Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 26, Number 24, Indianapolis, Marion County, 31 January 1877 — Page 2

THE IXDIAXA STATE SENTINEL, "WEDNESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 31, 1877

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 31. That Floyd and Clarke county court has finally been bulldozed. The Inter-Ocean asks, "What is a legislate idiotT' Well, Logan, for instance. Reports Lave it that Turkey has snubbed Kngland. John Bull, squirms. The Turk smokes. soirrii CAKOLIXA. The Atlantic for February contains an article under the caption of "The Political 'Condition of South Carolina" which will very general attention throughout tu tktÄ r,,,,- f attract theountrv. The ostensible purpose of the writer, whose name is withheld f-rn the public, is to treat the the rabieet fairiv. and give his readers re liable data upon which to arrive at just con elusions in regard to the material, social and political condition of a state upon which the curse and blight of radicalism have fallen with nnpaialleled severity. While this may be said of the article under review, there is in it much to lead to the conclusion that the writer, though signing himself "A fkuth Carolinian," is by no means in sym pathy with tlie white natives of thestate, and is willing with disguised sophisms to place them at a disadvantage when criticising their efforts to save something from the . total wreck of a once noble commonwealth, upon which, under more favorable condi tions, to rear anew institutions that distin guish civilization from barbarism. The writer shows .very conclusively that South Carolina has suffered vastly more from northern carpet-baggers than any other southern state. Upon this branch of the subject the record is simply fearful, and not withstanding volumes have been written iponthe subject, the half has never been told The Erst purpose of the nor them incendiary After niacins: his feet noon CaroUna soil was to alienate the negro from his former master ind to transform Iura Irom docile laborer into a scourge, to arouse his I brntkh nassions. "instil into his darkned mind bate and prtjudices, and rearupulate him in such a way as tomake him ' tenfold nore a slave to the carpet-baggers than he had ever been to his southern master. This accomplished .and .the way was clear. The carpet-bag ger voted the negroes as so many machines "The negro," says the writer, "went to the 'polls, took a ballot from a carpet-bag friend, 'and, without looking at it, (with reason, 4for he could not read,) dropped it in tht box. He did not know wjiat voting meant IIe rhad vague though all absorbing idea that it would bring him great good and 'avert great -evil.1" The negro, with a ballot in his hand and his soul full of hate, was prepared to aid the carpet-baggers to any extent required, and the first work required of him was, under the reconstruction programme, to construct a state government. The car-Det-bae idea was to arrange matters in such a way as to facilitate plun ier, and the ignorant negroes were used for that purpose. A constitution was first adopted and so fashioned as to enable the carpet-bagger to go forward wvth his in fernal work. "A legislature was chosen, and Hhen began "ays the writer, "those fantastic "tricks which for six years made tbe govern mentof ßouth Carolina the worst mx:kery of 1 the name ever seen on earth." With the acta of the legislature commenced the wild And mad rush for plunder which the people, powerless to avert, were compelled to wit ness in silence. To give an idea of the sit uation, the following extract meets the re quirement: Rings composed of carpet-baggers and na-tlve-s peculators paid the legislature to enact laws by which the state released her mort gage, still retaining her liability for the Jrtt.iiW.UUU. and authorized the roads to pledge their property anew. J n the case of the bank of .the state, whose noted .the state wan ound to redeem, fraudulent notes to the amount of t73O,0iu were approved and juwumrd. The state house was gorgeously lit ted out; there were clocks at 94X0, mirrors at SJöOar.d chandaUers at S)0 apiece; elegant toilet seta were ,piaced In the rooms of oraJals ; .there were 2UU tl ue porcehW n spittoons at eight dollars apiece; and costly carpets, mirrors, not, etc.. under the prepense er Utting pp .committee rooms, were furnished members for their apartments at boarding fofeUMt'S. The real .debt thus incurred was jmj.iajU, Wut the contractor ly sharing tne spoil procured an approp riation of Ivü.iniu. -Contingent funds became a notorious leauk Jn the treasury: during the six years preceding W75 they aggregated SJ7(,J0U. During Uv mine ymn the fxpenwi Incurred for the public printing ran up to the stouu4.ig figure of il,UUou. Dur lag 1471, ISI2 and Ja.73 they amounted to U0,iX),or fl.UOO a day. Tbe bo n de! lebt of the state, amouu&lng to SxMUU,iiuo whei tbe new etufime began, m run . up U iSiWp&; and as the state was al.sa liable for ?ti,Ui)U,l) of railroad debts, as above explained, it total debt wan well nigh VMkU,(JUU. Mcnttl Itir invney ralwsl on the bunds wh.h deli&emtely stolen : and the legislature lu lifi'i. alarmed by tke clamor f the people and grnthilug the money jaid for uttcrt, cepudlat! aiHjut liulf the lit. The race l taxation vaa almost i!umlibly heightened. tefore the WKr . the iHxufaXe .vMue of properly in the ktnte im -VQ,UUUJttl, and the taxeo M w.rMRed ax year, theJUighcwta'er knowu JLfiog S''l".07 lu K',1. The valuation of taxable property slnoe the war iufc een tl4JU(),im. aJ the annual taxes, aticbe Mud county, have aiveraged S.'