Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 25, Number 31, Indianapolis, Marion County, 15 March 1876 — Page 4

THE INDIANA-STATE SENTINEL WEDNESDAY, MARCH 15, 187G.

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 15.

Alaska seals always tako to water when toey M a Moody ehli t.' - - Diamonds in the rough are appreciating in the Washington market. ; Belkcap dldu'. hold the right Bower when called to ihow his hand. "Woodinar, spare that tree" la what Rowland once aald to a, county candidate. . 1, X 1 J -I Washington alamood are losing their luster in the eyes cf the honest men and "Women of America. n-. J - . The stupidity ot the Journal may be accounted tor by the fact that it has taken an overdose of O. P. M. Will the Journal charge that CaL Darnell was a Democrat when he was in the wood hauling business. It Is now suggested that Kellogg will appoint Pinchback senator, the legislature of Louisiana baying adjourned. HBHHHaaBj M The Journal says "the Republican pirty U imply able to deal with itsown thieves." It has been kept pretty busy lately. It seems that Dana, the new min!st?r to Eog'.auil, la a relative ci the presided. Blood, like babbling gossips, will tell. There la to dauber of Belknap attempting to leave Washington if assured that he could be tried alone by the district courts. Schenck didn't pay the usual farewell visit to the queen, but he was ao hurried that be hardly had time to pay his hotel bill. Marsh learned that he was to be persecuted because he bad exploded the Belknap mine, bo he went over into Canada lor hU health. io gnllly mn has been permitted to escape by the Republican party. -Journal. Thia la a Journal Joke, Babcock was Innocent. Charley Howland will very closely scrutinize the wood tills of Cal. Darnell, should that gentleman get into the recorder's office. Grant used tobe the champion woodbaaler of St. Louis, but Cal. Darnell can discount him two to one. For particulars see Howland. - - Schenck'a successor is not the Dana ef the New York Sun, and the Sun still sheds Its vertical raja upon the festering carcass cl the radical party. The Journal says that the salvation of the Republican party "depends on the kind of men it nominate!1." Its damnation depends cn no contingency. Many journals speak of Belknep a present wife as being formerly a Mr?. Bowers. This is a mistake. Belknap took the Fort Sill trick by playing a single Bower. ' Oal. Darnell was the champion of Councilman Hall in the recent Investigation about hauling off other paople'a bricks. Now Hall can repay the compliment by defending wood hauler Darnell, The Journal persists in calling Belknap a Democrat. It is understood that hereafter Satan will be designated in its columns as an angel of light, for the reason that be dwelt In heaven before he fell. : The Cincinnati Times says it don't believe that Governor Hendricks's visit South paid expenses. The Times and its tribe have a profound contempt for anything that don't pay. expenses. Pot tradership profits tickle the Times. The Journal is in agony about the Gatliog guns belonging to the atatb. It wants to know lor what purposes they are to be used. We will tell it. They are to kill off the cows that ate up the feed bought with the state's money when Morton was governor. It everybody is not already convinced that the Republican pvty of this city is in the bands of bummers and hoodlums, that work out the bidding of rings and clique?, let them read the colums of the Journal yesterday, urging all the decent men of the party to attend the primary electiora or the ward meetings last night. Morton was the central figure at the brilliant party of Boss Sbepperd. He was happy in tnus contributing, by bis presence, to the eclat of the occasion. And now comes the Journal and charges this bosom friend of Morton with being a scheming, .disreputable Trickster. Poor Morton ! even the Journal has gone back on his friends. . The organs now claim that the president proposes to dispense with the services of dishonest subordinates throughout. ; If this policy should prevail, "the best civil service system In the world" will receive an awful shock, and there will be more vacancies than there are honest Re publican office seekers to fill. This might not have been necessary bad the president aet his subordinates a better example.' ! It is in vain that the Republicans statt rumors oi corruption on the part of Demo erats In order to cover up tbe dishonesty of their expessd officials. The rumors ate thin and will not stick, while the written contract s of corruption are brought out day alter day sgainst the administration. No power that the convicted party can ex ert wlli.be able to hide the shame that now belongs to that party. I The election of H ill from the Eleventh Ward two years ago must have suggested

t9 leading artlce ln yesterday's Journal.

