Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 24, Number 50, Indianapolis, Marion County, 5 August 1875 — Page 2

: THEIINDIANA STATE SENTINEL THUESD AY. AUGUST; ö 1875V

THE FAINT IX'JWER. VX MARY A. LATilBCRY. Fruin St. Nicholas for August. Up where the meadow grass Leans towards the river, Stood little Bluebell All in a silver. It'verl oh. River!. Where are you going? Stay JaBt a moment Jn your swift flowing!" Oh, Utile Rlnebe'l! How can I wait? "The miller will chide me. The boats will be late.' Biln -clouds! oh. Rain-clouds! Wbere are you flying? I am so thirsty, t ainting and dying!' Ob, little Blnebell! Afar In the air The storm-kin? Is calling. Acd we mtrsC be there. Robin, dear Robin! lam so ill, , , , And you're at the river brink, Drinking your fill." "Oh, little Bluebell! Do, then, look up: Some kind cloud will give you A drop In your cap." Here lltMe Bluetell Cenwd fctr complaint. Drooping still lower. Hopeless and faint. 13ut down fell the twilight, And up came the Dew, WhUp'ring, "Dear Bluebell, We're sorry for you. , We are not strong. Like the Ivnin or the River, But never a flower faints For help we can give her." By thousands and thousand. The summer night through. Silently gathered The h o Ls of the Dew. At dawn little Blnebell Held gratemlly up, Her silent thank ofTjring The Dew in her cup.

WISE AND OTHERWISE. Mr. Cuff has charge of the Hartford bath-ing-house. The boys respect him. The rirbt sort oT thing to have during the. hot weather a cool thousand or two. An exchauge says that "Gor. Tilden enoyed the modified bustle ot Saratoga." When was it modified 7 Hoston ot. - M. Quad baa dedicated his book to the Pawnees. His various uncles were highly E leased until they found it was the Indians e meant. The best explanation yet offered for the disappearance of Donaldson and hia fellow balloonist 1, that they must have had a falling out. N. Y. Com. Ad. Propositions of marriage in Nevada are written on postal cards, and the answer comes bv return mail, "Come on with your preacher!' D-troit Free Press. The Boaton Traveller declares that cucumber peelings will kill cockroaches. This la only another deception. We shall continue to use cannon. Courier-Journal. The pelicans are eating up the ash in California waters, and the worst ot it is that when they have eaten all they can they fill their baskets to entertais their relatives. ' When President Grant saw that Sartorls baby clench its little fists and shake them defiantly in his f ice, he lsaid to have exclaimed with joy: "Appomattox is no where!" "Then you won't lend me your velocipede, hey ?" inquired one boy ol another. "No I won't." "Very well, then the next time on chimney bums, you shan't come into our back yard and hollar." A3 convincing proof thai the graoKhcppers read the papers, it is mentioned that they have this season entirely avoided a certain county whion was mentioned last year as racing the poorest quality of wheat in Kans -p. She locked him up in the third story back, and every now and then during the night, he would poke his head out ot the window and cry "Oh, is this a land of liberty ?" It helped to keep the cats qniet, but had no other effect. A married man bought a spring chicken in the market the other morning, and now be thinks the reason it was called spring chicken is because it will take him until next spring to carve it, unless be uses nitroglycerine. NorTistown Herald. Dio Lewis is now living entirely on blackberries sod oatmeal, purchased with the money he gets for giving good advice. He says cucumbers should never be eaten unless thoroughly cooked, and that they must be fnllv rico before they are picked from the tree. General Sherman, in his book, says Get eral Grant was not drank at Shilob, and that he believes it could be proven that tbeie was nothing there to be had to get drunk on General Sherman would only need prove the first proposition. The eecond would be conclusive. St. Louis Times. While a priest in one of the Catholic Churches at Boston was saying mass recently, a five year old shaver in one of the pews, beholding the priestly beretta, jump Arlnnand astonished his parents, the con gregation, the priest, and tbe acolytes, by yelling out, " un, snoot mat dm j - A large number ol Americans, now in England, celebrated their national declara tion of independence, by a fete held on the 5th ol July, at the Crystal Palace. Not one ,f the neakers abused the British. W it that thev recollected that thev were in glass house, and eo must not throw stoues. I'ancn. A New London man has a fine dog which h im educating bv throwing sticks into tin water and making the dog bring them .ut. The other dy tbe dog mistook the buoy of a lobster pot tor the missile, and, sa no peruasion could induce him to let go t a. boat was DUt out lor" him and r;i him Iu3t as he was sinking ex twvMv r t austed. it ha been a matter of wonder that tbe r,M Athenian. Socrates, who was tb wisest man of his time, never wrote anything But the sage bad an excellent rear ton for locking np his pen and ink and cever allowing bimse!! to look for tbra. Contemporary with Socrates there was a i a Ii in Athens bv the name ol White, aud tte old mm was "White would find iault with afraid thit bis Oreek. Courier-Journal. It comes hard to have to say anything dispsrgin ot that intelligent and. usually wrell behaved ail mil, the elephant, bat people can't al . a 5 s bn clcs'.cg their ears to H trvf.h tr.rouz'i Ifar ot irj-Jring the b:r .- of th srwit iuc ral snows. In S"u'ih At e i f oil a tr.;cs tLat b;-a.r intoxicating fruif, and every jour the elephants go there ana ?t it. &atl 31 60 crQhk an(1 rlotcusthat their human friends in this country would he ashamed of tbem. It may be said that ha S-uth Alrican Tempera cca Society r -ibt to have fjone and cut down the trees Ion.' but this doesn't excuse the

SENATOR THUIUIAK.

