Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 26, Number 21, Indianapolis, Marion County, 10 January 1877 — Page 9

STTPPLBMEITT

1

DEMOCRATS' DAY.

Indiana's Voice Keard for tlic Honestly Chosen Candidates. The State Demands a Fair Count and o Lawful President. Hon. George "W. Julian Exposes the Iniquities of the Louisiana Returning Board. Hon. Dan Yorhees Adds His Eloquent Voice to the Genend Cry. Other Well Known Gentlemen Unite in Denouncing the Radical Usurpations. Resolutions Expressing in No Doubtful Way the Sentiments of Indiana Democrats. General Fentnre of the Pay. The 8th day of January, 1X77, has come and gone, bat the momentous events which char acterized it In this city will cause the memory ' of It to linger long in the minds of the democ racy of this state, and the record of It transac tions will occupy a prominent pagein the his tory of national pontics. The inauguration of (overnor Williams was of It; If an event of great interest to the people of the state, and would of itself have Induced a large attendance of citizens from all parts of the state, but it was not of sufficient import ance to attract the immense throng of democrats which poured into the city, yesterday from every district. The Assemblage of such a large number of earnest, determined mn was a gratifying assurance that the people are fully altve to the dangers that menace the safety of the republic. Alter the inaugural ceremonies at the Academy of Music the hall was cleared only to bo again filial bv a still lnrgr and more enthusiastic multitude than that which had witnessed the formal placement of the Blue Jeans hero in the gubernatorial chair. When General Manson eallfxl.the convention to order there must have been at least 2,ö0o persons in the auditorium. Kvery Heat In the parqu-tte, dress circle and galleries was occupied, anil the aisles were blockaded with men. The convention, though firm and enthusiastic. was perfectly good humored, and it is safe to say tüat a nuer appearing assemDiy or me masses of the people was never convened in this city. ON THE STAOE. Seats on the stage wer; reserved for distinguished visitors and prominent politicians, and they were all occupied. The number of persons on the stage alone would have constituted a respecta ble political meeting. Among the faces surrounding the speakers and officers of the convention were those of Dr. O. N. Fitch and John C. Nelson, Logansport; David Turpte, John M. Lord, lu. S. AIvord, James 11. Ryan, H. E. Tilford, R. K. Rater, W. W. Woollen, J. W. Nichol.D.D. Dykeman of Cww county, Cas Byfield, Mr. Korbly of Madison, John W. Dodd, Morgan Senator Sarnlghausen, Joseph Rlstine and many others well known to the public. Uon Eldering the numbers In attendance the proceedings were very harmonious, and every mention of unflinching opposition to returnIn? board villainy was supported by loud to kens or approval. ' THE ADDRESSES. The speech of the permanent chairman, the Hon. David S. Gooding, Mas In sympathy with the sentiments of the convention, ana was frequently interrupted oy cneers. The Hon. George W. Julian received a flat tering reception, and made oneoi the most remarkable speeches of the age. It was clear, forcible ana pungent, scholarly in style and conclusive in argument. His treatment of the frauds of the Lousiana returning board was most masterly, and his condemnation of the rascals composing tnem was most warning. Ills comments upon the course of the republican committee whicn witnessed the canvass or the returns were moueis or poiished.but biting and withering irony and sar casm. The spet-ch was listened to with rapt attention, and the applause was frequent and earnest. The telling points made by the Hon. Bayless liauna were entnusiasttcaiiy received, Dut the greetings given all other speakers were tame in comparison to the ovation which was tendered to the Jlon. Daniel S . oorhees when he arose to address the assemblage. At the sight of his inagnltUc-nt and majestic presence the convention raised a perfect tornado of shouts of welcome, Men stood upon the seats and shouted themselves hoarse, and waved their hats until It seemed as though they thought they could not render him loo much homage. His advance to the front of the stage had the same effect upon the convention that a whirlwind would have npon the foliage of a forest. One moment the convention was calm and quiet. but at tne mention oi nis name tne storm of applause Instantly broke forth in full fury, and for awhile it seemed that the people would never tire of welcoming him. Iiis re marks were brier, but eloquent and patriotic, and formed, with the strong resolution he pre sented, a glorious finale to the proceedings of we oay. Tta Routine Report. At the conclusion of the Inauguration cere monies. General Manson and Colonel Streight made frequent appeals to the audience to leave the hall, that the Convention might begin its ws.slon. In about 15 minutes the hall was Cleared and delegates began to file into the hall by couples and by fifties. There ww conKideraole confusion for some time, while dole' gates from the different districts were securing pl:ices in the hall. The delegates were so numerous that the entire lower lloor was soon Jammed, and it was impossible for a person to move from one part of the house to another, and General Manson was obliged to assign some of the delegates to the gallery. The roll w as called by eouutles by the Hon. Rufus Magee, secretary of tb.-state central commit tee, and every county was round to be represented. After making a last and partially successful e Ii on to dear ve isle, TUE OLD WAR HCSE, Gpneral Manson, explained the object of the meeting. He said: "You have been called to gether by the state central committee to ex press their belief that the Tilden and Hen 1 ricks electors have been elected. We have met In the name of 213,000 democratic voters In the state of Indiana, fully 10100 Independents who voted for Peter Cooper, and at least 2Ö.M0Ü honest republicans, who bebeve that Tilden and Hendricks are falrty elected. We meet to protest ftgainsi sucn actions as nave characterized the Louisiana returning board and other similar ring tools. I have ben Informed that certain meu.who wish to east odium upon the deliber ations or tnis convention, nave entered with an Intention of shouting for Jeff Davit. If any one shonts for Jen Davis, knock him down, And when you do, von may be sure you have put down a man who is in favor of Louisiana returning boards. This was received with loud cheers. ' 'ORGANIZATION. - Jurtge Weir, of Laporte, presented the name Ct the Hon. D. S, Gooding for permanent

chairman, and Captain Mitchell, of Elkhart,

