Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 25, Number 45, Indianapolis, Marion County, 21 June 1876 — Page 2

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL WEDNESDAY, JUNE' 21, 1876.

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 01.

It was cruel in the colored delegates to go back on Morton. Did that one Northern delegate, who voted for Morton, drink?. Who is entitled to tbe honor of capturing the Northern delegate ? Was that one Northern delegate captured by Dick Thompson's stories? The Republican rallying cry daring: tbe present canvass will be Hayes and hard money. For Sale - A tattered and torn bloody shirt. For particalars and terms apply to Morton or Blaine. Blaine will call for cocktails instead of crackers when he reads the convention news this morning:. Will the sole proprietor define the "un defined strength of Senator Morton as a presidential candidate" ? What will tbe glee club do with those Morton songs which were to be sung in front of the Journal office? Now is the accepted time for the sole proprietor to call an indignation meeting before his Martindale office. Hayes wad ce.eated tu 1872 by Banning, In one of tbe Cincinnati district?, alter having been imported icr the parpose of making tbe race. Thev held a jollification meeting at Bloomington lat night over the defeat of the war governor. Rauiove the remains of the late lamented. It is seml-omoially announced that Oen. M. C. Hunier will decline a renomination iorCopgwsa in the E ghth district. His bonds were ot the E Pasi railroad. It is said Col. Du. k 1 hoa pson enter tained tbe Indiana delegates with bis sto ries at a time when they should have been working for the great war governor. The Journal has been crjing out Instil y f or the repeal of the resumption bill. Now it swallowB tbe most oppressive platform on tbe financial question that ever Las been formed. It endorses paving tbe bonds in gold that were sold lor 40 cents. It lavors steady and continuous contraction. Let tbe people of the West decide if tbey can stand stand this. Rutherford ßireberi Hayes, tbe Republican nominee lor president, was born at Delaware, Ohio, October 4, 1822. He is a graduate of Kenyon College, and of Cambridge Liw Sohool. He practiced law in Cincinnati for several years, and at one time was o ty solicitor. He was major and afterwards colonel of tbe Twenty-third Ohio regiment In tbe war of tbe rebellion. He was commissioned a brigadier general in October, 1864, and on the 13th of March, 1SG5, was brevetted major general. He has served one term in Congress from a Cincinnati district, and has been thrice eUc'ed governor of Ohio. This comprises his life and public services. Tbe Republican Aomin e for President Tbe nomination ot Rutherford B. Haves, of Ohio, yesterday by the Republican National Convention is another evidence oi the difficulty of nominating men of ability and large pa bllo experience for the firt office in tue people's gift. Tbe convention had before it asking its endorsement four candidates of acknowledged talents and great familiarity with governmental affairs. The first of thes, James G. Blaine, Is perhaps the ablest debater now in public life. He is a representative man ot the jobbing element of the Republican parly, and that h9 has a great hold upon the affections of bis party is evinced by the pertinacity with which his friends clung to him. The second, Oliver P. Morton of this state, has talents of the highest order, and represents tbe vindictive element of his party. He has done as mach as any other man to keep alive tbe animosities engendered by tbe war, and his defeat is a he peful omen of a mere liberal and catholic spirit among Republicans In their treatment of the Southern people. Tbe third in the list Benjamin H. Bristow s a representative of the better element of his party, and bad be been tbe nominee, tbe country would have had a right to expect a more honest administration of the government than it has had tor many a year. That his vote never reached but a fraction over one hundred, is evidence that the delegates to the convention did not consider tbat m man whose cblef claim to public support was his known antipathy to thieves and public robbers as a proper person to lead the Republican bosis to battle In this cen tennlal year of the republic. Tbe fourth and last of tbe quartette, Rosco Conkllng, of New York, is a representative of the aristocratic and blne-btooded eleme-tof Republicanism. Had he been chosen a the nomioe, he would have been enthusiastically eurprted by those Republicans who wer d amord rings, sport go'dheaded cants, eat cnvass-backed ducks and drink champagne wine. Bat all these representative men were cast aside, and a caodliate nominated who Is a represent tive of so particular element in h!s party. He 1 not fitted either ry ability or experience to be tbe executive head of a great nation. Tbe times clear. and a president of acknowledged talents and large experience n public Hie. Mr. Hayes is possessed of neither of these essentials. Tbe most his friends can claim f r him la tbat be has creditably di-e arjted tbe dntias of the Jew public offices Le has filled. He served