If it was not Hall's election, It must have been8cbm!ds In the'XictSone jeer ago. Tbe conduct of Hall and Schmidt in tbe Council' has reflected very little credit on the Republican party, and we are not surprised to find the Journal raking its party for sending such men to the Council, m -s ? -j bäh 55 a It might reasonably be expected that here and there some Democrat would be Involved In soms of tbe fraudulent transactions which are being exposed by the Democratic House ot Representatives, but so far no one has been Inculpated. The Journal claims that Belknap Is a Democrat, but all hla poet trading contracts and rascalities Late been executed since be became identified with the Republican cabinet. The Journal has discovered that "Marsh' intimate associates during the war were copperheads of the moBt pronounced typs." But nothing baa yet been developed to show that Marsh was Implicated in aoy questionable business transactions until he became acquainted with a prominent member of the Radical cabinet. He was tben tempted to his fall, and he dragged IMknap down with him and tbe Republican prty is precipitately followlnj. Can tbe Republican party purge itself of the corruption that now gives it so unwholesome a character In this country? It is difficult to understand how that if? to be brought about. Tte administration, or those in power, alore can 'bring about a change, and it being corrupt We do not see how reform can take place. A cancer can not cure itself. These men who control the party will not turn themselves out, and to expect them to stop stealing after the babit has existed for years unmolested would be expecting too much. Resolutions of the Union League In New York, a section of the Republican party in that city, declare that they will not approve of or submit to a picked delegation from that locality to the Cincinnati con vention, and demand that they will not support the nominee unless he be a re former as well as a Republican, and that he must be one not identified by ictlwate association with the present administration. It is bard to tell where among the candidates spoken of the Cincinnati convention shall choose to suit the Union Leaguers. i In the present investigations going on in congress the Democrats should be careful about receiving , the explanations that are being made ot tbe connection that other Republicans have had with rascalities already exposed. The usual honor among thieves does not obtain among the rascally office holders, and to clear their own skirts they will fix tbe responsibility and shame upon each other. Plerrepont throws the blame upon Babcock of putting a atop to the whisky ring prosecutions. Moiton dodges out of the offer of tbe $20,000 fee. So as investigation proceeds plausible excuses will be offered, but Democrats should be careful to sift things to the bottom. The Climax of Corrnption. Corruption in the afialrs of government is no novelty in American history, but the most gloomy retrospect of our past career as a nation fails to show a time when it was not the exception rather than tbe rule; when out of the several departments to which the administration of the government Is Intrusted, the major part were r ot free from any unquestionable and widespread taint of dishonest practices. . It has been reserved for the present administration o make what was formerly occasional, universal, and not only to carry Individual instances of official corruption to a height before unknown, but to make the national degredatlon complete by communicating the virus of dishonesty to member of tne body politic, hitherto free from it, and spreading tbe shameful infection throughout the. whole governmental organism. Until within a recent time, the assertion might safely be ventured or tbe military service ol the United States . that its' morale was high.' Whatever suspicions were current concerning other branches ol the state set vice, there has been a genenl confidence that the regular army was under the control of men proof against temptations addressed to paltry love of gain. This feeling has been most clearly manifested In the discussions uro a the transfer of the Indian bureau, where tbe argument has been reiterated that men of sufficient integrity to cope with the manifold frauds in that branch of the administration could be beat found in the military service, and there have bsen very substantial grounds for this feeling. The officers cf the regular army are. In a sense, above the average in ability. They are selected from families almost Invariably of unblemished name and frequently of high respectability. . They are gentlemen by education and training. Their position gives them a standing in society high eoough to serve as a guard against temptations to dishonesty, yet without the necessity of the extravagant expenditures to maintain it which have caused so many downfalls. ; All these causes have combined to produce In our military service a fine' sense of honor and a high Btandard of-personal honesty, but. all these have not given it strength to withstand the , icsidlous contagion of dishonesty emanating from the admlniBtation now in power, which has succeeded In corrnpting, one alter another, every department of . government, and Which his reached its climax of corruption by Introducing its favorite and characteristic '. diversions .. of secret fraud I and open thelt, wholesale ' bribery