THE OHIO FINANCIAL PLANK. Extract from His Speecn at Mans field, O. Yesterday Afternoon. EXPLANATION OF HIS POSITION. Ol ESING REMARKS TUB OVEKTÖK or jiIK REPUBLICAN PARTY THKIR FINANCIAIj RECORD PLATFORJ MAKISG I5C0Ä8ISTESCT OF POLITICIANSMansfield, O., July SI. Senator Thurmsn began his speech at ten minutes past 2 o'clock, reading from tbe manuscript. He was introduced by the president, Colonel B. Burns, in a tea minute speech, the noticeable thing of which . was a very flattering allusion to ex-Governor Hayes and very iittle mention ot Governor Allen. The niepticj? was tnall,only about eight hnndred finding the stand in tte . park. There were more from a distance than from the surrounding country. The weather was pleasant. TUE SPEECH. Me. President and Fellow Citizens: We are at the commencement of a political campaign of mors than nsual importance. Two years a jo the democrccy carried Ohio by a small majority. Tht victory preserved the organization of the p9rty and made other democratic victories postlole. It was the forerunner of the mere extended triumphs that have Elnce been achieved. Last year a tidal ware, as it has been sailed. iaKel over the republic. More than twenty Mates, from the mwt powerful to the smallest of our commonwealths, recurded their condemnation of the party In power. Itew lork.whoNe wealth ana population iiave conferred upon her tbe name of lh "i ropire tat," avean opposition majornyoi otit niiytnoutand. Georgia, called the Kmplre btale of the Houth. did better yet, giving a majority of over sixty thousand. t'tunsyivanla, for tbe tint time In many ears, vindicated nor ancient renown as me keystone of tbe democratic arch, ind'an ceased o be a doubtful state, and rolled up a democratic majority of 23,100.. And our own Ohio iw ke with no uncertain voice, our major ity on the state ticket being 17,' 00, and on the coogrebfclonal ticket nearly These may serve as illustrations of the emphasis with which the people, nine months ago, set the seal ort lie ir condemn v.ion npon rauicai misruie. But no Illustration would be complete that oinlfed the most significant and nnlooked for result of ail. Massachusetts, old Massachusetts ts firmly wedded to te republican party, as raen supposed, as la Plymouth Kocc bound to the earth In which It is Imbedded cast off, for a time at least, her radical shackles, and placed sterling, unflinching democrat at the head of hr government. Tbe results of tbeae elections f.'.'.. d the radical leaders with dismay ; but no pHitytver yet vo'.unta lly surrendered power, ana it was, mererore, in me natural oruer events mat ineee jeaaers snoaia earnestly strive to recover the ground they had lost. Hence, from the first day of tbe late session of congress to the last, they seemed to have but one object in view to gather together thtir scattered nosts anu consolidate tnera, as in iormer yeais, in a rfsistle?s phalanx. Upon almost every question of publlo importance, party interest was preierreu to tne interest oi ine peopie. ine most Important measures were matured In the Gccret recesses of a caucus, and the consciences of members STIFLED BT PARTY DECREE. When a measure thu concocted by party, acd in the Interest of party, waj brought from tbe caucus into the senate or tne iiouse, we moro than once saw Its supporters refrain from discus fcion lest their Jarring views might disturb their harmony, and vole down f 11 amendments, hown ft wird, durlag that whole session tbe auesion with the majority seemed to be, not vhat best lor me KepuoncT' out "wnai necessary to save the republi can carty? was constitutional government overthrown In Iuisiana by federal bayone;. he radical leaders souriu to avert attention rom iheoutraca by inflammatory harangues against the Sou h. Did the advocates of a und currency petition Cougr.ss to take some etep looking to artstxrat ou of specie payments, and. on the other nana, am tne inflationists cry alound wlih etentoriau voice for 'more paper money, the radical leaders, neanng Dotn ana fearing botn. avoided all public discussion, and burying themselves in the secret precincts of t lie caucus, mere conti ivea a party oea to uaia m Hs.ainn:e embraces Sherman, Mori 111 and Conk ling, with their hard money platform, and Morton, Logan and Ferry with their Inflation balloon. And when at length that piece of caucus lurnlture waa brougtit out into open da, we behold the s range phenomenon of a bill entitled, "A bill to provide lor the resumption of suecie Davments." tnat contained not a single effective provision ror tnat purp. me ; a bin aeoiarInsf that resuoiDtion shall take place on the first day of January, UTfl, without providing, in any wine manner, one aoiiar m coin wiiu wnich to effect that resumption. No wonder that the rallcal leaders declined to discuss that htl. No wonder that the chairman of the com mlt'ee that reported it declined to explain It. Mo wonder that he lert its ambiguous provision without interDretatton. when to publicly In terpret them one way would have driven orl the resumDtioulsts from It snoport. and to inter pret tneni anotlier way woaia nave orougni me whole swarm of inflation Uts about bis ear. And so tte bill was passed; not as a nnanciai measure, not as a thing in which any one be lieved, bat simply as a caucus compromise of conflicting opinions, a political sticking-plaster to hold tne opposing wings ui tue radical oartv together, an adjournment of the currency question, so far as the radicals are con cerned, until after tne next presidential election. And now the very men wno mau mat compromise, the very men who agreed to keep their opinions in obeyance for two years to come, the very autnors ana perpetrators oi iiuv RHAM IN F1NANCK and trick in politics will, I have no doubt, be heard saving to the hard money democrats of Ohio, "How can you support tbe Democratic ticket nominated by a convention that adopted a soft money platform?" "How can you prefer party to principle, and desert one of the oldest and most time honored canons of yonr political creod?" "How can you abandon the faith ot jefirson. Jackson and Benton, ana oecomeioi lowers of Wendell Phillips, Benjamin K. Butler iijiiKom 1 Vollov'1 MYnn vprAnntv.ini a 1 1 1 i iiiiaui . v. a j - - - in times cast to sneak of these men with nncom mnn resoect. 