.UX),ouu. This 4.cnflMea.tion, pur and simple; andbetiidfi tni the as.s;ssineat have Insen outrageoiM. It is Jkubtful if the proerty Kiwwi rl mj, fclt0O,OlJ would bri.g S luO,UJO,UA iii market. The picture given is absolutely hideous. There is nothing like it in the history of civilized coramuuities. It was the -deliberate murder of a state; pirate thirsting lor plunder; tramps ou the highways of peace committing outrage upon thtne who could not aesist; savages on the war path, disregarding y appeals for mercy; radicalism pure and siuple, professing honesty while it plundexd the peoy-lo of their meam and purod theta to the verge of famine. Under tht new rftflnc the writer says: The .official In Columbia grew fabnlously rich. Men, white and black, of no property went tue?, and, with no perceivable or conceivable means of honest living beyond a moderate mlciH.l salary, wo j Id noon build pallatial residence and support landaulets and blooded ht?-s, worth more than their pay for a year. The state administration exceeded the legislature Jn corruption. Thev made 4urndoun prrr-iaes -when - an ua of

bonds was aulho-ized, and pocketed the

proceeds. In connection with the nnanflul Prfnrv In New York, they perpetrated Rome of tJie boldest windle! that were under taken. A commission had been appointed to buy fTOO.iiuO worth of litniU to sell to freedmen. who met with difficulty at first in persuading tneir. o d owners to se 11 them land, mis romraiv sion, by charging tlie state five or six times as much as iney pam ior muaKuraruru m itcalin? over a haif million of dollars. Tlie treasury was annually rinea or me taxes uu it became bankrupt. "We have not space to furnish further ex tracts, allowing the infamous proceedings of radical carpet-baggers in South Carolina. It should be remembered, however, that the radical party throughout the country ap plauded the devilishness of its representa tives in the sou tn. urani was ever reauy io give military aid for their protection, and was willing, as in Louisiana, to stab a legislature in the interest of carpet-bag vilify .It is not surprising therefore, that southern whites and the bettr portion of the blacks determined to rid themselves of the carpet-baj incubus and regain something of the rights that belong to civilized communities. That excesses have, in some instances, been committed in these efforts to shake off the infernal panes of thieves that radicalism had fastened upon the south we are quite willing to admit, but we are of the opinion that these excesses have been wild compared to what they would have been in any northern state if subjected to the same ordeal of rapine and intimidation. It is these in fernal excesses, committed by carpet baggers and approved by Grant and the radical party, that has brought about a "solid south," and had they been com mitted in the northern states a "solid north" would have been aa inevitable. These legitimate fruits of radicalism created the demand for reform which the people granted in November, and which, if Tilden and Hen dricks are not swindled out of their election, will be inaugurated after the 4th of March. THE XORTII POLE AXD THE BOARD OF TKADC At this particular juncture, while business affairs are moving slutrcishly. it may be well to consijer the propriety and utility of n,ati,ie one more effort to reach the north , v0 one vet has been able one as to reach the north pole, but from a all accounts expeditions have succeeded in approaching within about five hundred miles of that interesting point Just what benefits and advantages are to accrue, pro vided success finally crowns the labors of the daring adventurers, are not stated, though it is intimated that many scientific problems that now bother the heads of Mvants wm solved, and this little world of ours be better understood. The general reader finds in accounts of arctic exploit tions much that is interesting, and students in geography and science become so completely carried a vay with them that no matter what may have been the sufferings or disasters of those who dared to penetrate re gions of eternal ice, others are to be found ready to start on the same perilous expedi tions. The discoveries, so far, have not contributed in any degree to the advancement of civilization. Beyond a certain point no human beings are found; further north, seals and whales disappear; further still, birds are unknown.and beyond there is only ice and the north pole. There may be an open sea, and possibly villages, cities and prosperous communities, in the neighborhood of the pole, but the probabilities are against the supposition. The general opinion is that northward beyond a certain degree there are no oiening3 for commerce to the extent of trading a jack knife. No exports or imports, no statistics of mining, agriculture or manufactures; no schools, no books, no churches, no anything but ice icebergs and ice mountains. There is no possible chance for settlements or colonies; no remote probability of establishing agriculture or manufactures. Still in all civilized countries there is an unquenchable ambition to discover the north pole. The world has two poles, north and south, but only the north pole seems to be regarded with special interest Just why this is thus is about as great a mystery as the pole itself. Notwithstanding there have been many failures and many ventursome persons have lost their lives, the subject is still agitated ml more expeditions are to be fitted out. In tbetje bold and daring proceedings it is gratifying to know that Indianapolis is - to have a voice not that she will send a representative along with the njtt expedition, but she will give such aid and encouragement as can be derived from