and shameless blackmailing .into tbe once pure military service of tbe United Stats. Let It not be thought that this conclusion is too hasty. Unwelcome as it is to every patriot, it is abundantly justified by facts too plain for denial. Two cases In point are now in every mind and on every tongue." The first 1 bad enough. That General Bibcock, a soldier in tbe regular army all bis life, belonging to tbe branch of the service which is made up of its most promising members, and which is notible for arrogating to itself a high sense of honor, should have become the arsoclate and confidant of a crew of vulgar plunderers, speaks volumes for tbe demoralization of the army. Bot what shall be thought when the chief of the department proves also the chief actor in the villainy which baa disgraced lit That tbe man who, one short week ago, represented to the world the military service and controlled the armies of the United States, is now summoned to the bar of congress to answer articles of impeachment, and to the bar ol a criminal court as an Indicted felon, is a thought to bring the sense of shame home to every American citizen. But the. work of purification has began, and an abuse is halt remedied when it is published to tbe world. Babcock has gone unwhlpt of justice, since his punishment was intruttad to the very party of whose policy his crime was the natural outgrowth, but Belknap will scarcely escape a full measure" of justice at the hands ol a Democratic House, and the party that now controls tbe House wil no distant day oontrol the whole administration. Then, with the temptation and opportunity for dishonest practices removed, a return to the former high btandard of honor may be looked for in the military as in the civil service.

A Lfwo from History. Of atl governmenti under the sun a popular government has most need to guard the purity of its administration. A despotic monarchy can reward its faithful servants and crush the untalthlul; an aristocracy is by its wealth and power comparatively free from the temptation to vulgar embezzlement and peculation; but a republic in which the functions and powers of administration are in many hand, is. necessarily exposed to tbe evils of malfeasance and corruption in exact proportion to" tbe number of persons whose public offices afford the opportunity of malversation. Nothing but tbe stera virtue of the people, and remorseless punishment of the offenders, will suffice to put down, or to keep down, public robbery by the Innumerable functionaries of a great popular government. The history of Kngland at tbe time when she became, in eflect, a republican monarchy, and for more than a hundred years alterward, eptly illustrates the danger to which we ourselves are now manifestly exposed, and, unless the government of the United States shall forthwith be thoroughly purged of the abominations which have shamed us before the civilized world, it may be more than a hundred years before tbe rottenness is expelled from our administration. It is worth while, then, to glance over the page of English history from 1S35 to 1830. In the age of the revolution a man who did not use official advantages to his own profit was regarded as a wonder. Thür, Dryden reluctantly admits that Shaltcsbury's bands were clean, as it that had been an extraordinary circumstance. Lord Jeffreys bought and. sold jes'ice with the boldest effrontery, and not only tbe courtiers of King James, but tbe queen herself and her maids cf honor trafficked in pardons for the victims of Jeffreys "Bloody Circuit." The pardon-broker of the queen In the?e nefarious transactions was no other than William Penn. - At the same time and afterward Canby carried most important measures through parliament by systematic bribery and corruption. When the throne was bestowed on William of Orange he found the public service utterly corrupt. The supplies for army and navy were rotten and even poisonous, and the fleet was absolutely paralyzed by the embezzlement which universally prevailed. The most illustrous English soldier of that age, the Duke of Marlborough began life by conniving at the seduction of his own sUter, and laid the foundation of his fortune by receiving a sum ot 5,000 from one of the king's mistresses by whom he was kept. His whole life was spent la amassing- money by embezzlement, and he was at last driven to retirement by a vote of the House of Commons, which declared him guilty ol Innumerable peculations. George the First seemed to care for nothing connected with the cation, except the opportunities which it afforded to enrich himself and his favorites. Tbe corruption practiced for flity years by tbe Whigs was systematic and universal. Their great minister, Robert Walpole, laughed at purity in government. He was personally untainted, but he bribed others on all hands. "I am no reformer,".he said,; and every man has his price." 1 '. . v The Pelhams Were worse than Walpole, and William Pitt, afterwards the honored Earl of Chatham, was, obliged to connive at their practices. - "Pitt," said Horace Walpole, "does everything, and tbe duke (Pelham, Daks of Newcastle) gives every thing," and so the government was carried on. - . o--, ' George the Third,4 assisted by Lord North, used the whole wealth, power and patronage of the crown and church and state to sustain a party which should be