but a single term In Congress, and attracted no particular notice while he sat in the House at Washington. He has been three times elected governor of Ohio, and now holds that office. As chief executive of our sister state he has so conducted himself as to merit the respect and confidence of her people, but has given no evidence of being possessed Of the kind of ability which a president should have. He is a man of mediocre talents, of fair personal and public character, but utterly unfit to be president ot the United States. He was nominated yester day on account of his negative qualities, bat the people want something in a president besides negative qualities and a fair personal reputation. Tbe latter is good In Itself, but is not the only thing which a president should possess. He should be a man ot first-class ability, and witb experience In governmental a flairs sufficient to enable him to judge intelligently and act nnderstandlngly upon any matter wbich may be presented for his consideration. As before remarked, Mr. Hayes does not possess tbese qualities, and, should he be elected, will necessarily be compelled to look to his cabinet for the determination of such matters as ought to be decided by himself. His chances for election, however, are but meagre if the convention at St. Louis sets wisely and nominates Governor Hen-

dricks. Such action on its part is most probable, and to us seems a necessity since the Republican nominee is a Western man. With Mr. Hendricks as our candidate, Indiana will go Democratic without doubt, and the chance of his carrying Ohio is good. Let us hope that the convention at St. Louis will see these things as we do, and nominate the man who can carry the pivotal states in October and the country in November. Some Reasons Why Governor Hendricks Should be Nominated at St. Louis. It Is but two weeks now until the meet ing of tbe St. Louis convention. The newspapers have been and now are, much occupied with its possible and probable action. Who will be its nominees? Who ought to be its nominee-? Tbe discussion of these questions attracts a large share o public interest, and the people are making up their judgment upon them. It if, therefore, proper that we should brieflj present some of the considerations which justify tbe action of this state in declaring its preference for Mr. Hendricks. He is, at the age of fi'ty-six years, in the prime of a vigorous manhood. He has oc cupied many important and responsible positions, which have given him much experience in public affairs. As a member of the Legislature he acquired his first ex perience in parliamentary proceedings; as a member of tbe state constitutional convention of 1850 51, he exhibited the results of careful study, of state organ ization and state institutions, and in tbe office ot governor, wbich he now fills, he has shown high executive ability, always regulating his conduct by tbe law, and enforcing strict economy In expenditures From 1851 to 1855 he was a member of the House of Representatives, and occupied a responsible position in Us proceedings and debates. For four years he was at the head of the general land office. The business of tbat office waa then larger and more difficult than ever before or since, yet his administration of it has been re garded as In an eminent degree sucjeeBful. From 1863 to 1869 he was a member of tbe United States Sanate. His care and dili gence in respect to tbe publio business were recognized by toe whole country. During the entire term in no instance did he ssek to avoid the laoor of duties as signed to bim, nor the responsibilities of the publio debates. Upon all the impor tant questions that at ose hia opinions were fully declared. This fact is a sufficient answer to the charge of timidity whieh is sometimes made against him. While a member of tbe Senate be was the acknowl edged Democratic leader of tbat body, and no man could have obtained tbat position without belog possessed of courage, as well as ability. While he favored in the Senate the successful prosecution of the war and voted for all appropriate and necessary supplies, he resisted all encroachniett upon the constitution and tbe constitu tional rights Of the states. At tbe close ot tbe war be opposed the series of unconstitutional measures called reconstruction. and held tbat the states were not out of tbe union and to be admitted npon arbi trary condition?, but on the contrary, tbat they were in the union, and tbat their practical relations were to be restored, and they were to be protected In a republican form of government. We need not speak ol the ability and good judgment be dis played throughout this long, difficult and conspicuous services; it Is not questioned by any, it is conceded by all. We have referred to Mr. Hendricks' long and varied public service, not for the par pose of making a review thereof, but to present him as be is a man of large ex perience and t stei qualities. His selection to a high offioe would not be a venture, but it would be trusting our a fit Irs in the bands of one whose habits ot thought and lavest gatlou and whose composure ot judgment qualify him to deal safely and successfully with them. II will be observed tbat tbe positions filled by Mr Hendricks, both under the authority ot be atate ot Indiaua and of tbe United States, have been responsible and difll n't 0 ies, and it is a striking fact tbat his tonduct In office has been almost without criticism; tbat In each position he has strengthened b's hold npon public confi fence, and added to bis character as a man of safe judgment, thorough in investi gation and ot unquestioned integrity. It would ba .Disagreeable to Institute comparisons between Mr. Hendricks and