was also nominated. Tne name oi .air. .n m-n-ell was withdrawn, and Mr. Go Ming received. the unanimous vote oi tne convention, -nr. d. B. Ryan moved that a committee from eiteh congressional district be appointed to report permanent officers, but he afterwards withdrew It. It DK moved that a onimlttee of one from each congressional district be appolnted to draw up resolutions, it was carried. committee ok resolutions. TIiä liol-mnn annnfnffd Tl.ivlevl W. TTftnna chairman of tli3 committee, and A.G. Shankllu,or tvansvine, secretary, ine committee was npjtoiuted as follows: First district, J. G. "shanklin; Second dis- . . . . - T". t . . J L - - L n I irict, . if. iivnuin : r oiii in ui-i i ' . jinim u. Cravens: Fiftii district, L. J. 15. Wlllltts: sixth s. idensticker; Eighth district. I!. W. Hanna; Ninth district, George McWilliams; Tenth district, H. H. Walker: Eleventh district, Graham N. Fitch; Twelfth district, Kli W. Bro wn ; Thirteenth district, D. W. Sweet. It was then moved that all reso'utions offered should be referred to the committee on resolutions, without debate. The resolution was agreed to. Judge Gooding's Address. The Hon. David S. Gooding then took the chsiir, and was loudly applauded, it being with dillleulty that the audience was sufficiently quft-ied for Mr. (tooding to be heard. As soon as quiet was restored Mr. Gooding made the following address, in recognition of the honor confermi upon him of presiding over the convention: Gentlemen of thk Convf.ntton The honor you have conferred on me in my election as vour presiding officer is no ordinary compliment, and is highly appreciated, and the more as this is no ordinary convention under extraordinary circnmtances. Any citizen might well feel proud of his selection to preside over so larpe, intelligent and patriotic a convention. I solicit your aid and counsel In an honef t and earnest effort to do my duty as your president, frankly expressing my ine'xperience and distrust of my parliamentary knowledge. EIGHTH OF JANUARY. It Is very meet and highly proper that on this Kh nay of January, a day dear to every democratic heart; a day second only to the 4th of July in the hearts and memories of a patriotic eople, because oi Its successful and practical close of the second war for North American independence; a day that revives in every truly democratic heart the name and jxitriotic deeds of President Jackson, whose valor in war, and whose honesty and patriotismin peace endears his memory tj all our people, and all the more because as president of the United States, he boldly and successfully resisted the encroachments of moneyed monopolies on the rights of the people, that the people meet to commemorate the dav and to Inspire a renewal of purpose to xrpetuate our liberties. You have often met in convention on the ever memorable Sth day of January, consecrated by so many sacred memories, but never before under such circumstances as at this time. Never before has the country been threatened with a usurpation of the presidency. Gentlemen of the convention, you are to-day assembled as the represtentaives of more than two hundred and thirteen thousand honed, intelligent and patriotic democratic voters re inforced by many equally honest, intelligent and patriotic voters, who are independents and republicans, all of whom will expect you-to speak and act on this occasion calmly, prudently and wisely, but with firmness and aecis'on. and especNlly that you speak with no forked tongue, "j hey will expect and have a ri lit to expect that neither passion nor prejudice nor mero partl.an zeal shall control your action on this gr-at occasion, fraught with such great and vital consequ-r et s to our common country. Iict us remember that the eyes of the whole country are to-day turned upon Indiana, yea on thisVon vent ion, which will speak for the great, powerful and patriotic state of Indiana a state formidable in war and po'ential in pence; the state that broke the back bone of the republican party and turned the tide in favor of the democracy in the great and terrible struggle of lxTtl. In that campaign Indiana was the battle ground of the nation, and to her honor, ba it said, Indiana did her duty nobly, and the country expects her brave sous again to do their duty. No class contributed more to our success in the last year's campaign than the gallant union soldiers of Indiana. The republican party came into power in 1SC0, under President Lincoln, claiming to lie the party of economy, reform and liberty. In lt5 it was preparing to break with President Lincoln, because of Iiis attempt to check its unbridled lust lor power and plunder, and only the assassination of that honest, kind hearted, able and patriotic president saved him from a rupture with the leaders of that party. That honest, able, patriotic, brave and constitution loving Andrew Johnson came well nigh being successfully impeached by them because of his attempt to carry out President Lincoln's policy of reconciliation, thereby preventing the plunderers from stealing the south bodily. It can hardly be necessary to remind the country with what utter contempt the leaders of that party spoke of the constitution, and how they jeered and sneered at its every mention, ana how they took special pleasure in disregarding its provisions during the administration of President Johnson. Their contempt for the constitution of the United States is only equalled by their contempt for an honest ballot-box and a fair count. In 1Sö8, before the election, In their national platform they declared that suffrage was a question exclusively for the several states. In 1Kb, after the election, they declared that suffrage was a national question. In IS. and 173 they declared the 22d Joint rule In force and acted under it in counting the presidential vote, but now they say it Is not in force, and never was constitutional. In short, that party stands by no pledges, no constitution and no law that stands in the way of their success in holding on to power and plunder. As an illustration of their greed for power the apportionment laws of Indiana are pertinent. The democracy of Indiana, with more than five thousand majority, at the recent election elected four and the republicans nine conf ressmen, and the republicans have a majorty in our state legislature. No one doubts the unfairness and unconstitutionality of that apportionment law, and yet the republicans having the power passed it. Wherever, in other states, that party has had the power they have enacted similar unfair and fraudulent apportionment laws for the purpose of holding power against the will of the majority, lor the same purpose they have refused seats in congress and in state legislatures to members elected by the people, and substituted in their stead republicans who had been defeated at the elections. The legis ation of that