11 we remember correctly sou nailed I'hilllDS a fanatic. Butler a lover of other people's spoons, ana neiiey a maniac ou me nh ect of pig-iron. iTav . tea us what miracie uas utru pcnoimeu by which this trinity of fanaticism, snoons and pig-iron have become the v. . . Kn . ... " " . I , . . k . iU I J ropuets anu teaaera vi tue uuw ue Uichland, that 1 have no doubt that these quest ton will be DUt to us. these sarcasms uttered against us, by the very compromisers who last winter enacted the financial sham of which I have snoken. And. therefore, and because such questions have already been asked by others, but, above aJl, from a sense of duty that 1 owe to mvself and to the democrats who think as I do on the corrency issue. I propose to notice these taunts of our adversaries, and give reasons that. In my judgment, are ampiy tumcieni ar onr lustincatlou. nay. that make it our lmpera tive duty to support onr ticket, however much dislike some planks in the plat form, and the omission of others hat we think should have been In it. You, my fellOw democratsof Klch and, are what are called cara-money mm, nmi 4 mu uwumonev man that Is to say, we do not believe in , irredeemable caoer currency: we believe tht neh a currency must necessarily fluctuate in Tain, lead to siecu ation ana extravagance and benent no one oat mouej-Biunuu iw iiRinra. We believe that our currency should consist Of gold and sliver, and, for convenience, paper convertible at par into gold and silver at th will of the holder. In this we concur witn tbe uniform TEACHINGS OK THE DEMCCRATIC PARTY, with the opinion of every really eminent poll 11 cil economist the world over, with the leesons of experience found In the history or every commercial nation, and with the views of almost the entire body of business men of Arreriea Now.it has been rouudly a s-rted, and with a vloitppe of speech that might be considered in temperate, that the piatiorm oi our laie convention m.ans Just the opposite of onr opinions; hit it means an irredeemable paper curre-'Cy vow and forever, and, consequently, that gold or :! . r, or paper con veruoie into go u uu stiver, I vKoit tievpr form a part of our circulating iteinm. Hut cprtainlv no such idea Is vi pressed lu the platform, nor do I believe that it n entertained by a mJority of thote who approve it. I know that there are men who advocate the abandonment of gold and sliver as money; who 6cout the idea of redeemability of f h enrrenev: who a-st-rt that whatever the tia monev is money, and who re gard irredeemable greenbacks as the best enrrenev the world ever saw. But

i du litt Uli thM men.

censtituted a majority of the late convtnlion or of Its .committee on rewilutions. Had such ttn the caae their views would have been exrreted without ambiguity. But you lock in vain in the platform f ir a direct expression in favor of trredoemability, or a direct cssertio" that gold and sliver should be demonetized. It advocates tbe substitution of greenbacks lor

national back notes but it nowhere says that the greenbacks sbould be irr-deemable. On the contrary, It contemplates that they fchall be brought to par wiin g3ia, ana aitnouzu we may not be quite able to sre how that can Toe done in the mode croDCsed, its desirableness is most distinctly and loliy recognized. And then, as to inflation, the platform does not expressly demand more currency. It denounces contrac tion, but does not say in plain words, give u In flation, what It does say is, -mat tne voiume of currency be made and kept. equal to the wants or trade ;" anu this is all . row, 1 suppose that there la not. and never haa been, a man in any civilized country who would not fay that the voinme or currency anonia ne enuai to tue wants of trade. To say so 1 to otter A MERE TRUISM, a mere abstraction, lhe practical question is have we that volume now ! and upon this ques tion the platform Is client. To him who believes that the present volume is lufficient, it means no Inflation, for in his mind it is already quite 'en Lai to tbe wants of trade." To another man who thinks that more currency is needed. It does mean expansion, and so whether It means ine one in teg or tne omer depends upon tne preconceived opinion of every one who reads It Bur pose, for instance, that an Ohio member of congrfss, having to vote noon an Inflation bill, anouid took to tnis piattorm.ior ma guidance, wbt light wonld he get? What la there in It to tell him whether he should vote for an increase of currency of ten millions, a tundred rnilllonn. nve hundred rallllous, or no increase at au 7 Now, the gentlemen who framed this platfo'in are able and told men, ma sure of thelinglisu tongue, capable of savin; what tbey mean, and by no means arraiato say it. wnen, mere fore, tbey plainly dtuounce contract ton. tut fall to expressly advocate inflation. Is not the pit sumption fair that they do not mean inflation? Understand me. I am not derending tbe platform, for In some particulars l do not lke it, and 1 leave to tnone wnoapprove Itthe takof its advocacy. Nor am I criticising it. for I have no disoosl ion to be critical, ac i I leave tb at role to our common adversaries. But I think It but justice to say that tbe plaform has been construed to mean more than la expressed in it, and more than was meant, as I believe, by those who framed it. In saying this X do not lose sight of tbe interpretation ploced npon it by some of Its Mends. 1 know that some of its warmest advocates regard it as a declarat on against gold and sliver, and for an irredeemable greenback currency now and forever, coupled with great and permanent Inflation: but for reasons tnat l nave parity siaiea, ana others that I have no time to täte, 1 believe that these men are comparatively few In number. The truth is that tuere Is a wide DIVERSITY OP OPINION among the people of all parties upon this sub ject. There are democratic hard-money men and democratic paper-money men, republican hard-money men and republican paper-money men: democratic rcsumptionl&ts and demo cratic Inflationists, and repnbllcon resumptionlsts and republican inflationists. The question Is not strictly a party question. Honest men of all parties may be found ou its opposite tides. ana so it Ifs ever beeu after every grea' panic by which the country has been afflict-d. I have not lizard ku argument, pro or con, that has not bet n ad- anted a hundred times in Europe and America bs'ore tbe panic of Is 3. 