tbeother distinguished men who sre spoken of for the presidential nomination. Tbey are men ot ability and high character. Some of tbem do not have the experience which has so qualified Mr. Hendricks for such a position, but it la not oar parposs to consider the question In the sp'rit of

rivalry. It la sufficient to say tbat In the positions of responsibility in which he has been placed, from tbe- court room to tbe Senate chamber, he has always ahown.hlm aelfcqoal to the occasion always eomirg np folly to the requirements ot the occs alon. He ia a man of aimple tastes and habits.' Should be be elected president, be would tike with him to Washington these tastes and habits, and by the example of himself and family do much to correct the false standard of respectability there, and make it possible for' a government official to live in tbat city without trench ing npon his private fortune or robbing tbe public treasury. Such is the gentleman whom the state of Indiana has honored with her preference. capible, experienced and honest. From his youth op he has lived In Indiana, and has been Identified with her development. tcan not be questioned that besympv tb!z)s powerfully with everything tbat efforts her welfare. In respect to tbe whole country, as to any conflicting Interest tbat may arise is it suitable and proper tbat our candidate should be taken from tht state. Her location is central. Her population come from all sections of tbe couLtry and from abroad, and is conserva tive and free from sectional partialities and prejudices. Her interests are Identified with every part of the country. Her productions are wanted in the E'8t,Wesi and South. Tbe productions of her capital and labor are not confined to a few interests, but are numerous and diversified. Her greatest interest is agriculture, but she is largely interested in many varieties ot manufactures, in almost everything tbat is mads of iron and hard wood, in tbe products of wool and of cotton, In tbe ttrain upon the surface of the earth and in great mines underneath, and as a great producer and purchaser she is interested in the commerce upon the seas, upon tbe ri'ers actl upon the roads, as over fcer roads a great commerce passes between tbe West and the Etst. Indiana is interested in the currency, and would feel most sensitively any policy that would impair tbe public credit, Impair tbe value of our money, or so reduce tbe sapply as to destroy enterprise. Other sections, more extreme in their location and more special In their interests, can not justly distrust a nomination made from such a state, all of whose interests make her conservative and just. Other consid erations being equal. It is but fair that tbe great honors should be distributed among tbe sections and states. It would not be rieht for either of tbe great states of New York or Virginia to claim always to fur nish the president or the candidate. It would come to be felt as a humiliation by other states. Indiana now ranks amonv tbe just and powerful states of the Union. For sixty year she has been a state In the Union, but she has never been honored with tbe nomination of one of her clt'zens by either party. Neither has the great Noitbwest, ol which she is so Important a part, ever bad, since the government was founded, but two Democratic nominees for the presidency. One of these twoJudge Douglass was not the nominee of the united party, so it may be said that Gen. Cass was the only Western man ever nominated for the presidency by tte Democratic party. Circumstances hereto fore have given to the Atlantic co? st the nominations of the Damocratic party Now, it tbe West has a suitable man, ar d one who can receive the general support ot the party throughout the country, is it not expedient and just that she Bhould be allowed to enjoy tbe honor? Sorely it will not be understood that we would sac 1fice or endanger the election tor the honor f the nomination. We believe that Mr.. Hendricks wculd more likely be el ecu d than a nominee from tbe Eastern states, but it Is sufficient for us to cUim that his election would be as probable. It is claimed that New York must be carried to elect. We do not altogether agree to that, but passing 16 by can Gov. Tilden more likely carry tbe state ol New Yoik than a suitable candidate from another state? Unless there be something specially objectionable in tbe candidate, to say tbat be cannot carry tbe strength of tbe party in New York is to impeach tbe nationality ot the party of tbat sta.e, and attribute to it local and selfish devotion, rather than fraternity with tbe national Democracy. Tae party of that state which helped to elect Mr. Van Buren, also gve its great voice to promote Mr. Folk to the same high position. We concede tbe weight that should be given to a question of availability at this time, but when the delegates are aked to make a nomination solely npon the hypothesis tbat Governor Tilden only can carry tbat state, there are two facta that should be carefully considered. A mistake right here is easily made. Is the party of that state harmonious la bis support? Powerful leaders and great newspapers of tbe party say tbat tbe party can not be harmonious in his support. Tbe result In the Btate last fall Indicated as mach. A year after bis inauguration and In tbe middle of his administration the vote of the party lalle IT Dearly forty thousand, and left it on tbe vereot de feat. But delegates can ascertain this tact at S Louis. It will not do to be misled by heeding interested parties wbers tbey impugn the motives ot leaimg Democrats ot that state, because tbey say that the state is donbtful with Governor Tiiden as the candidate. But a nnre Important consideration mast be regarded. Can Governor Tilden carry either Ohio or