party for years past has teeu directed to perpetuating the power of the government in the hands of the minority. Its leaders seem to have anticipated the loss of the confidence of the people, and events have proven their foresiglrt. Twelve years ago the repub lean party carried all but four of the states; now it is, in a popular minority of more than a quarter of a million of votes. The lust of power and greed for plunder has become so inveterate with the leaders of the republican party that after a full, fair and thorough canvass in l7ti, when beaten about one quarter ol a million votes nnd beaten in the electoral votes, they refuse to yield to the verdict of the people and propose to perpetuate themselves in power by fraud and orce. When the onco proud and powerful republican party has become so odious to the peoplo that the democratic party has triumphed over it by about one-quarter of a million majority of the people's votes, jt would seem that its officeholders ought to surrender. Such an unmistakable exprssion of the will of the people ouzht to be conclusive. That party, in hope by fraud and force to perpetuate its rule, so odious to the people, and with such a terrible popular verdict of condemnation resting on it, appeals to returning boards to disregard the actual votes and to count the votes as repnblican returning boards think they ought to have been cast by the people, as in the state of Louisiana where X'ilden and Hendricks's majority, as actually cast, is about S,üu votes. With this vote staring them in the face the republican leaders insist that Louisiana shall be counted for Hayes and Wheeler, aud that by this vote they shall bo declared president and vice president, and that one man only, and he a republican senator from the state of Michigan, twho happens at this time tobe president of the United States senate, shall not only open the certificates, but shall also count the electoral votes and declare the president and vice president. That the senate and house of representatives are to be present but have no power over the count. This position is monstrous andean never be submitted to by a free people. On that theory the senator from Michigan can declare himself president, aifhouim he may not have received single electoral vote, and

ine would be president of the United States for four years, b'caus. ttiere would be no power anywhere to question the correctness of his count and his declaration of the result of that count. If this is a correct construction of the constitution, then neither the people nor ttie electors can elect the president and vice president.but the presiding officer of the senate can perform that duty and relieve the people of the trouble and exense of going through the farce of a presidential election. ' This theory is too absurd tor argument, nnd yet It is now" the main reliance of the republican party to thwart tho expressed will of the people. No one questions his right to open the certilcatcs in the presence of the congress, but no provision of the constitution tion or laws authorizes him to count the votes. This he must not do. It can never be submitted to by the people. It would be usurpation, for which he would deserve impeacliment. The act would be llli-gal and void, "fnd would therefore have no binding force- in law or morals. Should that act of usurpation he perpetrated by the president of the senate, and it should be sustained by the republicans in the senate; and shou'd Tilden and Hendricks have received a majority of about one-quarter of a million of the popular votes as actually cast, and a majority of all the electoral votes as cast In pursuance of the will of the people, then and in that event it would be the dutyol the house of representatives to declare Til-dt-u and Hendricks elected, and it will then be our dutv to f-tand by our house of representatives and Tilden and Hendricks, if need Ik-, with our property and our liv" We want no war. We want peace at every sacrifice, except that of our constitution, our union, our honor, our liberties and our lives. We well know and comprehend the horrors and miseries of a civil war. W e pray the God of our fathers to avert it, and save our people and our country from threatened bloodshed, and that our constitution and union, and the liberties of our people may be perpetuated to us and our children forever. God helping us we must and will be true to our allegiance to our government, to our union, to our; constitution, and to the laws made In pursuance thereof, and to the stars and stripes, and they must not pass, with our consent, into the hands of usurpers and tyrants. We must emphatically repudiate the false assumption that the hundred thousand olhceholders. more or less, are the governruent. So far from being the government,they are our servants.but generally very unworthy ones. This government belongs to the people and not to the officeholders, in high or low position. No n.an, no matter what his services may have been, has any right to be a kiiiK in this country, nor to use klngly powers, nor to surround our halls of legislation with an army in time of peace. Large standing armies are always dangerous to a free people. The free people of this country are now menaced with the threat that the regular army shall be used to install in the presidential chair a usurper, and if they refuse to recognize him. but remain true to the government, war will be made on them. We will not initiate war hut we will le true to our allegiance to tne government, and if usurpers and their allies and officeholders make war on us, we shall regret it, but can not do otherwise than to support the legal and constitutional government of our country, wnatever the consequences may be. THE VICE PRESIDENTS. A motion was then inadd that a vice president be appointed from eacli congressional district, and the following gentlemen were elect d by tire delegates liom their own districts: First district, IVter Myer; Second dis