well considered resolutipns passed by her board of trade, which yesterday" took up the subject and by a vote, which we hope was unanimous, asked congress to give 50,000 to tlie enterprise. To be sure $50,000 is not much money for a great country like the United States, but it is raised by taxation, every dollar of it.from a people who complain of being burdened beyond endurance with taxes. It is possible that the people who pay this fifty thousMJntl dollars are interested in knowing all about the ice ol the polar seas, its height and depth and width, and that thi great scientific problem to be solved is worth many titnea the $50,000 congress is asked to bestow. But we submit with all deference to the opinion of the board of trade that to postpone the donation for a while will be wore in consonance with the financial condition of the country. Fortunately, the discovery of the north pole is one of those enterprises that can be put off for aereral yean to come without special detriment to the interests of society. If, however, private individuals believe there is either money or fame in the risks required, the board of trade and tbe people generally will be willing for private capitalist to invest their spare funds to any extent they may deem advisable. ,

MORTOXT MCKXESS ASD DEATH.

That Morton is politically dead there can be no aonbt. In his recent speech he handed in his last check, and henceforth must be regarded as defunct. The molu operandi hit upon by Morton to bow himself down and out is in many regards entirely satisfactory. He died in the senate chamber, died on his crntches, died defending fraud. A "deathly pallor spread over his face," and there was a "nervous twitching about the mouth" so saj-3 a special. His voice was husky and weak, and a political death rattle was in his throat The great war governor, the cow feed statesman, the friend and admirer of Pinchback, the champion of returning board villainies, the impersonation of hate, the embodiment of partisan rancor and the author of the "bloody shirt:' policy, concluded to die standing and fighting. He had nursed his hates with the fondness and devotion that .. . 1 V W1 . 1,.1 a tigress cares ior ner cuos. iuv$ nu grown under his fostering favor until they could be seen in hia eyes. His mildest ut terances came forth fanged and hissing like serpents. II always seemed to be feeling for the throat of the soiith. To strangle a southern state was his chief joy. A prostrate southern state, pinned to the earth with federal bayonets, with carpet-baggers and negroes rifling her pockets, was a far more delectable sight to Morton than the vision of heaven to St. John. For years Morton was the recocnir-ed leader of the most advanced radicals and advanced rad icalism is symbolized by the bloody shirt an ism that has inoculated the government with the virus of the most corrupting vices known to civilization. Morton's ambition was the presidency of the United States, but his comrades feared his record, and his claims were ignored. Since the day of his defeat in the house of. his friends Morton has steadily grown more Satanic. He has contended, like Lucifer, for for the mastery, and in the late campaign put forth almost superhuman efforts to turn the tide of fortune for Hayes in Indiana. He hated Hendricks as intensely as Hanian hated Mordecai. but was again doomed to defeat There was one more chance to ar rest the tide of disaster there were three states where fraud and perjury and military force, if combined and urged, might tri umph over truth and justice and law. Mor ton was himself again. His hates insnired him: physical desreneracy vas forgotten; Iiis blood was on fire; every latent energy was aroused, and at last victory seemed to perch upon his stan dard. Then Morton was as serene as a May morning and as tranquil as a sleeping griz zly. The returning board could reverse the will of the people and the presidant of the senate could proclaim the damning fraud as a finality. Morton was still a leader; his star was still in the ascendent He ruled with despotic sway, and the futare, thougl: dark to others. was a vista of delight to Morton. He saw prostrate . south, perjury enthroned, carpet-baggers triumphant, with still one more chance to realize the full fruition of his vaulting ambition. At this juncture the people commenced agitating the subject there were premonitions of trouble; waves of indignation rolled over the country; the spirit of '7G made its appearance; there were hunting parties out searching for the old paths, and at last a joint committee was appointed to devise means to hush the rising storm. ' Morton was put on the committee. Peace was not what he wanted. His statesmanship was of the bloody shirt style, and he put forth his en ergies to arrest a peaceful adjustment of a perilous question. It was Morton's Water loo. His hates had reached the culminat ing point They rolled back upon him His voice no longer potential, he was com pelled to act alone. The blows struck by Conkling, Edmund and others bore him down. Their keen rapier thrusts pierced his soul, and Morton lay prostrate at their feet The fever of madness had him in its grasp. Limping, haggard, enraged and defi ant, Morton decided upon making one more effort, but passion, coined into futile words, fell harmless at the feet of men who, loving their country more than party, confronted him with the calm dignity of patriots. Morton plead sick ness and sat down to rise no more as a leader. Without friends, he passes into the dark with tlfe mark of Cain upon him. Henceforth he will disturb the country no more. With Morton goes Logan, and with Morton and Logan goes (Jrant; Chandler and Cameron will tollow. Carpet-baggers and thieves will bring up the rear. We see them on their winding way to the political potters-field, and thence to well, it matters not where, so that they are no longer permitted to jeopardize the liberties of the people, attack the rights of states, or imperil the dignity and sacredness of the ballot-box. Morton is dead. Indiana throws his carcass to the dogs. Logan, generally known as the Cotswold lion of Illinois, has been struck with political lightning, and now lies stiff and cold in his senatorial winding sheet The roar, the growl, the bleat and the whine have been pretty effectually knocked out of him. He has been for a number of years a sort of a tape-worm in the stomach of our neighboring state, but the independent remedy was applied with excellent results. We congratulate Illinois upon hei fortunate deliverance. "Pinchback, the nigger," is the way the radical Kokomo Tribune, . Howard county, this state, puts it since Pinch confessed that 'for corruption and venality, for dishonesty, 'it (the radical party of Louisiana) has not 'its equal anywhere on the face of God's 'green earth." Also, "from center to cir'cumference there is not an honest drop of 'blood in it." How could you. Pinch? The house will sleep half an hour later in : lie morning, hereafter. . .

lA FIELD NIGHT.

Debate On the Electoral Bill in the United States Senate. vonclnslon of Conk ling's Qreat Speech and I He lleasion rrereains; the Tote. Washington, Jan. 21. At the conclusion of Mr. Sargent's remarks. Mr. Conklinst resumed the floor. He first nresented P ietitIon numerously signet I by tlte merchants and business men of rew 1 orK in lavor or tne passage or tne penaiiiK bill. I Aid ou the table. He said he would present to the senate, were it not addressed to the special committee, a telesrram this morning received by him from Indiana, and signed by 37 republicans and thre democrats. Among the signers he found the names of Conrad Baker, once gov ernor Of the State; Leonidas bexton, who was lieutenant governor; .Mr. uoruon, tne repub lican candidate lor attorney general in nie late election, and tienerai Harrison, who was the republican candidate for governor, and carried the flag gallantly. He led the canvass, tutuwtrously but dashingly. Mr. conning men bandeu tlie telegram over io lr. Morton, amid laughter in the galleries. Mr. ton kilns then renumel ills remarKS commenced yesterday, and alter briefly re viewing nis points maue men, nrgiiea mat in no Instance had the president of the senate attempted to do anything in presid ing over tne joint convention to count tho electoral vote except by the command of the two houses, lie then referred to the return from Ooonjla, produced by Mr. Hamblln. and said the (treat Jeflerson never silently or secretly Induced the tellers to count any vote which he aid not believe to De ngiii. Doting the whole history of the government, until the adoption of the twenty-second Joint rule, the two houses had always prearranged the whole process of count ing me vote. ue men reierrea to the difficulties attending the presidential contest in ltw. and said that not only the men in both houses of congress, but tne leaders oi thought all over the country had their attention riveted UDon the subject of managing Just such questions as some of those awaiting solution. Mr. Conkllna auoted from the MIL and then discussed the prescribing mode of deciding the disputed electors m tne offices of president and vice president, and said lnthp nouse or representatives tne uebatewasled and the bill managed by John Marshall, just one year before he occupied that hlah Judgment seat whence over the whole world he became' renowned, it wns he who argued as to the notes, sity of some salutary mode for the settlement of questions like those of to-lay The senator from Ohio (Mr. Sherman) yester dar erronpnnslv stated that the Pending bill provided for secret sessions of tlie committee. rill bin did not do so, nut tne oui or isuu aiu so provide. But for taking up the time of tlie senate he would endeavor to show the senator from California iKarzenll that oar forefathers thought that 1 in partiality was gained by Counterpoising aizainst each other adverse bias. Nothing in the bill of 1S(IU ever for one moment put forth the Idea that the two houses did not have the power to count the electoral vote; that the vice president ever hud any authority further than to open tlie certificates was never hinted in the debate. Our forelathers did, provide that the president of tlie senate should not direct for himself the order in which he would take up and open the certificates. He next referred to the legis lation of lfüU, and said it wa asserted there by a unity of voices that tlie paramount law of the republic had reposed In the two houses of conzres. tlie duty of constitutionally, lawfully and peacefully de clarinz the result of an election. The two houses of congress, and they alone, must de tertnlne whether a vote was eood. bad or In different. He next referred to the 22d joint rule agreed upon in lSb5, and said It was adopted when the rebellion stood gory and with uplifted hauds. striking at tlie vitals of the re nnhllc. Mativ acts mizht be Droucr though not competent In such an event. lie never believed the constitution was violated because the government asserted it had the right to be The twenty-second joint rule had gone and he rejoiced that it had, but tbe argument remained, and like Banquo's ghost it M-ould uot down. That if the power to count the vote was by the constitution vested In the president of tue senate, tne -zm. joint ruie ana every