Indiana in October? Indiana baa never hesitated to support a candidate upon tbe ground tbat he was of another state. Her

Democracy rallies to the support of the nominee if he be a Democrat, wherever he may live. But Governor Tilden's position towards Indiana and Ohio is unfortunate to himself and the Democracy of these states. The Democrats think he, and the newspapers in his support gave their influence to the defeat of Gov. Allen in Ohio last fall that, if their support and sympathy had been given to that distinguished man, he would have been elected, and the contest of 1878 substantially settled. This is the trouble in the way of uniting the Democratic vote of these states upon Gov. Tiiden. It is more his fault than theirs. His voice should have been heard in sympathy with the Democ racy or Ohio and Pennsylvania last fall. Now, the fact is, that this difficulty makes it uncertain whether be can carry either state in October. If both states are lost In October what becomes of New York and New Jersey in November? Eighteen hundred and seventy-two answers that. The loss of Ohio and Penni sylvania and the balanced vote of Indiana in October carried New York, New Jersey and many really Democratic states for Grant in November. The result in October swept the country. Is it not madness now to expect it to be otherwse? Where is Governor Tilden's magnetism or powerful influence that can snatch victory from the midst of defeat? He has no magnet ism. Whoever carries Indiana and Ohio in Ostober will carry the close ttates In November. Can Governor Hendricks carry Indiana? In 1872, when all the current? were Btrongly against the Democrats, and over tbe entire North deleat and disaster marked tbe field he carried this state. Strong men were swept down elsewhere. In but one locality In tbe North was tbe Democratic banner seen at the close oi the contest it was in Indiana, and it was upheld by Gov. Hendricks. In New York, that able and popular leader, now Senator Kernan, went down in tbe storm with tbe banner. Two years thereafter, ia 1874, in tbe middle of Gov. Hendricks' administration, the Democratic ticket was elected by an average majority of 16,000, a gain of nearly tbat much during his ad ministration. We have no hesita tion in saying tbat in tie event of Gov. Hendricks' nomina tion at St. Louis, Iudiana will certainly be Democratic by a laree maioritv. We also think it possible, indeed, very probable that he can carry Ohio. His support of Gov. Allen in 1S75 has attached the Democrats of that Btate to him, so tht he will receive tbelr earnest support. Having carried Indiana in October, why can Gov. Hendricks not carry New York, New Jersey and indeed Pennsylvania in November? Tbe Democracy ol those states is net eestional. We understand tbat h's views on the currency are objection able In those states. How is tbat? He does not occupy extreme ground npon this quettlon. He stands where the party may stand and be cor dially united. In a speech delivered at Zinesville, in the Allen campaign last fall, be expressed bis views very plainly. VVe give the following brief extracts as correctly presenting bis position upon the currency question : Having: stated my object Ions to the last de veloped financial policy of tbe administra tion na its pari y, i aa. your permission to rved what I said to the peop e of Iudiai a last year iu respect to specie paymmts: "Tha exrression in avor of a return to specie pay ments ia very general, bat tae real question is whtm and how can that oe accomplished T so long as ibe supply of coin is so small as compared wlili ih paper money, it 1 impossible. The effort now would prooabiy resent In commercial disaster. The people so believe. No sentiment attributed to Mr. ureeley in 1872 was more buuiui to hi political for Lanes ihan the d maml for immediate specie pa meuts. To render It possibl , witnout ban to the oonntr , e in sua puper must come nearer together in quantity. 