trict, Henry Uson; inird district, Jonas u. Howard; Fourth ditriot,Ianlel Kladger; Fifth district, James Elder; Hxth district, D. D. Buita; Seventh district, William Henderson; Eighth district, Judge A. B. Carlton; Ninth district, Joseph Risline; Tenth district, Morgan H. Weir; Eleventh district, A. F. Armstrong; Twelfth district, Ja nes R. Slack; Thirteenth district, Horace Corbiu. Jnll iir Gre it Speech. When the above appointments had been made, there were loud calls for Voot hees and Julian, nnd the chairman introduced the Hon. George W. Julian as the first speaker, amid thunders of applause. Mr. Julian stepped to the front and placed his manuscript upon the table, and stated that lie had reduced his address to writing for obvious reasons, which it would be unnecessary to mention. He was again interrupted with loud and prolonged cheers, after which he delivered the address, which is given in full below : Mr. Chairman aud Fellow-Citizen of Indiana: The remarkable political contest of the year Just closed has been followed by very serious and unexpected complications. The condition of public affairs is well fitted to awaken general anxiety and alarm, and calls for the best thought and highest endeavor of every citizen. I believe no intelligent man can disguise from himself the fact that the crisis we have reachd is profoundly solemnized by tokens of national danger; aud I must not enter upon my appointed task to-day without confessing my inability to perform it. aud my regret that it was not committed to abler hands Most fervently, do I wish that I could point the safe way through the dangers which cloud the political sky, and menace the peace of our country; but I must content myself with analyizing the particular subject with which 1 am to deal, and simply expressing, in conclusion, my individual convictions as to the duty of the hour. v THE DISPUTE IN LOUISIANA. Soon after the late presidential election, when democratic rejo cing was exchanged for the chilling apprehension of defeat and disaster through the action of the Louisiana returning board, the clia rman of the national democratic committee requested sundry gentlemen of the norttern states to repair to the city of New Orleans in the interest of "peace, and a fair and honest return" of the vote cast -in that state. The president of the United States ordered the presence of an imposing military force "to preserve peace and good order, and to sue thit the proper and legitl boards of canvassers are unmolested in the performance of their duties." He declared, iu this military order, that "should there be any ground of suspicion of a fraudulent count on either side, it should be reported and denounced at once," and that "no man worthy of the office of president should be willing to hol i it. If counted m or placed there by fraud." -He also appointed a number of prominent public characters and representative men In the party with which he is aKSOcioted to visit the state of Louisiana, "to see tnat the board of canvassers make a fair count of the vote actually cast," and expressed the hope that "fair men of both parties'" would attend to this duty. The returning boar. Itself so far recognized the gravity of the situation and the wide-spread distrust of its integrity, that an official invitation was extended to the visitors from distant states of the union to attend it sessions while canvassing the returns and ascertaining tne result of a presidential election in Louisiana. THE RESPONSIBILTTIY FOR THESE TROUBLES. These are very remarkable proceedings They have no precedent in the history of American politics, and they bear witness to tho fearful decay of public virtue, aud the alarming drift of public affairs towards abnormal and revolutionary methods. At whose door lies the Just responsibility? Who is to blame for the atmosphere of suspicion which now covers the land, and the feeling of national peril which recalls so painfully the opening of the year ISol? The answer to these questions Is not unknown to the people. The present government of the state of Louisiana was founded in flagrant usurpation and b ire faced fraud. It was conceived in the illegal order of a drunken and corrupt federal Judge, and midwiiexl by the political knnves and traders who controlled the national administration four years ago, as they control it to-day. While tho peopie of Louisiana have b-en prostrate and helpless under the heel of federal tvranuy, the returning board ha been the vile Instrument of that tyranny m the furtherance of Its b.tleful purposs.which it has sought to drape over under the forms of law. It is the creature of the same organized political rapacity which has trampled down law and insulted decency in iu the states of the south during the past eight years. Under the act creating this noard, its nfembers bold their places for lite, with power to appoint their successors, Taere is no appeal from their decision, whatever it may be. ac;rding to tha ruling of the snpreme court of the state, and no avountabllity to the people for their acts. A 1 hough they are a tribunal of special and Umiied Jurisdiction, and their acts, whether ministerial or Judicial, are to be construed strictly, and are absolutely void if not authorized oy the law from which they derive all their power, ye t, according to the authority cited, there is no redress against their rulings, however defiantly they may transcend their Jurisdiction ortramplejustice under their fet. For any r;Ls-m.or for no reason ut all, they may count in or count out the vote of any parish or pr;clnct in the state, and thus arbitrarily determine the character of the government uuder whiaii her ieople are to live, contrary to their choice, and the charac

ter of the nattonal administration for four years, should it depend on the vote of the state. White thegnlltof the board in an act so heaven daring, would be multiplied by the millions whose voices it wouM stifle, these millions woull be utterly without remedy, even In the contrressof the nation, according to the leaders of the republican party. ? THE RETVRXIN'Q HOARD. And who are the m " n constltntln-j this autocratic if not omnipotent institution or the repnblican party of Louisiana, concocted in thv worst days of carpet-bsg government, and for the most nefarious purposes? Two of them are white me n,und twocoiored. Tney are the same men who sat upnn the board in 171, and after the election in that year took the majority of votes away from one side and gave it to llw other by "nnjust, arbitrary and illegal actio,;," as admitted by a republican congressional committee of which one William A. Wherler was a member. They are all mem beis of the republican party, ami one of them hold a custom house office under the spoils-hunting syst m of the present Administration. J. Madison WelLs, the president of the board, who was elected governor of Ijouisiana under the re-constructlon policy of President Johnson, was summarily ejected from that ofü'-e in lstjT by General Sheridan, for violating an act or tue legislature respecting the repair of ner levees, and seeking to prostitute the funds of the state to partisan purpose-s. General Sheridan branded him as a "political trickster and a dishonored man," aua charged him with "subterfuge and political chicanery." lie declared that "his conduct had been as sinuous as the mark left in the dust by the movement of a snake," aud that he had "not one friend who is an honest man." Alter a stay In New Orleans of over three weeks, and mingling freely with the people when not engaed in watching the action