15 u'. in the end truth is sure to prevail. and in the mean 'ime hard words and bitter pccu'-atio-s serve no god par poe. No man has fl: iner convictions ou this subject than I have. They are the result of much experience and of a long, patient nnu conscientious study. I hive expnsd them time and az?in,ln conversation. in pub: lc meeting, in conventions, ana in ray pi&ce in the enme. i siaua oy inem wmucvtr may be my poiltl"al late; but ido not assume to be lnfa Mbls and ruthloKsly cocdemu men as slrjce.eas I am who entertain a different op n to . Much 1 s can 1 faDction a disruption of the democratic party, because in a tingle state it has s happened thai k convention cnosei to nominate stale officers only oilicers who wiil have nojarlsd c'.fon over the corrency question has, upon tils ore question, adopted a platform that my Judgment does not approve. I have beu a democrat nil my life, and when and where to baademociat wa to be politically ostra 'lsed. 1 hav c'nnz to the party in i's darkest hours as well as in its brightest with something akin to devotton, b?cauae my head and my heart approved its fundamental pricciples. I yet look to it as destined to restore to tne uepuo.ic constitutional, honest and economical govern ment, to promote fraternal feelings between all its parts, and to perpetuate rree institutions lor ages to come; and I can not, by any wo-dcr act ot mine, contribute to its overthrow. I kna that it is not Infallible, for no party is infallible I knowtbatlt has c immittea errors, ana tn-it every party has committed them; hut I a'so know that its -fundamental principles ate sound, and that its purposes are HONEST AND PATRIOTIC. It therefore well deserves and commands my support, and although - my Influence may be small and my services little worth.lt has a just claim to them both that I cannot deny. I hare thought it proper to make these remarks In my first rpeech of the campaign, and .possibly once for all. It may so happen that, my views being clearly expressed and generally known, It will not be "necessary to repeat them. And important as this currency question Is, there are other questions that. In my Judgment, are still more important and these 1 propose, in me course oi ine canvass, to discuss. But I have been personally assailed and mlsreprectenUd, and the hard-money democrats of Ohio, with 'whom I act, have been taunted and ridiculed: and self-respect, arid the duty I owe t- thm, demanded that I should sav frankly and clearly, wtat they and 1 believe; and that i should set forth, why, without inconsist ency, humiliation or ios oi nonor, we can sup port our ucteu Ana, oesiues, my constituents havearignt to my oihuwui uu puunu hifairs, be tbey worth much or little, and I have no disposition to conceal them. And lastly, I hold it to be my duty to advocate what I believe to be true. I have said, and repeated It, that we can, witnoui aisnonor or tue surrender ui any principle, support ine ticket, ana i ntve given vou some reasons for this opiniou; bu'. no't all that ma be given, and, though the task may seem supernuou , l oe? leave i ueiaiu ji-u wlih It a little longer. And, in the first place, 1 observe of pollclcal pUt forms in general, that no plaiform ever wasaaopieu Dy any party convention that, in every particular, received the approval of every member of the party. There is always something Inserted or something lelt out that causes criticism, loueeu, wi-j uusiuess oi platform making -has attained immense, and some persons think unreasonable, proportions In this generation. The time was hen it was sufficient to know that a man was a federalist or a democrat to know what were his political opinions. Then it was notdeemed necessary for either party to solemnly promulgate a creed eva or puD.ic concern, xneu PLATFORM MAKING as a means of succes, not of tbe party, but In the party, had not been Invented, much less become a fine art. But now we have nearly or quite a hundred state platforms constructed every year, and bow many minor platforms a. iMimetta la scarcely sufficient to tell. And i iiu multitudinous ueuverances arc. as miznt vtell be expected. a vsrtous and changeable as ih seasons themselves, in some one or mure ui them anv vear maybe found reflected every opinion, however crude, und a dogmauo judgmnl nnoa nvcry lurnnuir. vcri imiiuu The next veat repeat the process with the döxi f-iement of grots inooni-istency with the work of the preceding years: so that If a mau were to p;n bio Ui?h implicitly to platforms, the changes of the kalridescope woui I Kcarrcly be mrr various or lanlasuc than his. ine conse ncenee is that the people have, to a great or nt. lost faith in platforms. A vast majority do not read them at all, and of. those who do read them a large majority care little or nothing lor them. other people siting how o tentheyare shameless y violated. when poer hc be n attained, come to regard them as the trick and shams of party rnang?r4, aud thor onahlv detest tbem. Tbe remit of all this is. ih.t. a min stronsiv attached to hi party for reasons sufllcient unto him, would make himuir ridiculous, and lose self-respec', and the resnectof his fotlov-inen, were he to change his uositical coat every tune that his party hap pened to make a blunder in a ptatform Again -nrrencv onenlion. o far as legislation can affect It, rest wltn Congress. 1 he efflovrs to he e ected in Ohio this year will have, as I Lave alutvKaid.no larisdlction over it. it is a uai toniti. and not a mere state concern; and tli nni'h everv state has a perfect right to ex press its opinion upon It, and may very propt rly do so. j et Its solution Is devolved upon the rcpmsentativesof all the states In the congress a seinbled. And the drafting of A NATIONAL PABTY PLATFORM upon it, to be submitted to the people, is the office of a national convention representing the party In all the 6tates. Such a convention of our party will meet next jar, and Its deliver