subservient to himself and his personal policy, aad it was not till 17S that the puliamsntary reform bill ws passed which deprived tbe crown of most of , the means of direct bribery of members of parliament. The slopendou milfeasaice of Clive and Warren Hastings in India ars beyond tbe possibility of deception, and the creatures of tbe "parliamentary undertakers" in Ireland are rightly described ss having been "glutted with pensions, preferment and bribes in hard cash." In England, moreover, during the long continued struggle with Napoleon, there were loud complaints of embezzlement in the public service, and Sir Francis Bardett was sent to the Tower in 1810 for describing tbe House of Commons as "a pirt of our fellow-subjects collected together by mears which it is not necessary to describe." So late as 1830 no fewer than fifty-six "rotten boroughs" were suppressed, and since then parliamentary corruption in England has happily been reduced to a minimum. In the executive departments of government then is probibly no country I u the world which is at this time more free Irom corrupt practices than thatlof England; and a minis:er or other functionary who should U3e his official information, and much more his official position, t further bis private interests, would be regarded ai infinitely more contemptible than a common tbief. It is easy to imagine the coLtsmptuouj scorn with which the Eoglish people have observed the Emma mine transactions of our late envoy to the coort of St. James. Facüi- descensus Arcrii. It Is a very easy thing to slide down hill, and we have certainly begun our slide toward the bottomless pit el general official Infamy with amazing swiftness. Is it worth while to go further? Is it possible to stop? Or must our country, and with it the hope of republican government throughout the world, be dragged to perdition by a mob of nefarious political scoundrels? These are questions which it behooves the people to consider. One thing is certain. Tbe characters of the men to whom tbe government shall be intruetsd must henceforth be closely scrutinized. A villain or a trickster In private life will be a villain and a trickster in public office. The people ued to cry for "principles, not men," but to us it seems that what we want in these Kays more than tbe "principles" ot party platforms, and more than the financial "principles" of political conventions, is men of principUs whose private characters shall be a guarantee of public fidelity and probity. Personal I'arty IMatforins. Party platforms may be roughly classified into three divisions: one, the ideal plattorm which is purely and simply a declaration of the principles by which the assemblage of individuals composing the party agree to be guided ; second, a degree lees pure and exalted in character, in which principle is less consulted than expjdiency, and in which the leading motive is to attract votes and insure party success by an appeal to popular prejudices and an advocacy of popular opinions, without reference to the ideas ol right and justice involved; and a third, most degraded and farthest removed from the ideal purity of motive, in which tbe same tactics are resorted to, not to secura party success merely, but to aid in tbe advancement of some one man, who tsjunies to manipulate the whole party machinery for his personal gain, and arrogates to himself tbe allegiance due both to party and to country. The first of these is unhappily rare In American history, and is ordinarily only the product of some ' great crisis important enough to sink all meaner motives out ol sight. Something of the character of the second enters Into most political platforms, none of which are free from some share of human imperfections, bit the personal platform has so far been a rare and abnormal development in our national politics. In local, state and municipal politics it has occasionally happened that one man has been able to gain such an overweening influence as to mold all his party's policy to his personal will; but this evil has never secured a firm and enduring footing in the larger affairs of the nation, and it should be the wish ol every good citizen that a result so opposed to the spirit of Democratic institutions may long be averted . Just at this junctnre of afialrs, however, the subject ot personal Influence in politics has a somewhat peculiar interest to the country, and to our own state In pirticular. The danger of a too great growth of tt e one man power in the administration of Gen. Grant is happily past, since his person and policy have become alike objects of general contempt and execration ; but a strong and sustained effort is making to preserve the policy while changing the person, and to snoceed his administration with one in which the personal element Is still more dangerously prominent. Indiana ' ia : the center and ' source of - this ' 'movement, whose aim is to place Senator Morton in Grant's place, and to transfer to the affairs of tbe nation the political autocracy he has so. long exercised in his own state. Hence it is that tbe declaration of principles upon which tbe Republican party propose to go into the coming stats contest affords the best possible example ol a personal party platform. The grand motive in its construction . was not to represent the views of tbe people of the state, not merely to Improve the party's prospects, but solely to . advance the presidential aspirations of the party chief. This is tbe true explanation why the work of the Republican convention was of such a charac

ter as to be met with open . derision or !