of the returning board, I have no hesitation in indorsing the statement of General Sheridan as true. Governor Wells is not only a journeyman and expert in rascality, through long years of training nnd experience, but he is a scoundrel aboriginally ; .ind in saying t hls,I believe 1 simply give egression to the general sentiment Of the state. Anderson, the other whit man on the board is not quite so vicious. The element of humanity is not so fatally left out of his composition. He is not so co dbloodd. If placed In command of a pirate ship he might falter in someemergency which his more intrepid and Satanic companion on the board would enjoy as a luxury. But he is not wanting the qualities which have made the returning board famous, for he is a thoroughly accomplished knave aud swindler. He counts well, and is, in a word, the lit companion, and associate in office of the president of the Ixxiy. Cassanave, one of tbe eolor-d members of the board. Is an undertaker by occupation, and was a slave holder before the war. He is a man of limited education and intelligence, and not at all qualified by capacity or training for the psitlon he occupies. Helsa very strong partisan, but is regarded as a kindly, well-disposed sort of man, whose worst misfortune is that the thoroughly unprincipled men on the board use him as their tool. This must be regarded as certain, in the absence of any proof that he has ever opposed the confessed illegality and fraud of his associates. Kenner, ihe other colored man and junior member of the board, Is a very small, light mulatto, quick aod sprightly in his movements, but altogether unfitted by talents, education or experience, lor so responsible a position. He is a gambler ami grog seller.a very low fellow, and a lew years ago was kicked out of a saloon in New Orleans for stealing tbe money of Iiis employer. SERIOUSNESS OF THE CRISIS. Gentlemen, these are the men who are to settle the issue of a presidential election for the people of the United S;ates, in the centennial year of the republic, A Louisiana tribunal, hatched into life by huckstering politicians, shamefully unfit to pass ujon the average questions cognizable in the court of a justice of the peace, and condemned by the

decent men of ail parties tor its record or rascality and fraud, Is to decide, as a finality, a question of the gravest magnitude to forty millions of people. Was It surprising, in such a crisis.thal the chairman of the national democratic committee should ask some of the chosen friends of Tilden and Hendricks to visit Louisiana in the interest of peace, and' a fair count of the vote -of the state? Was it strange that a thrill of alarm was felt in every se ction of the Union, and that men spoke with bated breath of the situation? And was the general anxiety at all assauged by the sending of troops to New Orleans? Did not the man who said "Let us have peace," destroy civil government In Louisiana by the bayonet? Two years later, when this same returning board cheated the people of the state out of the right to their own chosen rulers through a fair and valid election, did he not back up the outrage by the scandalous use of federal soldiers? Has not the man who said "Let no guilty man escape," systematically taken sides with usurpation and roguery iu Louisiana? Did he need troops in New Orleans, if the returning board was resolved to act honestly? Or did he mean to use them in sustaining it in the repetition of Its past offences against Justice and decency? The president, in his military order to General Sherman, said that "either party can afford to be disappointed In the result," but that "the country can not afford to have the result tainted by the suspicion of Illegal or false returns." Did he mean this? Or was he firing at honor and fair play from behind a-masked battery? The crisis was critical. Danger -seemed to be in the air. The hearts of the people were burdened with the problem of the hour, and all patriotic and sober men anxiously hoped for Its peaceable solution. A CONFERENCE PROPOSED AND REJECTED THE .REASONS. What was to be done? Representative men of both political parties had reached the theater ot trouble, as the avowed missionaries of peace aud lair dealing. The men who represented the aemocratlc side of the controversy, fully appreciating the seriousness of the situation, addressed a brief letter to Stanley Matthews, John Sherman, and other representative republicans who nad been deputed by the president, proposing a Joint conference "in order that such influence as they possessed might be exerted in behalf of such a canvass of the votes, as by its fairness and impartiality should command the respect and acquiescence of the American peqple o f all parties." I submit to all just and reasonable men that this was a fair aud manly proposition. I am sure it was made in good faith, and that not a man who Joined in it would have been williug to see Tilden and Hendricks counted In by fraud. We simply asked for a fair count, and the supervision of the canvass by a conference representing both sides of the disputed-question. It might not have accomplished any valuable result, but in so threatening an aspect of public affairs the effort was certainly to be commended, and could not honorably be declined. What was the answer to our proposition by the deputies of the president aud leaders of the republican party? They say in the outset thatthey "know of no reason to doubt that a perfectly honest and Just declaration of the results of the recent election in Louisiana by its lawfully constituted authorities will be made." Gentlemen, would any of you have believed it morally possible for Stanley Matthews, John Sherman, aud their republican co-laborers in Louisiana to face the American people with a statement so shockingly incredible? And yet they were equal to the extraoadinary task, and they are "ail honorable men." I will not be so ungenerous and impolite as to call in question their veracity, but it can only be defended by an impeachment of their intelligence, almost as disgraceful as lying. No reason todoubtthat a perfectly honest and Just declaration of the vote in Louisiana would be madtf by the fatuous returning board! Then they had mlngied freely with the people of New Orleans without ever having heard of the notoriously bad character of three of the four meintters of that board ! They had never heard fliat William A. Wheeler, two years ago, pronounced it "a disgrace to civilization I" They had never heard that It was proved before a congressional committee of republicans, about the same time, that the president of this board perjured himself in the testimony he gave respecting the election of 1874 1 Tbey had never heard of the perfectly well known fact that in that year this board Illegally and unjustly took the majority of votes honestly and fairly given to the Democratic ticket, and counted them on the other side, as admitted by the congressional committee referred to, which was composed of the political friends or these si sumrisimrlv Innocent and ignorant politi clans. cians, anJof the members of the board Itself! iney nad never ucard that General sneriaau sunamarily turned the president of this board out of his gubernatorial office In 1H67, on account of his bhanieles rascality and disregard of law! Who would have supposed that our country was afflicted with so- rare an assemblage of political Rip Van Winkles as that which reported for duty in New Orleans nndei the le&d of Sherman, Garfieldft and Kelly? FURTHER REASONS "TUE INNOCENTS ABROAD." But these Republican patriots declined our proposal for a Joint conference for the farther reason that they were present as mere "witnesses, without power or legal Influence" over