ance, we may ralrly presume, will reflect the opinion and m ami test the will of the entire democracy of the republic. It is somewhat

amusing to read, in the light of history, tome of the criticisms that ate dally seen in the newspapers upon tko subject I am conide'iDx. One clcss of these papers cej our.ee. with sreat severity, the hard-money democratsof Ohio because tbey do not unite with tbe republicans to defeat our ticket, forgetting that even Horace Itreley, then chief Whig editor of the United States, exerted all his power and influence to elect 14en. fcott to t he presidency, and, at the käme time, to use nis strong but certainly cot courteou langnaze, . "spat upon the p.aifotm." Another clam of editors denounce us because we do not surrender onr convictions and support paper money and inflation as well es thelickrt. Tbey are cot content that we shal! help to elect the ticket-tbey r quire that we shall also abandon our faith ; forgetting that not three years have elapsed sine they were themselves among tbe most ardent and efficient supporters of tlorisce Uroeiey lor the presidency, upon the most pronounced and ahambiguoxvi hard money and specie resumption platform ttatconldbe written-. But let. us .pass to more important considerations. - lbave no desire to speak ot tbe loconUtf nciee of puliiH-jan. 1 a n content If 1 can, .maintain my own consist ency and at tue taue lime do wbai. l believe- tp J; beiiüht. i i PANOER3 OF CRNTR KUIZ VTIOJC,Out it la time to refer more particularly touu& of the Doicts of difference betweea us anfl fjur adversaries, and to' some of the causes' cf com plaint that Jut-tly eilst against radical' adminis tration. And flrsl, 131 us briefly consider loc.y self-go'veTnraent.Tand, Ita opposite, -ceutrileatlon. What is locait selfgovertiEitnt? It is ' . not V nullification 'or . ecMfcion, as in enemluM so often i&iselr assert. Is has ucthing in common with .tii doctrix.es of nuiiifloi riou 'or wecesioo. "Ht loay exist, and la better days ot the Bejutlii. did exist, as fully HDd completely in tbe L'nion as it could hve done had every sta'ebe-n.ta all intent, a separate sovereignty. Ixc&l seifgovernment is simply V e rtgh . of a community to make and administer Us own laws nrioa every sahject hat conoerna it alone. T(f IUol trat : The doctrine of local self-government 4 demancs mat tne laws that govern lb purely domestic concerns of Ohio (hall be made an administered by Ohio ' alone. The doCtrluo of ceuira!izn on tbecoutrary, demands that these laws shall bt su;de. by- the cougteapof the Untied Htates. and atimlnLsterKl by the föderal Judic:ary andiexKcntlve. You see at once bow; wiueij aaA raaigniiy uiuereni re uies iwq systems, and how momentous must oe the conseqaeuces of miiuUiuing the oteorthe other. Uut berore spekljg cf that 1U ma ca 1 your attention to the fact ot horn far the principle of local self-government ha always prevailed in Ohio. Under our constitution ot 18J2, or that of 151, the General Assernb y might ha-ve .egislated for every sub-dl vlsioif of tbe wuyjowtver small, and In refoienc tJ every subji-ct, however peculUr tq that sub-dls vision, buch a system, t3 a greal extent, has) always exi ted m rraueö, where not a road can be made, a b-Ide built, or eveiramUl erected,' without a permit from the central admiui.su a tlon. Such was the system that prevailed lni that country for many centuries, and which has not, I believe, been much modiaed even at tuuv day. llow widely diflerent from such centralization of power is ( THE 8Y81EM IN OHIO, . adopteil by our fathers and perpetuated ever since. The state is divided Into numerous sub divisions some of them exceedingly smalland upon each of those subdivisions the power nm conferred of regulating, in a greater or les3 degree. Its own peculiar concerns. Tne smallest subdivision is the school district, with its board ol trustees, authorized to erect school houses, emp'oy teacheis, supervise the schools, and for these purposes to levy, with the assent of the piople. taxes to a limited arnoun'. Kising la theecale, we come t: the township wi ll its board of trustees, empowered to lay out or va catecrtaln toads, in some Instances to er et public buildings, to provide for the temporary support of the poor, and to perform other func tions that concern the township alone; aud a j clothed with a limited power of taxation. Next comes the cl ie and villages, with their quasi legislatures, the common coun cils, authorized to make laws called ordinances, and their various executive officers, charged with their execution or with the preser vation of the peace; and here azaln a limited power of taxation is conferred upon the local hgiilature of the municipality. Rising yet higher we come to that great subdivision, the ceunty, with its board of county commissioners, ciotneu witn numerous and very important powers, among which Is a power of taxation, and Its probate Judge, sheriff, coroner, auditor, treasurer ana prosecuting attorney, an cnosen by tne ballots ol its own quail tied electors. At las;, leaving the sub-divisious, we reach the state itself, witn its general assembly, authorized to make ail laws not forbidden by tne federal or state constitution, aud Its Imposing executive and Judicial departments, charged win the inter pretation or the enforcement of the laws. Thus you see. my leilow-ciilzecs, how wisely LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT is provided for In Ohio; bow one school district. it not allowed to lnterlere with . another, nor one township or county to Interfere with anolh er; 1 ut that, on the contrary, the law says to each and all of them, Mlnd your own business. and let others mind theirs," And now if there is any one here who has disbelieved In the danger of centralization, who bus regarded what has been said ebout it as the mere clap trap of a demagogne. t he dream of a visionary. or an exercise oi a rhetortcan, I pray him, in view of the facia 1 have stated, and many more ot like Import teat might be Hated, and of the utterances, at first cautious