other rule on the subject had been bold usurpation. Mr. Conkling referred to Morton's bill in reeard to counting the electoral vote, which n;i.sed the senate at the last session, and said there were only three republicans who voted asainst it. namely, the senator from Vermont (Kdmunds), the senator from Wis consin tliower) and mmseir: mat me dui would have deposited with the house of rep resentatives absolute power to settle this elec tion. It passed the senate and was held up In a motion to reconsider, made by a democratic senator. Had not that motion been made the house of repub: leans could pass the bill and unless the president lound-some constitutional oblections to it. the die would be cast. He then read from the bill which passed at the last session -and agreed that it provided that, only that retnrn should be counted which both bouses acting separately decided to be a valid return. The honorable senator from Indiana (Morton! said the bill now before the senate waa a contrivance. If there was ever a contrivance, it was the bill which passed at the last session. It was the political hell gate, paved and honeycombed with dynamite. Continuing bis argument. Mr. Con kiln if said be believed the republican nominee had been chosen chief magistrate ot this country. He believed him to be a patriot, incapable ofinflictlng Injury on his country and he asked Ulm to take a title to his great olfice that no one couid question. It waa not for the representatives or a state to refuse by an association of the law-making power to have a peaceful, adequate tribunal, by the action of which every difflculty would be solved. If this bill was a compromise of the truth of law or of right, he was against it, but he denied that it was any compromise, and, above all. It did not compromise tlie right principle or constitution. To contest a claim was not to compromise, to insist upon an honest and fair counting of the electoral vote was not a compromise. A presidential election had occurred, and unless there was a tie somebody had been choseu. To establish the fact was no compromise. He referred to the arguments against the conMtitutionallty of the tribunal authorized by the bill, and asked If the silver commission appointed by congress wan illegal, or had its powers been destroyed because three members of that commission were expert and not members of congress? Was the army commission illegal because the f eneral of the army was a member thereof? )id not his presence dignify and strengthen tlint coniii)itte? Mr Hhernian said the difference bet we ?n the silver commission, the army commission and this commission to make a president was that the silver and army commissions reported to either houwe of congress, and their action was of no account until accepted by congress, while the action of the commission to make a president waa bliidiiitt unha overturned by a concurrent vote of the two house. Mr. Conkling asked If It was ever heard that congress could not impose upon national officers extra or additional duties. Did tlie honorable senator from Ohio deny that congress had tlie power to employ a federal Judge to settle the contested boundary between Ktatea or awert any other fact essential to the public welfare. The two hoaxes, from the beginning to the end, were to make examination of the electoral vote. They asrec d beforehand to make it in particular by a committee, which was veKted with the power of the two houses for the time being, but the two hr.uses retained tbe whole thing absolutely within their grasp to the end. It was the exercise of power by me two houses and not a delegation of power, as had been claimed. Recently it was proposed to make the chief Justice of the supreme court umpire In tb la contest. The honoi able senator from Indiana (Morton) voted la favor thereof, uo constitutional doubt restraining hlra. Morton I will satisfy ycu directly. Mr. Conkling I thought my friend shook his head, and I was about to read from the record to satisfy him. , ' 4 Resuming his argument he referred to the Geneva oommssslon for the settlement of the Alabama difficulty with Oreat Britain, and said that one of the greatest empires on the earth was nmnlre there, but the fifteen million dollars awarded was valueless compared with the tranquility of our land for a single day. If he who ruleth his own spirit Is greater than he who ruleth a city, what should be. said of millions who by an act. . aa .. noiseless as the

wave of a wand settled this vexed

question in a hour. He commented at some length upon tlie powers and duties of the commission and said it could do nothing, not auiuorizeu oy trie constitution ana law as it now stood, and It must reporOo the two nouses oi congress, it was not a roving commission to traverse all the realms of fancv and Imagination. Mr. Dawes said while he heard the sena tor from New York with great posit iveness aa sen me iact mat me commission must be bound by the constitution, he has heard others with equal positlveness declare that the commission could go behind the returns from state to settle the questions which belonged to the states themselves. Would it not be safer for congress by statute to limit tlie power and duties of the commission. Mr. Conkling replied that the commission would be bound by an oath ji I'd Its action was subiect to the review of congivws. If the honorable senator from Massachusetts proposed to launcn upon me neavy current oi mis debate the powers of the com mission he would be launching the subject upon a sea without shore or bottom, and the 4th of March, 1S78, wouia not see me enu oi mis controversy. Mr. Dawes, in his seat, made some remark to