the action of the board. They s&id they were "strangers,wlthout official functions," and that "it would be a manifest Interference with state rights and local self government for persons like ourselves, without olliclal rights, to attempt to Interfere with or control" the actions ot such a tribunal. Angels and ministers of race defend us! Will wonders never cease? öOhnSliermän and his confederate republicans preaching the gospel of state rights and local self government in Louisiana! The chief apostles of federal usurpation and the C'uristiuniry of the bayonet striving to hide the vihainies of a republican returning board under the mantle of Thomas Jefferson! The sanctities of law invoked by the assassins of a state! Could anything be more sublimely impudent or more charmingly Satanic? These emissaries of the president knew that the men who proposed a joint conference were not such idiots as to supjKjse it would possess any official power over tue legal functions of the board. When Senator Sherman pretended not to know this, the man wan forgotten in the pettifogger. What we hop d from the presence and co-ope rative action of lending republicans and democrats was the exercise of such a moraZ influence over this suspected tribunal as would secure publicity. Impartiality, and fairness in its methods of canvassing trie votts and ascertaining the result. Our purpose was unmistakable, and it accorded perfect! with the declared wish of the president, that "rej reseutative and fair men of both parties" would visit Louisiana to see that the board of canvassers make a fair count of the vote actually cast." The presence of these republican leaders in New Orleans In response to the invitation of their chlef, was a clear recognition of the very power which they afterwards disclaimed by styling themselves "strangers," with no right to "control or influence any of the officers of the board as to the manner in which they shall perform ministerial or political duties. Fellow citizens, can any of yon devine what brought these gentlemen to New Orleans? They recoil from the very thought of exercising any influence, legal or moral, over the action of the board, or the method of its proceedings. Tney say they know of no reason to doubt that it would make a perfectly honest and just declaration of the results of the election. And yet here were twenty-six "eminent citizens'' and "Christian statesmen" simultaneously leaving their homes for Louisiana at the call of the president, and attending the sessions of the returning board in successive squads till its work was done. What Is the meaning of all this? They say they went as "witnesses," but why go so far to witness a performance that would undoubtedly be conducted with perfect honesty aud fairness? Why make a long journey for the mere purpoM of becoming spectators of a proceeding over which they could exercise neither legal control r.or moral influence? These provoking questions are rendered all the more so by tbe singular fact that this - formidable body of "wiUiesses" which the president detailed for duty at New Orleans disobeyed their orders. The private citizens and strangers, whose innocent and useless mission was that of simple spectators of the doings of the board, failed even in that duty. They were in the court room in which the board sat while canvassing the returns and examining the papers, but with rare and very slight exceptions they gave no more attention to what was going ou.and manifested no more Interest In the proceedings than If the whole affair had related exclusively to the denizens of another planet. Their confidence in the board seemed to be so gushing and unreserved that they peacefully resigned themselves to their correspondence, their newspapers, and their cigars, wliih? the presence of a formidable military force in this city to "see that the members of the board were unmolested in the performance of their duties," was probably .felt as a superadded solace to their soul!'. They may have been "witnesses" to some of the acts of the board, but If so, It must have been at nignt, in some appointed gathering of the politically elect, into which no friend of Tilden and Hendricks could be admitted. Gentlemen, I desire to do injustice to no man. Unfounded suspicion is mean and cowardly ; but in the light of the facts I have stated I again ask the question, why did this remarkable troupe of political partisans visit the state of Louisiana? Did they go to see the orange groves and sugar mills of the state, or the jetties of the Mississippi? Was it a trip of mere pleasure, or private business, accidentally happening at the time the returning board was in session? Was the Invitation ot the president utterly without meaning?.. If their mission was political, do you believe they went as an embassy of peace, putting party under their feet iu the overmastering desire to tranquillze the public mind and enforce justice and law in counting the votes of the state? Or J.d they go as the backers and accomplices of the returning board. In its conspiracy to count out the lawfully elected president of the United States, by wrenching from the people of Louisiana for the third time the precious right of self-government ? Answer these questions for yourselves, after you have followed me in the farther development of my subject. THE VACANCY IN THE RETURNING BOARD PETTIFOGGING. The board entered upon Its regular duties on the 20th of November. War It legally constituted? The law creating it declares that It shall consist of five members, and that all the political parties of the state shall be represented. But there were but four members, and these all republicans; and yet Senator Sherman, in the senate the other day, said "the board was legally constituted." What does he mean by so reckless a