and faint, but now bold and oulxpoken, of the most eminent and Influential of the radical leaders, to review his opinion, and s?Uou ly and conscientiously consider tne question, "is there not danger?" w ny, wnat is tne interpretation piacea upon the constitution, ana especially upon the four te?ntb amendment, by the lenders of tbe retubUraa party? Freed from all verbiage and ambiguity, it amounts vlmply 10 the aseerlfn of a fuprenie power in Congress over even- sub' ject that concerns the itfe, liberty or property of any person within the United States; iu other words, over everything that is tbe subject of law This monstrous proposition, which. If carritd into execution, would leave no reserved rights or sovereignty whatever to the states, is the doctrine daily taught by men standing in tbe very rront rank of republican teachers. The time was when every statesman and Jurist in tbe laud, of whatever political party. taught tbe idoctrlne that the federal government possesses no powers but such as are expressly, or by necessary imp lcation, confer red upon it Dy tne constitution; tnat it is sovreign only In respect to these delegated powers. and that all other sovereignty wba soever re mains with the states. Tbe consequence of that doctrine was, that congress could exercise no p wer unless it could be found delegated to it In ine constitution: ana mis was me aoctrine ci all parties, and shades of partirs, in the country irom tne lormation oi tne constitution aown to 18tii. Hut in practice, the very opposite of this true doctrine has come to prevail, and the radi cal-majority in congress has, for yeirs, acted npon tie theory that cougress can exercise any Jurisdiction, pass auy law that tbe constitution does not expressly forbid It to exercise or to pas?. under mis N1.W INTERPRETATION it has enacted law after law for which no dele gated power caa be fonnd in tbe constitution, and has thus assumed to be the absolute sover eign la all things over the states and the people And here let me earnestly warn you, my friends not to suppose that because the frame-work of the state governments may remain, Uie i ights of the states and the people will also be preserved. The republican forms of tbe Roman commonwealth lasted for centuries after every spark of liberty h id been extinguished, and the sole depositary of power was a single man. And so tbe forms of Etate government might remain with us after everything of substance and reality had passed away, and every Important power of government nad been usurped by tbe executive and congress of tbe United Htates. The greatest quest. on then, that ought to engage the attention of the American people, the question that far transcends in importance and . overshadows ail others, ij. llow can we preserve our free republican system and constitution; bow per etute that complex yet wouderfu'.ly wise sf heme of rule, by which the powers of government are divided between a national government on the oae band, exercising certain delegated powtrs that concern the whole Itepunlic, a..d slate governments, on the other hano, controlling an purely local snd domestic concerns? Upon the maintenance of this system depend the perpetuity of the Union, the character at.d beneficence of the liiws, and the- peace, prtv:peiity and liberty of the peop e. Torepett what i have said on a former occasion: "Without our system of states the federal government would never have existed; without them it could never have extended from ocean to ocean ; without them a happy, contented, free and prosperous people would never have beeu our boast. And whenever tbey shall cease to exist, or shall become but a name, he foundations of tbe republic will have crumbled away and tbe structure they supported wiil hasten to its fall."

OBITUARY. ANDRKW JOHNSON. Senator Aedrew.-Jobowm, of Tenceseee w ho died yesterday at the residence of Lis daughter, in Carter county, was born December 29', 1SCS, at Raleigh, North Carolina, lie was, therefore, at the time of his death, sixty six years, seven months and two days old. Ills fa her, Jacob Johnson, a man in humble lile, was drowned in nobly rescu

ing col. Thomas Henderson, editor of tbe Raleigb Gazette, when Andrew ' waa not yet ! five yeara old. Mother and ton v?eie left in poverty, and he child had no opportu nity to attend school at all, not even to learn tbe alphabet of tbe English language. At ten yeara old he began, as an apprentice, to learn tbe tailor's trade, and at the same time to struggle for knowledge. A gentleman, who was accustomed to entertain the shop bands by reading to them the apeechfs of the British statesmen, did incalculable service to tho young apprentice, lie borrowed the book, which was afterwards rrtven to birr, and ont of it first learned the names ol tha letters, and then advanced to spelling and reading. , In 1824 when tbe young man i as 16 years old, bavin? finished bis apprenticeship, he went to Laurens court houpe, S. C, and worked at hia trade for about two years a a jourteyman, leturnicg to Raleigh Jn Mav, 1S26. In September following, with his mother, he removed to Greenville, Tenn , which was bis permanent heme, with tbe exception of one year spent elsewhere soon afr bis marriage, until his death. lie married belore be was twenty yeara old a young wenun to whose INTKLLIGZSCB AND RARE VIRTJ1ES much of his" ultimate success was att tributable. She it wa-, who, sitting at the bench while he wrought with the needle, educated the luture statesman and president of the United States. (She taught him. read to him, discussed with him the subjects read, encouraged and urged him on, doubtless discerning the superiority of his natural endowments. At night, after the work of tbe day was over, writing and Rrithmetic were diligently pursued. II was an apt scholar, and it was not long before bis mental acquirements commanded respect, and exerted a leading influence among tbe workingmen of Green, ville, who recognized. but did rnot follow, his enterprising exam ple. From this beginning arose tbe championship of the people, which Andrew Johnson ever maintained as a leading trait of his political character and history. Born and reared amid