Mr. Conkling as to how they did in Massachu setts. Mr. Conkling said the Idea was that nothing upon earth or In the heavens above could be aa perfect as they made things la Massachusetts. He did not entertain for one minute that the other states of this Union even approximate the perfection of Massachusetts. The time will come when no problem could exist that could not be solved, even if the contested presidential votes would count themselves, and the whole universe would go on by an automatic and self-adjusting process. Laughter. Continuing his argument, Mr. Conkling denied that the bill was a compromise. It surrendered the rights of none, but asserted and maintained the rights of . alL It submitted to the lawful authority the solution of the pending question. The bill might be denounced by partisans on one side or the other. It might be derided by adventurers and the thoughtless. It might be treated with courageous gayety as the honorable senator from Pennsylvania (Cameron) treated It. It might not for the present receive the approbation of even the thoughtful or patriotic, but lie would vote for it because he believed It . advantageous and within the constitution. It would be beneficial to the people of all states, including the great state whose interest and whose honor were so dear to him. The bill might be derided now, but Time, at whose great altar all passions and prejndices must bow would at last vindicate tlie bill and those who proposed It. Mr. Morton said he hoped before this debate clotted to have an opportunity of answering some things which had been said to show that much had been said without foundation In logic, and without foundation in fact. His purpose now was to notice a dispatch from the citizens of Indiana handed to the senator from New York (Conkling by the senator from Vermont (Edmunds) this morning and rend by the former senator. That dispatch indorsed this bill. He could see no reason for producing it unless It was to show that he (Morton) did not properly represent the sentiment ol the people of Indiana, and especially the republican party of that state, lie immediately telegraphed to Indianapolis, and a few minutes ago he received a dispatch wh ich he read. It states: "The paper lndorsinü the bill was carried about the streets here nil day yesterday, and many leading republicans refused' to sign it. A resolution passed the merchants' exchange fix ar.n the bill bv a strict party vote. ' Mr. Conkling The senator does not read the Ricnat nreMr. Morton NV. sir: but I can give the name of the sender if desired. It is from a respectable source He then read a dispatch from republican members of the Indiana legislature announc that they in caucus had Indorsed his action; also a dispatch from Indianapolis saying, "The prevailing sentiment among our leading men Is, "Hold me r on. Mr Conklins What fort is that? Mr. Morton The fort of the constitution a fort you do not occupy. He then read another dispatch from Tippe -Tnrifnna. indnrsine his action. Mr.Conkling Are these anonymous, includ ing Tippecanoe ana iywr ioot luiutuwr.i Mr. Morton My friend has had his eight hours to make his speech. I hope he will let me have a minute now. Renewed iaugnter. rnntinnimrhls remarks. Mr. Morton said he had more than 2üC letteYs from Indiana, Ohio and other states alvlng sentiment nt the neonle and sustaining bis course. He had letters from the leading republicans and at. leat three democrats sustaining him, while the senator from New York was looking after Indiana and attempting to show that he (Morton) did not represent the people of that state, he might as well look after New York. He (Morton) had at ast 30 letters from New York city, Buffalo and elsewhere In New York, indorsing his course and saying he represented the republican party. The - republican press of New York city denounced this compromise: the an, ax. 1-A,lt.i a-vbi kl 1 an n IVew i OTK Time, - we leaumg icivuunuau tvir Ktromr irrounds against it. The New York Tribune, a leading independent miner, took strong grounds against, it, ana throughout the country the republican papers mmt unanimously opposed to It. Mr. McDonald said he was at Indianapolis Monday, and passed a day there. Jie saw nnitA a nnmher of the leading citizens of both political parties. He read but one opinion as to the propriety of passing this Diu, ana mat una in favor of It. He was in the state senate 'when reference was .made in or.nvrAtinn to the action of the repullcan atifif A.tiff a renublican senate. He said they had p.tssed the resolutions against the bill, but they dla not pass py a uuauiuiuuo ,urc, Bowe-r-novernnr Raker, who supported the bill, and tlie people were united In favor ol a peaceiui solution ox me uiuicuiijr. Mr rnnkiintrsaid nothing was farther from his mind than to intimate that the senator from Indiana did not represent nis constituent. When the dispatch which be read this morning came to the committee he thomrht he had a right to read, it, von t IlMltTlH It did come from a state which the enator from Indiana represented. Henatnr xdirtnn thought he Intended to accus him of misrepresenting his state. He had only to say to the Jealous trifles light as air are confirmations strong aa proofs of holy writ. , . . Mr. Morton-If that waa the only dispatch which the committee ever had approving of their course, then I can excuse their desire get it before t.a mr.ii An to his colleague (McDonald) he never regarded him as a correct expounder of the republican sentiment oi inuiaua. iwuButer 1 Mr. McDonald said he would like to know what the standing of Messrs.Baker Fisher and Untrla nf Infi iananolis. was. - Mr. Morton They are gentleman