statement? It is not denied that the action of four members would be as legal as that of the whole, so far as numbers are concerned; but here is a positive requirement that all political parties shall be represented on the board. This Is lust as binding as the provision fixing the number of the body. A board consisting of two me mbers could not act, because it would lack the numerical qualification prescribed by law. Just as a board composed exclusively of members of one political party lacks the political qualification prescribed by the same law. The first duty of the board, therefore, without w hich I think It was powerless to perform any other, was to fill the vacancy, which the law expressly authorized and required it to do. The counsel for the democratic candidates formally asked for the performance of this obvious and imperative duty, suggesting the name of a most worthy and well qualified man for the position; but the board refused. It defiantly trampled unier foot the two-foid command of the law to fill the vacancy, and to supply the political element which was wanting. President Wells, "the plain man'" who seems to be a great favorite of senator Sherman, said the democrats had lost their right to a member of the board by the resignation of Mr. Arroyo, which I think took place a year and a half ago. He further said thu the board had failed to agree as to the appointment of the gentleman suggested, as if no other man could be found among the more than 80,000 democrats and conservatives of the state. He made the further pitiful plea, that when this returning board was first created there was no such organization as the democratic-conservative party In the state, as If that fact could furnish tne slightest excuse for violating the law to-day. ThLs miserable drivel, by the side of whk'h the worst forms of pettifogging become respectable, is paraded in the senate of the United States by Mr. Sherman as a vindicrcrlon of the board; while in a recent debate In the house of representatlvas, Mr. Hale, of Maine, sought to extricate Governor Wells from his dispiclable dilemma by saying that at its late session the board had offered the vacancy to as many as six democrats, who successively declined it. This statement Is absolutely untrue. Not a democrat was offered the position, although the board was urged, morning after morning during its sessions, to fill it. Why did it refuse? For the perfectly manifest reason that a democratic member would be an unmanageable obstacle to the work to bo done. He would have a right to take part in the oral examination of witnesses. He would have a share in the work of canvassing the returns. He would have a right to be present in the secret conferences of the board, during its protracted public sessions. And he would be present at the final cooking of the returns by which the state was to be cheated, and would be the witness of the transaction. These are exactly the reasons why the board stubbornly and brazenly refused to fiU tbe vacancy ; and I believe no man will deny it who is acquainted with Its history, except the Innocent and child-like Senator Sherman, and the guHeless political babes who played their part as "witnesses" so Inoffensively at New Orleans. Gentlemen, the defense of such lawlessness by honorable'" men in either brancn of congress would be a melancholy fact, even If this board had been able to point to a record of unimpeachable good behavior In the past. But its character was bad, In the Judgment of all political parties. It had - thwarted the will of the people of Louisiana two years before, by making the ballot the football of knavery and fraud. Its integrity was suspected by intelligent men throughout the entire land, and its action in thus violating the principle that no man shall ba a Judge in

i his own case, was as shnmeless aswifciT-e

that of a Judge of one of your own conns should Claim the rij. li I to oer-upy the bench, and charge the jury on the trial of ai imiicvment suint himself, alter a iormci conviction lor the si. me otlense. Its audacity in clutching at party machinery and sceaitinpthe virtues of honesty, impartiality and fcur ness, while proceeding to decide the grave issues of a state and national ejection, is enougl to provoke the laughter and amazement ,o deviLs. SenatorSherman elefends it. He think Governor Wells "the peer of any m.tu in tm senate," and he sees nothing wiong in the fur ther fact that that the clerical force of the board was also packed with republicans, lit says there was no law requiring a political division of the cleoks, and that democrats, when they have the offices, do not divide with republicans. lHil this is a very transparent deslge. 1 he point here involved is not one of law, but decency. The returning board Is covered v ilh public suspicion. Its character is stained by fraud. It bent uj-on further rascal.: iea it would, of course, want a body of faithful clerical scullions., skilled in tne work of falsely and fraudulently canvassing and tabulating the votes, and all r.ctin htrmomou.siy in tne service of their ma-steis. Tins, of course, would be seriounly interfered with by tbe presence of democrats, while no haun would bodone If honor nnd fair play wei r to be thogovernin principles. All tiii is as j.a;pab!e as the moral blindness which haulers very disticguishtd and honorable gentlemen from Hing it. SECRECY A'iD SKUUUNG. Kut the board not only sign AM zed the beginning of its work by openly violating the law aneoting its organ 1 7.1 lion and functions, bat it still further confirmed the popular di-trust of its Integrity by excluding tho public from its sessions. J udge Spo fiord, one of the counel for the democratic candidates, made a very earnest and eloquent appeal for publicity. He reminded the board that forty mihions of people were watching Its proceed iug, axid quoted the language of the president, lhat "should there be any grounds of suspicion of a fraudulent counting ou either side, it ehould be reported and denounced at one." In tne name of the American people he asked that no part of the work should "be done in a corner," and declared that there was "no call for privacy In applying the rules of arithmetic," or in performing "Judicial duties." But the board refused to listen to this demand on the filiusv pretext that if it was surrounded by a multitude of people it would be disturbed and de laved in its proceedings. What the country wanted was not only an honest count of the vote, but fliat the proceedings should be conducted witi such evident fairness as to make this unque tionable to the people of all parties. If at af possible, suspicion tdiould bave beet entirely disarmed by invoking the fal light of day upon a transaction s pregnant with interest, both to tlu state and