1 hey will then bo nearer, li not no norm, in value How shall tbat be brought about T by reducing tbe paper currency T Witn tbe present burthen of national, state and lo-l t- xatton. and tbe large vo.utne or oth r tudeDteduess to be provided for, that can not t- borne. It would cramp business and paraljze labor. No one de sires a r-tarn to specie payments more e arnestly than myself, for 1 bell ve gold and sliver are tbe real s'andard or values, universal aud permanent. As I bad occasion once betöre to saj , tne existence Of Commercial it eJlurns of different values one desci 1 ptln of mouey for one class aud purpose, and another tor a different etass endartdrAltbe money of ibe country should j be of ua. form vaiue, and readily convertible, i Hat we are r.ot In toat condition. O lr paper ' money exceeds ibe coin by nearly five dinars toone. Ii w win we bring ihem nearer t - IjriUOi iu vi it sau tu j j urw inj mmj apiivavu and meet in vtlwe? Sball we comwenceat the top and tear down, t r at tne bottom and kiill.i nnf PiislnMi anlArniliiAand lahnr ov.rir important! ter etot tbe country demand that ! iu uiuuioui lurcu.rrutjr u m.iu., luru .u in et their requirement; bar every interest j will be s reugtbened by increasing tbe sapply of coin. How lu tnat to be accorni lisheiT By encou agiug an increased production of or greaf autples that coaimaud tbe foreign market; by reducing our expenditures in foreign purchase; aud by reveialrg the f-ttal pllov vulcb ba Mougtii to mie our debt, a foreign debt. When we purchase less or fore'gii gK and sell more of our productions aboa snd cease to pay o luncn of the Inteiest ou our oebt abiosd, ana pay it to nrown clt sens, tbe current of goll will turn towards our snore, und then specie payments will be cer ala. natural and le-rnaneni. and will become tbe basis o' an enduring prospeiity." Aa soou as tbe buinea of the country nd tbe condition ol our Euopeaa trade wi 1 justify tbe op nion that gold 1 arcuinuiat ntf, and likely to remai- , Congres mv saiely fix tbe time and provide for the redemption of tne treasury notes. Tbe general pira'yls ot business and err. plo m -nt. and 'h disirunt of nsefol Investment beraus1 of sarin kage of values, aj well a tne coudlt on ot our currency, nve bronKht about d ffWrences of opinion among Democrats. I thins tnee diff roncea may be adjusted. 1 .have heretofore expressed the opinion that a wise statesmanship mav avoid tbe extrem- s of a contraced currency, c rum pi g en'erprlse and labor on tbe one baud, snd of an lnflii audd predated cu lencyon tne oth r; that tney are the ex'retma of glutton and siarvlion, and i hat health od streuxth will coaie of nel'her. 1 nave an unshaken confidence thai the nation 1 council of our p -rty will so aoiiibt these dlffereno a i s to milr taln our HKoient doctrine In fvorof a sound a..d stbie currency, snd oi politics in accoidanoe therewith, and with a reMimt specie p"y ra n salwasii view, and at tbesarre t me nvol ling the dUaoie a which weaid Inevitably tA.ow contraction. We do not tor a moment doub that Mi. Hendricks, upon tbese view?, would re