of standlno and tyi v w A.rm friends. - Continuing his remarks, Morton said it was to the Interest of the manwnom ne Deiieveu to ne ucru iMtd nreKident of the . United States, it was to the interest of trnth, to the best interest of ' tbe nation, that the vote for president should be counted as it was during the first .three-quarters of a century of the republic. It waa not right to make a new plan. For years he had been attempting to bring this matter before congress, but no interest was taken in It. aa it was now Insisted that a new plan should be made. ' . ' Mr. Dawes said the people of Massachusetts would be surprised to read In th iithut of to-dav that the commission created liv this bill had no limit to its Jurisdiction. The people of Maasachusetta lvwirovod it nhonld he governed ny a weu ue fined and marked law. After the debate of iwtnv MaxHachusetta would bold him re cnrwiKihi if he did not make some effort io have the Jurisdiction of this tribunal defined. 'He moved to amend the wvtinn In reeard to petitions, tie position or Other patiers to be examined by the commission by inserting the following: "Provided, that , no petition, deposition or other Tutrwr ahn 11 be considered by the said commis sioners which has for 1U object U dispute or draw into miestion the number of votes given for an elector in any of the states, or in fact whether any elector was cnosea Dy tue iimjorItv nf vn! nf )ll ntnt." Pending the discussion Mr. Edmunds moved that the senate take a recesa until 7ä0 p m: Mr. Paddock moved to adjourn. ReJected.yeas, Nays 54. Messrs. Bruce, Cameron, (Pennsjlvanla), Clayton, Couover, Dorsey, Paddock, Patterson and Hpencer being the only ones voting inthe affirmative. The motion of Mr. Edmunds was then agreed to, and Uie senate look a recess im i p. m. f Evening- Session.' i The debate in the senate on the bill report ed bv the select commlttee.in regard to countt fv. .luinrol vnlo nntlnnMi all nlirht. -Morton, .continuing. .Iiis argument,

claimed that the vice president was not bound

to open any fraudulent certincate rrom a siai If there should be half a dozen packages from a state in his possession. He was not required to open them all. but was oniy required to. open that package which came from the electors. A an officer of the United Htatea he was bound to take notice aa to who had been selected electors by the states, and act upon his intelligence just as other public officers. There were two cert lncates irom Louisiana in llietisnoa of the vice president. He was uot required to open them both. If he refused to open urd present the second return, how was it to be got out of his possession? If lie refused to open such return, was that a caue of revolution ? Did be understand that the dem ocratic party threatened violence or revolu tion lr tne president ot tne senate refused me bogus certificate? This bill conferred upon the tribunal it created a power to legislate unless its action should be overturned by the action of the houses of congress. This commission could not carry out the bill without foing behind the returns from the state, t was sprinkled all over with very while. pretty meat, but the democratic cat was reposing beneath It. He argued the bill was un constitutional after the case had been made up. He did not believe in adopting a new plan .which would throw away one-half the hanoe of the republicans. That be had been inconsistent in some, matters was entirely probab'e. He did not believe there were any popes in this senate who were infallible. He acccorded to every other senator conscientious motive and heclaimed for himself some consideration. He believed the republican party had saved this nation .ndTthe greatest considerations of humanity and policy demanded It be con- ' tinned in power at this particular Juncture. It was not the duty of republican Senator, it was not their Interest, to depart from the practice followed for 75 years. Mr. Blaine said he had, he trusted, as great appreciation as any senator on this floor of the gravity of the situation. He had supported the senator from Vermont (Kdmunds) in his constitutional amendment to leave this whole question ot counting tne electoral vote to the supreme court; he had favored .placing this power of counting the votes in the supreme court by a Just and competent amendment to the constitutionplacing in that great body, which, by its dignity aud impartiality, could properly exercise it. Bat that proposition did not commend itself to the la vor of the senate, and was defeated by a large vote. Ho far as he was personally concerned, he was not wedded to any particular theory as to counting the votes. He desired simply to adhere to the constitution, and, unlike many gentlemen with whom he was now newly associated here, he was free from any embarrassing record on this question. He was opposed to giving power to count votes to fourteen gentlemen, four of whom were to complete the number by selecting the fifteenth.and thus by lot or chance filling mat coy and bashful blank, as Benton would have termed it, on which the attention of the country is so generally fixed. It was proposed to give these "fifteen gentlemen, or possibly the fifteenth gentleman, alone more power over the electoral vote than eoiurress possessed, and be did not believe Ulis could be done by simple enactment ; nothing less than a constitutional amendment could confer on the 13 men such tremendous power over the electoral votes of the states. He did not believe It was warranted by tbe constitution, which he had sworn to support, and though he did not pretend to be what was termed a constitutional lawyer, every senator on his oath