the nation. But "men love dark tie raiher than light because their deeds are evil." Tne people of Iuisiana were not allowed to witness the canvass of their own votes. The press reporters, representing the leading newspapers of the country, were excluded from the court room on their petition to be admitted. The supervisors of registration and elections who desired to witness the canvass of the vote Were not allowed to be present, either in ierson or by their counsel. The democratic candidates and their attorneys were also excluded, except on the hearing of contested c-ves, although their presence was exceedingly important during the entire proceedings, owing to their familiarity with the different parishes and voting precincts, and their ability to detect any indications oft frauci on the owning of the returns, which the visiting committee present would necessarily fail to discover. The board. It Is true, so far yielded to the pressure from without as to permit the presence of two political eommitices,witti a reporter for each,but this was an exceedingly fiail barrier against sex-ret manipulation and fraud in. the returns.' These committee were composed of strangers Irom distant states, wholly unfamiliar w ith the practical roguery of Louisiana officials, while the exclusion of the general press reporter, the people of the state, the supervisors and registrars of elections, ami the candidates for ef.ice, was wholly indefensible, and utterly irreconcilable with an honest purpose to serve the interests of truth. It perlectly accorded, bowever, with the action of the board in other respects. It had openly violated the law as to its organization. It had excluded lrom any share in its deliberations every element that would not yield unhesitating obedience to its base purposes. It had usurped the right to Bit as final Judge of Its own flagitious acts. It had fully recorded its purpose to re-enact the foul game of 1X74. It was entirely natural therefore that It should wrap itell in tbe mantle of darkness when entering upon the final chapters of its unhallowed conspiracy to cheat the people of the United Slates. THK LAWLESS ACTS OF THE BOARD. Bat let os follow the board in its work. The counsel for the democratic candidates, at the outset, protested against the right of tbe board to canvass the electoral vote at all, but the protest was summarily overruled and no opportunity allowed for argument. With characteristic one-sided ness, the board ruled in favor of its own Jurisdiction; and SenatorSherman in bis late letter to the president, declares that its action is "independent of state and national laws other than those of Louisiana," and "finally and substantially conclusive as to the votes cast and candidates elected." In sup. port of this position he sites a decision of the supreme court of Iouisiana, well knowing at the time that Chief justice Ludellng, who pronounced that decision, bad been branded with "fraud and breach of trust" by the supreme court of the United States, In a case which brought his charater in question. But conceding that there is no appeal from the decisions of this board, iheir finality certainly could not be admitted as to questions beyond its jurisdiction. It has no right to wander away from its appointed work, and pass upon question's not crgnlzable by it, under the law from which It derives its anthority. Judge Trumbull and his associates, in their late Ixmisiana report, have conclusively shown that the law of 1K72 creating this tribunal, and under which it acted, makes no provision as to the manner of appointing electors for president and vice president, while it seems to repeal all other laws on the subject of elections. They show that if the previous act of 170 respecting the appointment of presidential electors is repealed, there is no law of the state on the subject, and the board is consequently without authority to canvass the votes for such offices; but that if the act 0 l7q is not rt pealed, th canvass of the vote sfor electors must be made by the governor in the presenc-a of the secret tary of state, the attorney general, a Judge of the district in which the seat of government may be established, or any two of them, as required by that act. The public has been mad acquainted with this argument, and I neSX) not repeat it at length; aud although Mr. Sherman refers to it as "an array of technicalities," its soundness has been indorsed by some of the ablest lawyers of the country, and has not been successfully impeached in any quarter. But even If the board had the right to canvass the electoral vote.it clearly transcended Its legal authority In throwingoutvoteson account of intimidation and violence. Its simple duty was to canvass and compile the returns and proclaim the result, unless the commissioners of election or the supervisors of registration imposed upon It a further duty by laying a legal foundation for It. as provided for in sections 26 and 4:1 of the state election law. That foundation must consist of the affidavit of the supervisor of registration or commissioners of fclcctionsupported by the affidavits of three or more citizens, setting forth the facts of any riot, tumult, acts of violence, intimidation, armed disturbance, bribery or corrupt intiu-, ences which prevented o tended to prevent a' fair, free and peaceab e cection, and showing the number of qualified electors deterred by such pioceedings from voting or registering. This statement must be made ont within 24 hours after the receipt of all the returns for the di deren t polling places, and shall be forwarded in duplicate to tbe supervisor of registration of the parish. If this foundation Is not laid , the board has no Jurisdiction whktever except to count toe votes returned. It has nc right to entertain any outside protest. It has 110 right to attack, the returns from any poll, ward or parish in the state, for any of the en uses specified. If the decision of the board Is final, it is because its proceedings have tracked the law, and are therefore backed by its authority. The board has no tr-oßüio power to institute complaints against any poll. The special provisions of the law have an unmistakable meaning. Their purpose is that all the supervisors shall be engaged Simultaneously la their several parishes in completing their returns and statements on the spot where the election was held, without communication with each other or with persons beyond the parish, ami before they can obtain information of what has been done in other parishes, or any clear knowledge of the result. The design is to exclude from the consideration of the returning board aller pott ucto complaints which might be trumped op at the lost moment, for dishonest purposes. And this was the declared opinion of Messrs.