associations wbere the habit was to bow down submissively to an aristocracy wbere labor was Leid to be a disgrace, he advocated a new and radical doctrine irr lavor of tbe rights and recognition of labor. On this subject he was an enthusiast. He carried the people ot his town with bim, so that in 1828, when he was yet only twenty, or barely twenty-one years old, be was elected alderman for two years, and at tbe end of that term, was chosen mayor oi Greenville, which position he held three years. The county court appointed him trustee of Rbea Academy, and in 1S34 he bore as active part, securing tor the state of Tennessee a new and liberal constitution, lie was now a recognized leader in politics, his career did not stop nor delay. In 1835 he was elected a representative from the counties of Greene and Washington on the democratic ticket, carrying the election by the forco oi Lis personal exertions and the ability which he displayed in discussing POLITICAL ISSUES ON THE STUMP. As a member ct the legislature he was industrious and efficient. Tbe leading incident of his first legislative record waa a vigorous opposition to a popular bill for internal improvements which became a law. Bet tbe evils which in his resistance to tbe bill be had predicted were realized. . Tbe schemes tor a grand system of turnpikes and macadamized roads proved a failure and source of corruption; and although he was deleated in 1S37 because he opposed the law, be was returned In 1S39, and ' his former course was fully vindicated. In 1340 he canvassed East Tennessee in favor of Martin Yan Buren tor president, in 'the capacity of candidate for presidential elector at large. In the following year he was elected state senator from Hawkins and Greene counties, and In the discbarge of his duty made a rec ord which tbe people endorsed. Ue did not Btop, but in 1843 he was elected repres?ntative to congress from the first district ol Tennessee, which included seven counties. In this cimpaign he overcame Col. John A. Askew, a popular and lormidablo opponent. He took bis seat in congress December, 1843, and waa continued a member ior the five uccseding terms, a period of ten years. During nis service iu congress ha was conspicuous in advocatipg a bill to refund the tax imposed on General Jackson at New Orleans, tbe an nexation of Texa, the Mexican war, tbe tariff f 1S46, tbe forty-ninth parallel boundary, aud, most of all, a homestead law, which he continued to follow up until finally be saw it enacted. Uia great speech in favor ot the veto power was delivered August 2, 184S. In 1853, by a gerrymander ot the State in behalt. oi the Whigs and through tbe exertions of Gustavus A. Hen ry he was deleated for Congress to tbe ultimate discomfiture of Henry. The latter was the WHIG CANDIOATE FOB GOVERNOR, and Johnson defeated for Congress turned round and was elected governor of the State over Henry. In 1855 he was re-eiected governor, defeating tbe Hon. Meredith P. Gentry, Whig and Know-nothing, and one of the ablest men of tbe state. Following immediately on this service, be was in 1857 elected by tbe Legislature to tbe Senate of the Untied States, where be took his seat on tbe 7th of Decern ber. Here he sgain ured the passnge of the homestead bill, which waa carried tarough conerees.bot vetoed by President Buchanan. In 185S he opposed tbe bill ot Jeflerson Davis to increase the standing army, in 1859 be urged retrenchment and fought tbe proposition lor a Pacific railroad. He supported slavery on tbe ground ol state rights, and was president of tbe Tennessee delega tion ot the Baltimore-Charleston domocratic convention in 1860. lie gave his Bupport to Breckinridge and Lane in that canvass, but when the design of secession became apparent, he wheeled lcstantly into tbe support of the Union, which he defended in a speech of December 18 and 19, 1860. Returning to his home in Mav 1861, when the excitsmcnt of open war was at a white heat, he was in great peril of as4äsination. A mob entered a railroad car for tbat purpose, but he met them with a drawn pistol, and tbey backed ont. In many par's of the etate be was burned In efflgy, but in East Tennessee he found a Union sent! ment which he powerfully sustained snd strengthened at the Union convention, May 30. Comicg back he was met with an ovation at Cincinnati, June 19, and his praises were sung throughout the North. In tbe following winter he.met his Tennessee refugeein KeDtucky, provided lor them from his private means, and established tbe camp Dicli Robinson to which the Union people flocked through the Cumberland Gap. On March 4 Mr. Johnson was mate military governor of Tennessee an the nomination of President Lincoln, and on March 12 be took possession of the capital at Nashville, while the disloyal government moved on to Memphis. Knowing well tbe people o his ?tate he immediately published an ap

peal to them which was not without great influence at that perilous time. The next act ws to rrquire tbe maycrand City Council of Nashville ti take the oath of alleglanc, which refusinz to do, thev were removed. Tho Nashville limner was supr. reused and Juda Guild, of tbe Chancery Court, IMPRISONED YXR TREASON. A proclamation followed, declaring that for every Union man arretted five nbela fhculd be arrested and dealt with