sller.t condemnation ty its own party in ctlier stat as. Since the platform Is the'expression of Morton'a cellmate of the political situation, it partakes of the character of its real author in its clinging to old dead lames and its uneatldlactory dealing wi'h living questions; in itsvcrbrs appeals to sectional and sect irlan prejudice, and in its inconsistent baste to forest al the curretit of popular opinion by its declarations upon the financial problem, it illustrates the familiar character of tbe sanator. More than this, the action of the convention declares to the country at large tho relatiots existing between Senator Morton an LI party in his own ettt, tbe dictatorial spirit on the one band and the servility on the other, which it is now propessd to transfer to national affairs. Has not the nation had enough of government of this kind? After seeing one form of the one-man power grow to proportions so monstrous as to threaten the stability of our institutions, is it prepared to supersede it with anctner already full grown and active? We have too much confidence in tbe innate good scnse cf tbe American people to believe tbi. Personal government and political autocracy are too cnwelcomv to a nation, fresh from eight years of Grantism, to hope for success in any form. The Republican party iu this state, in casting its lot with the personal aspiration of Senator Mcrtor, has 6taked upon a los.'Dg arJ, and the party and its chief will sink together Into one political grave. Bobbing the Soldiers. If the Republican party has any tpcial Etoek In trade that they have used to advantage in every election since the clcse of the war, and indeed during the war, it has been their profetaed devotion to the soldiers. There has been no state or national convention held anywhere, without some specious balderdash about tbe defenders of the country meriting tbe approbation of the nation, and needing the festering card of that party. In this state the party has made Senator Morton an -idol and periodically rendered peans of praise to him as tbe soldier's friend. The republican party, by their representatives in congress, have, upon suitable occasions, passed resolutions in recognition of the services of soldiers and sailors and the service of tbe government. This is all well enough and w a? merited, and would have been com men da -able in that party if these platform resolutions were not mere bald hypocrisy. This is proven by the facts now being developed. It is well known that Grant, as a general, really cared nothing for the lives of the saldier under him, and that in the prosecution of the plans of his campaign, the probable loss of five or ten thousand men in a proposed battle had no sort of respect if the end proposed might be accomplished by the sacrifice. So, too, in the general plan of the prosecution of the war. It is well known that the policy of refusing to exchange prisoners cans 3d hundreds and thousands of our soldiers to languish long in Southern prlsons,while a policy that had real respect to the soldiers' good would have provided for exchange, and relieved them from suffering. But the Republican party, not withstanding their utter disregard of the real good of the soldiers, have never failed in these paper resolutions, especially at a time when their votes have been usefnl in perpetuating the power of the leaders of that party. Nothing shows more clearly their hypocrisy than the late developments at Washington. It is now clear, beyond all doubt, that tbe . president has had guilty knowledge of the general commerce in post -tradership, with brotherly kindness informing Orville of probable vacancies and change?, giving him as well as others, like Marab, an opportunity of farming out, for an annual stipend, the positions to unprincipled bribers, who have fleeced tbe soldiers of the natlou who were forced to buy o tbem, by enormous prices for everything they purchased. Protest after protest has been made by the soldier., and in mmy cases by tbe officers, but without relief. No officer who hoped for promotion dared to brave his superiors and follow up his complaints, because it appeared a useless sacrifice of himself without relief to his command, and thus the fraud has gone on from year to year, and the defenders of the nation, the protectors of tbe frontier men, have been regularly fleeced to put thousands and thousands of dollars into the pockets of scoundrels and go-betweens, to whom the president has given the disposition of these places. ' After these developments we wonder if the party will have the effrontery anywhere to talk or resolve about being friends to the soldiers. Will they marshal divisions and regiments again in camps and conventions and regale them, as was done here last fall, with partisan political speeches, and tell them that' the Republican party t Is the peculiar champion of the soldiers? If so, every- man who wore the army blue should rise up with indignation and repel the insult. , The party that paid tbe soldiers in a depreciated currency and the bondholders . at home in . gold, deserves nothing at 1 the hands of the cation's de fenders. . The solders can scarcely be led up to the polls to vote to sustain men in power who only regard their intarests by resolutions and platform planks. Those who have fought the battles of the country will not be satisfied with such treatment. They will not be led about as cattlo, to do the bidding of a party, which bai sold out for a ' price the right to prey upon their comrades yet in tne ssrvlce. They will rather repel with' Jaet scorn every hypocritical appeil that ia made id

that direction."" The robbersof the soldler can not receive tbe vote of at v true and

