiibi buv &r;uj:ii8iu uiui tne point of his schUuger and strikes up at his antagonist's face. The blade just .ii.i.ii Ilia luff rVrnsV "TTalf a',nnt tVia Bremensian, second, and points out to the umpire the blood which is oozing from the Guestphalian's cheek. It proves to be not a new gash but an old one knocked open. The seconds 6hout in quick succession, "Lay out!" "Lay out!" "Loose!" and the duelists "go loose" a second time. There ia a Mash of steel over the Bremensian's caput, and a lock of hair flies off. The Guestphalian's second cries "Halt" and examines the Bremensian's head; but he finds no blood. The third round is hardly begun when the Guestphalian's second cries "Halt!" A little stream of blood flows from the Bremensian's left check and another from his mouth. The cheek is cut througn. The unlucky duelist is led away into the doctor's corner to have h face stitched together. . The fighting has occupied less than half a minute. The boys fulit and the doctor stitched from 9 o'clock in the morning till 4 in the afternoon. TLoc ese nine duels. Three of these were to settle quarrels to satisfy injured honor; the other six were noth- -ng but friendly fights; in a spirit of emulation. The German students, by so carefully eliminating from their duels the element of üanger, have eliminated also the element of courage; they have left little but brutality. SATAGE SLASHING. How Two Darkies Carved Each Other in Nashville. Nashville American. A bit of human butchery took place on the steamer A. J. White yesterday, wherein two negroes carved away on each other with savage ferocity. Alick Taylor, a negro roustabout, about 40 years of age, swaggered up to the deck passengers' bar, and in a maudlin, drunken way commenced abusing a negro girl, Sophia Smith, who was standing by the bar. lue girl (who is 19 years of age) made some angry rejoinder, when Taylor drew his knife and went energetically to work on the girl's frame. He slashed her thighs, laid bare her shoulder bade and gashed her hips. Surfeited with the invigorating exercise, he dropped his butcher knife. An nnfortunate act it was for him, for the girl grasped the weapon, reeking with her own blood, sprang upon her assailant with the ferocity of a tigress, and buried the blade between the bloody Alexander's ribs. Drawing out the blade she sheathed it in his shoulder and gashed it about in triangles and arcs. When she was pulled off Taylor was all but cut into steaks. Both parties were arrested and taken to the city hospital. The man's case is deemed very serious. Grant In th Senate. . Washington Dispatch. Ex-President Grant sat by the side of Senator Conkling during the opening hour of the senate debates upon Kellogg' s case today. He came in with his light black overcoat buttoned at its center button, and sat down as if he never expected to move again. He held in his right hand a huge, gold headed cane. He sat through Bayard's arraignment of his administration's policy toward the south without scarcely moving his head. It was hard to understand how Grant could maintain a perfectly motionless position so long. The galleries were packed with visitors, and . nearly all riveted their attention upon him to watch the effect of Bayard's talk. Perfectly grim and stolid, Grant never moved a muscle or at any one time appeared conscious of being the objective point of I hundreds of curious eyes. . ,