rs ine case might require. Thcte aot were followed up by similar procura a Hons acd acta of summary administration ordering elections and levjipg bspfsments tor the support of wive and children of soldiers until March, 1864, when, by bis orders, electiocs were held for Ute and county ofiicer.s, and the civil government was again put in operation. On April 12, 1S64, Mr. Johnson &ddrfsed the poople at Knoxvilla, and ou the lGtb a mass convention declared for emancipation and for a convention to alter tbe state constitution, ro as to mate T.-nrc-sea a free state. Oa tbe 7th of Jute fo'lawing, at tbe Baltimore convention, Mr. Lincoln was re-rooiinated lor president, and Andrew Johnson was placed on tbe ticket with him as candidate for vice pie-iidect. Iiis tetter ot acceptance weg lone and defined his position and views iu regard to tbe state of afftiiu at that critical juncture. Ic tte following campaign Mr. Johnson canvassed extt-tsively. delivering a s,tch October 4-h at Logaiispart in ifci3 itate, and on the 24th of tee Mine month, inakirg Lin memorable add res, taking square ground for emancipation, at Nashville. Ho waa duly elected and inaugurated on March 4, 1S65, and tbencclorward the tide cf great events in his hlstr.rv rolled rapidly in. On tbe 9th of April, Ge:i. Ie'a army . surrender!, Richmond was taken. and five days af erward President Lincoln was " aa4a.-sinaVod and at ten o'clock, two and a half henrs aftr the president breathed his last, April 15, Andrew Johnson waa sworn Into office as tbe president of tbe United States. His public utterances soon aller awakened expectations of a SEVERE POLICY' against the late. rebellions states, which subsequent history did not fulfill, and tbe party which elected Mr. Johnson becima his bitter enemies. From this point forward tbe administration became remarkable, chiefly tor tbe open antagonism ot tbe president and congress, the latter being opposed to all tbe former's plans of reconstruction of the late rebellious states. Tbe situation was complicated, unprecedented and exceedingly difficult. W.th his frank and positive character Mr. Johnson did not hesitate to" renounce Congress, and to oppose ail its action, frequently interposing bis veto upon measures passr-d by tbat body. In Augüät, 1866, tbe noted j urney was taken to Chicago to lay the corner-stone of the Douglas monument, which iaknown as "swinging 'round the circla." The complications of the administration increased, as by tbe law ot March 21, 1867, passed over a veto, ten of the seceding states were divided into five military districts, for which the President must appoint military commanders. There arose questions about the construction ot . the law, which congress finally attempted to settle by passing an explanatory act making the ' military commanders answerable to tbe general cf the army. This was vetoed and passed over tbe veto. August 12 the president suspended Mr. Stanton as secretary of war, and appointed Gen. Grant in his place as secretary ad interim. When congress assembled they refused to sanction tbe removal oi Stanton, and he was reinstated only to be removed again Feb. 21, 1S68, and Gen. Thomas was put in his place ad interim. Stanton refused to vacate, the Senate stood by him, and out of the muddle and the quarrel sprang the attempt at impeachment of tbe president for "high CRIMES AXD MISDEMEANORS." Tho resolution for impeachment passed the House March 3, 1S6S. the rote landing, yeas. 126, nays, 47, not voting, 17, and it was sent to the Senate March 5 The trial began March 23. There were two charges one for contempt of congress, the other for tbe removal of Secretary Stanton. The Vote was taken on tbe first count May 16, on the second. May 26. In each case it stood, guilty, 19, not guilty, 35. (As it required a two-thirds vote to convict, tbe president was acquitted.) In 1S68, July 4, at the democratic convention in New York, on the first ballot for nominating . a presidential candidate, Mr. Johnson led all except Mr. Pendleton receiving 65 vote to 105 for the latter candidate. On July A tbe president issued the first proclamation. of pardon to all except certain epeoifiM partte, and on December 25 following he proclaimed unconditional pardon to all who had taken part in the rebellion. His term oi ofUce endeti March 4, 18o'9, and be returned to hia old home at Greenville, Tenn. In 1870 he came within two votes of an election to the United Sta ts Senate, and in 1872 ran and was beaten for congressman at large. The Hon. Horace Maynard, republican, was elected. Bat. meantime, the old feeling of devotion to Andrew Johnson grew again, and at the last legislature of Tennessee be was once more elected to tbe Senate of the United States, and duly took his seat. lie made there one speech which attracted universal attention and comment. It was notable for moderation and temperate language, and replete with the honest and sound doctrines which were a part of the character of this honest and incorruptible statesman. "THE LUCK OF ROARING CAMP." A COLORADO INCIDENT ADVENT OF THE FIRST BABY TS A MINING DISTRICT. The Rocky Mountain News furnishes tbe following: Jnly 12 was a "red letter day" in Lake Mining district, in the Sn Juan country, for on that day, says the. Lake City Silver World, came an interesting stranger nto c tin r not over the Saguache road, nor over the Antelope park trail, but in the good old way, ordained by God, and faithfully kept up by mankind. On that day tbe wife ol S. T. Uoyt gave birth to the first child ever born in Lake district, and neither father cor mother was more proud of tbe event than were tbe "honest miners," who drorped pick and drill aud hastened to town as the news spread from mine to mine, for they all regarded it as a forerunner of a higher civilization, and were prouder than if they had struck a veritable "bouazi." The event occurred in the morning, and when, toward ' evening, it was announced tbat thg first born iu Lake City would hold a general reception, all were eager to gsza on that little mite of humanity which is to grow with the growth of our mines, and some day known as the. "ab Initio" settler of the metropolis of southwestern Colorado. He was passed from hand to band, aud it was curious, eays tbe World, to note the manner in which h9 was manipulated. Sjme were there who wish to be considered in the ranks of the "singly blessed" who betrayed themselves by tbe eay grace with which they daxlvj bim upon tbe palms or their ont-ti-.ched hands; others there were who excited great alarm in tbe breasts of the dec: or and nurse by to awkward way In which they grabbed the little lellow and he!d htm up as though be had a ramrod in his back, aud was a natural born drum-major. A number of complimentary remarks were made, after which the crowd ad jour aed to th "wet grocery" establishment across the way. ' So many healths were drank to the little stranger that a passer-by, not knowing the occasion thereof, might imagine tbat Lake City had lost its calendar and was celebrating the Fourth eight daya behind time.