brave defender of bis country. The Old Story. Unhappily for the credit ot our nation, at borne and abroad, cases of scandal have been ty no means rare among Washington officials during tbe Bsven yean of the pnsrnt administration. One tale of offi.-ial venality, incompetency and corruption has followed so closely upon the heels of another tkat tbe history of the administration has been an almoet unbroken record of such shameful scandals and exjosores as almost to make ao American cUiz-n blush for bis nationality. The names upon which this long succession of ex pifcures has brought disgrace comp rite a startlingly large proportion of all those which have been aociated with places of national trust and honor since the 4th ol March, lSt9. Those ol Richardson, Delano, Williams, Douglass, Schenck, Babccck and Belknap ar only a few ol the most conspicuous among them, and the roll or dishonor is still far from complete, and tbe infamies with which these names have been connected have been as varied in kind and degree as the characters of the men who committed them. They have run through all the varying shades of open theft and more indirect means of conveying tLe public money to the private pocket, wholesale bribei y and sale of official Influence and personal incapacity in office so gross as to merit tbe name of a crime. Only in one constant feature do all these circumstances declare their common source and manifest the existence ol a thread of evidence tbat connects them all into one ctopedonus tms of corruption for which the administration of Gen. Grant as a whole, and cot merely a number of isolated subordinates, is responsible.' Thia constant feature is tbe total immunity from any adequate degree ot pnnishment enjoyed by tbe perpetrators of the most dishorn st practice. Throughout the whole tistory of tbe administration k has teemed rather the abettor and palllatcr than the stern judge and swift avenger of wrongs done to the state. Not a cabinet officer or fcraign minister who has disgraced tbe country by corrupt cocdnct but has found in tbe president his most staunch and powerful friend. Not one but baa been rtUined in bis position until outraged decency compelled his withdrawal, and finally permitted to resign with all the honor that could be conferred r.pon him by a complimentary Utter from bis sympathetic cbief. And now it seems more t'aan probable that the old story, so olten reiterated, will be sgain repeated, and that the last crowning instance of official corruption will receive the same criminally lenient treatment as those which have gone before. General Belknap's resignation has been accepted by the president " with regret;" but beyond this his powerful friends have mad bis punishment a difficult matter. True, a Democratic House has prepared articles of impeachment against him, but the singular zsal of the president for the punishment, not of the guilty minister, but of tbe witness whose evidence disgraced him, has made it extremely difficult to present testimony upon which a Republican Senate will declare his condemnation. More than this, the severer penalty which would in justice be inflicted upon tbe corrupt secretary by tbe courts of tbe country is likely to be defeated by the same untimely interposition. The criminal - prosecutor of tbe district in whose hands lies the bringing of the guilty minister to trial reports that, on account of the removal of the principal witness, it will net be possible for him to make out a case upon which to secure even an indictment. So it pee ma that the came, of Belknap ia to be added to the long list of dishonest officials who have swindled the government with impunity. In view of this last and most convincing addition to tne long succession of criminating circumstances against it, can any one doubt the responsibility and connection of the administration with the tissue of fraudulent and corrupt practices that have marked its entire continuance? It Is no longer possible to regard them as isolated and accidental incidents, or to avoid the conclusion that the administration and the party to which it belongs are Irredeemably corrupt and debased, and tbat the only safety for the nation lies in their Immediate and final dethronement from power. How Charges Aisdnat Democrats Foil to the Oranna, In France each newspaper article is so designated that the writer is known. Call fornia is now agitating the question of newspaper responsibility, and tbe French law has many advocates in the Golden State If tbe authors of Blanderous rumors and lying innuendoes had to come to the front and let tbe world know who they are, they would be more careful what they invent and put in circulation. If Indifferent to public scorn they would have a bealthiul dread of the boot toes of those whom they traduce. - As is well known, many of the leading papers of tbe country nave correspondents at Washington whose duty it Is to keep tnelr papers advised of what is going on at the national capital. These correspondents are often reckless in their statements, and what they, send their papers is frequently the gossip of idle men, or the wicked lies ot unprincipled oues. A rumcr is etait?d affecting the character of . some public man; It spreads ' over ' the city and raaches Newspap-er Row, where it is seized upon by the hungry' news gatherers there, and Bent over the ' country On tbe lightning's wing. The next , morning it ipsara in many papers and Is read and discussed by thousand ever willing to believe ill of their