oelve the support cordial and earnest ot

the united Democracy of tbe entire conn try. We believe that the central position of the state, his conservative character, his freedom from sectionalism, his statesman ship, integrity, learning and acknowledged ability justify the commendation of his nomination made by Indiana to the national Democracy, and that it will be an act of wisdom if it be respected, and that if nominated at St. Louis he will be elected. Senator Morton's Attack Upon Mr. Blaine. "And we will say that Morton was the author of the vehement attack; that has been made upon Blaine." Cincinnati Enquirer. You can say it, but when you do you say what in utterly untrue. Senator Morton has had no more loao wim originating or inspiring tbe auara on uiaine than you did with that on renaieton. The foregoing paragraph of the Journal contains a general and rather ill-natured denial of tbat copied from the Enquirer. The Cnqulrer chargea tbat tbe attack made by John C. S. Harrison upon Mr. B.'aine was made in the Interest of Senator Mor ton, and prompted and supported by him. Although it is of no great imparlance to the public whether th:s charge be tree or false, yet it is matter of some interest to see how the organ oi Senator Morton, In bis favor, ignores the most conclusive evidence ever brought forward in support of a proposition, when bis interest requires it. For tbe purpose of illustrating tbia tendency of the organ we propose briffly to examine the evidence tending to establish Senator Morton's par ticlpafion in tbe attack upon Mr. Blaine. In order to do this Intelligibly, let it be remembered that the proposition to be proved against Senator Morton is this, namely:. Senator Morton prompted and supported the attack upon Mr. Blaine. This proposition is either true or false. We affirm that, in the light of all the circumstances surrounding the attack upon Mr. Blaine, it is true. 1. Who is Mr. Har rison with respect to Senator Morton? He has been for many years one of the Senator's bankers. His financial manager and stakeholder. He keeps the Senator's private box which is said to be visited by that gentleman twice every year for some mysterious purpose. It is said also that when in 1872 the Senator had some $27,000 designed for political purposes in his possession, he deposited it with Mr. Harrison, and that the money was employed in the interest of tbe Senator rather than of his party. In other words, those who know have been heard to complain that in the use of this money be made the interests of his party subsidiary to his own. No matter how the money was expended. Mr. Harrison was undoubtedly its custodian. 2. In view of their relations and confidence. Senator Morton no doubt made Mr. Harrison a director on behalf of the government of tbe Union Pacific Railroad Company. What else, indeed, but personal relations could have prompted such an appointment; for what knowledge had Mr. Harrison of railroads and their management that should have raised him to the position, while such men as Gen. Morris, David C. Branham and Horace Scott were overlooked and ignored? He had never been engaged in any way in tbe conduct of railroads; and no one ever accused him ot being guilty of any general knowledge of affairs tbat even tended to fit him for tbe supervision of such complicated and important interests. He knew, indeed, and it is about all we have ever heard him seriously accused of knowing, that money loaned at 20 per cent, per annum upon good security, is a fair investment. But then, others, not remarkable for their knowledge, had known as much before. Such information was at best but a sorry preparation for the management of the Union Pacific railroad. In truth, however, he was not chosen on the ground ot any peculiar fitness for the position. Senator Morton's appointments all stand in other reasons personal friendship, fealty, vassalage to the chief, willingness to do and be all things that may in any wise advance his interests, are the foundations of his confidence and the grounds of his favor. . No one that knows Mr. Harrison ever questioned his qualifications for such service nor his right to such rewards. In truth he has long been one of that following which has made Senator Morton's elevation to the presidency a thing dreaded almost as much by honest, intelligent men who know him as that of any ot those who. have been shown by Investigation to be unworthy of public confidence; and, therefore, unfit to be elected to the highest office in the gift of the people. Such considerations unquestionably led to the appointment of Mr. Harrison. That he was unfit for the position became manifest nearly as soon as he entered upon the discharge of his duties. The very first step taken by him, in reference to the facts upon which be founds his charge against Mr. Blaine, proves his unfitness; for he says that as soon as he discovered the transaction in which $64,000 were paid for certain Fort Smith and Little Rock bonds he introduced a resolution before the board of directors, designed to ascertain the character of that transaction, but that upon a bare suggestion that for him . . . , H ba to defeat i to press the r solution wou.d BS to oeieat Mr. Blaine's election, he witnarew it. woe wou'd have thought that such a sugges tion would have been sufficient to etimu lae the energy of any honest diiector in the vigor us pursuit of tbe investiga'ioh implied in the resolution. If the transac tion-was cot dishonest, no amount of inveaticririnn ronld have endangered the . jp!.,- ot Mr. Blaine, cr any one else, (P'"1 . . ' J, . . If, on tue otner uauu ik b uisuwuci was Mr. Barrlson's plain duty, regardless ot whom it might help or hurt, to expose the wbols fraud. To withdraw the resolut!oD, therefore, upon the mere sugges