must vote on his own conscientious belief of what the constitution Is and what it allows. He had desired earnestly to support this hill, if he could do it consistently. Tlie arguments adduced in Its favor had persuaded him of its unconstitutionality and he felt himself compelled, however reluctantly he difiered from certain senators, to record his vote against the measure. He begged the Judiciary committee, now that the public mind was so strongly directed to this question, to frame an amendment to the constitution which would if possible avert in tbe future all danger of a renewal of these troubles, which were now causing so much anxiety in the public mind. Mr. Howe denied that this" bill was framed in tbe Interest of tbe democratic party. He had not been conspicuous in the service of that party, and he did not propose to embark in its service now, but after all he had heard, he was not able to see that this bill of it If promoted the interest of me democratic party. Nothing could be done under the bill to promote the election of the democratic candidate for president unless under the execution of the law the opinion of the five picked men of the senate, tae five picked men of the house and the five picked judges of tlie supreme court cocld be aecared to that end. The senator from Indiana (Morton) had argued that no legislation waa needed ; that the refiublicans had a sure thing, and it was best not o give away a part of it. He (Howe) thought if the result of the late presidential contest was not left in doubt, it was certainly left in dispute, and somebody must decide that dispute. He thought Ulis till reported by the select committej, and now before the senate, was the proudest instrument in our country; the proudest tribute to American statesmanship which had been prepared since me convention which framed the constitution adjourned. He would have been glad if this bill bad received the unanimous approval of the committee. Then he would have felt like one greater than himself felt when looking upon me infant Savior. He would have felt that he had seen tbe salvation of his people and of his country. Mr. aton said he was almost alone on the democratic side of the chamber in opposition to this bill. He deeply regretted that the legislature of his state Saturday last requested him to vote for me bill, but they were wise enough to get together yesterday and reconsider that vote. It waa not pleasant to be In the minority, but he had learned to stand on bis own convictions. He had faith in the committee which framed this bill, and regretted he could not vote for It. He denied that the power to count the electoral vote was yested In the president of the senate, but It was lodged In the two houses of congress. This contrivance now before the senate should sink In the earth. The power to count the electoral vote being vested In the two houses of congress it could be placed nowhere else. He had heard that under the bill both parties would get cheated. He did not believe it would be a benefit to either party. Mr. Thnrman said be did not believe this eoun'ry could stand quadrennial elections under the present system. He believed the people would become aroused to the facts and regulate the matter by a constitutional amendment. Mr. Whyte said he had doubts as to the constitutionality of the bill. If it was to be a measure permanent In its character, he would vote against It. lie believed that the opening of certificates in the presence of tlie two houses ol congress was to enable each house to verify me count made by the presiding olflcer. Mr.Burnsidexpressed the hope that the bUl would pass. Mr. Ed munda said the time had gone by now for d4ate. The measure bad been denounced as a sham, a mere trick, although It appealed to five senators, five members of the house and five justice of the supreme court. He begged his honorable friend from Ohio (Sherman) to look at tbe history of their own party, look at their own attitude, and tel him some day not now whether he thought the republican party could stand stultifications and dishonor, in order that it might gain temporary advantage. He knew the senator would answer him no. Must the republican party stultify Itself now for such a beggarly price? In 18u a republican majority in the two houses of congress passed the twenty-second Joint rulo, which declared that no vote from a state should have any effect upon the election of the president and vice president of the United states aniens both houses of congress In their constitutional capacity said so, and yet In the face of this action the raeat party leaders from the valley of the Mississippi, as the wnator from Ohio (Sherman) termed ' It, sounded the cry of treachery against those ot the republican party who supported this bill. The republicans were accused of treason to their party because they would not stultify themselves. He then referred to Morton's, bill which passed the senate at the last session,, and said It was much worse than the pending bill. There were three poor, misguided republicans who voted against that bill Conkling,. Kdmunds and Howw. Now they were addressed In terms of reproach. He would sny nothing of personal allusions made by the senators; they belonged with those senators and there he would leave them. The republican senators were todeclde here now whether they could go to sea without a com pass and without a rudder and trust to inexorable facts for victory, which they believed they had honestly won, for whether they would support this measure to do equal justice to all In this land. It was a happy home of freedom, and it was fit that this senate should preserve the happi-