tion that It would defeat Mr. Blalne'aelecUon, especially after the election was over, was to act directly in favor of fraud, against the company of which he was a director. The resolution ' was offered and withdrawn as early as 1S7I; and although, taken altogether, Mr. Harrison's conduct was no better than it should be, etill he is willing to make It the ground of official martyrdom. Henoe it is, as be informs us, tbat Mr. Delano deter mined to remove him from the directorship ot tbe road. And Just here we oomo to Indubitable' proof ol Mr. Morton's connection with Mr. Harrison throughout this entire transaction. Mr. Morton being responsible as senator for the appointment of Mr. Harrison, was notified by Mr. Delano to furnish him another Indiana name to fill the place of that of Mr. Harrison in the list of directors. A letter to tbat effect was Introduced by Mr. Harrison before the committee of the House of Representatives. For aught tbat appears It is tbe only letter that passed on the hutjact between Mr. Delano and Senator Morton. Though brief, it U important to our present Inquiry in several ways. It recognizes Senator Morton's responsibility lor tbe appointment of Mr. Harrison, and tacitly concedes his right to control that of his successor. Mr. Harrison was not removed, some influence counteracting the design of Mr. Delano. It can scarcely he doubted tbat that influence proceeded from Senator Morton. Now, as the letter of Mr. Delano ended in nothing, it ceased to have any importance whatever as soon as It was determined that Mr. Harrison should remaia in his effije, unless it should be to bolster up and give color to some attack to be made in tbe future upon Mr. Blaine. Tbe letter was properly the proper;y of Senator Morton; and legitimate inquiry lor it could

only be made of him. Yet after years have elapsed It is found that Messrs. Blaine and, Morton are both ambitious of preferment to the highest office in the gift of the people. Their ambitions are equal and opposite. Whatever tends to advance the one, tends, in the same ratio, to retard and defeat the other. And just now when these opposite ambitions are about to culminate, Mr. Harrison steps to the front and makes a direct attack upon Mr. Blaine with a fact, which he had been told five years before, would be sufficient to defeat his election to tbe House of Representatives at that time. He now proposes to make the fact do more important service to the senator than it would have done if brought to the light five years before. But he must be supported; and just in this emergency the letter of Mr. Delano finds its way from the pigeon-hole of the senator to the pocket of his vassal. It is in Mr. Harrison's hands, and it is there without explanation. It is there, too, to make him strong in his attack upon Senator Morton's great rival. He uses it before the committee for tbe only purpose which it could possibly subserve. How did he get it? He could only have gotten it from Senator Morton. When did he get it? He does not deign to tell us. Why did he get it? He has left us to infer the purpose from the use which he has made of it. In whose interest has it been used? In no other man's than Senator Morton's. If Mr. Harrison's only purpose had been to subserve the interests of the government, the divulgement should have taken place years ago. He brings it forth, now, however, after te interests which his trust bound him to subserve, had been passed so long that he had no capacity to protect them. The only object that he could possibly attain by making the exposure when he did, was to injure Mr. Blaine, in whose behalf he had withdrawn his resolution at a time when he could, by pressing it, have advanced the public interest. Why not now protect Mr. Blaine as well as then? There can be but one reason. Senator Morton's interest, not involved in the inquiry of 1871, now demands the exposure and sacrifice of Mr. Blaine. Hence the attack. by Harrison, supported and backed up by Mr. Delano's letter from tbe files ol Senator Morton. The co-operation of the Senator and his vaasal is thus made clear. Every inhrence except the one that Senator Morton placed the letter in Mr. Harrison's bands t support and bol ster up his attack upon Mr. Blaine Is cz eluded. The evidence would, if brought to bear In support ot a charge of murder against Mr. Hamson, as principal, and the senator, as advising, aiding and abetting him in the commission of tbe oflense, bo quite sufficient to convict both. It ia true,. the evidence is circumstantial, but then it is entirely conclusive. All tbat is wanting to make it satisfac tory, in the highest po sible degree, is proof of a sufficient motive en tbe part of the senator. We have already alluded to tbe existence of such a motive. It is found in his political ambition, which must suffer defeat and final overthrow should Mr Blaine succeed in obtaining the nomination for tbe presidency. Was the Senator actuated by any adequate motive? Witness the situation at Cincionati. A motive tbat has hitherto been paramount in the direction of his conduct plainly led to tha attick upon Mr. Bialne. That attack, was made under the pressure of ita greatest power. For him to fall now would be to reader bis life itself a failure. We are authorized to conclude, therefore, from the circumatanoes ot the case, the interest aud motive of the senator, that he is responsible for the attack upon Mr. Blaine, and tbat the Journal denies the charge of the Enquirer In tbe face of abso lute proof. S. Griff, ol Evonsvllle, while on a business trip to New Orleans, commlttad suicide by lumping into a vinegar vat. His failure todlspos? of b-a oods is attributed as the cause ot tne rash deed.

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