Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 24, Number 5, Indianapolis, Marion County, 8 September 1874 — Page 4

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THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, TUESDAY SEPTEMBER 8, 1874.

TUESDAY. SEPTEMBER 3.

Who are the Inflation democrats of Indiana any way? The Cincinnati Enquirer of Wednesday morning publishedan interview with the Hon. JameaB. Ryan in regard to political prospects and the ex-treasuser cornea out in this gallant aiyle: "I regret that the Enquirer, a paper always read wfch so much interest, takes .grounds against Mr. Kerr. Mr. K, is an honest nan. and I do not believehe is any more in. the interest of -Wall street bankers than I ao. You ""might as well say the same of Judge Joseph E. McDonald, for they nearly agree on finanea. McDonald's speech at -Green castle I regard as good democracy. If .it is repudiated as such I will not know what to call myselt Major Craven, candidate against Kerr, is my personal friend, and 1 am his; bat I am pained to see him placed in antagonism to the democratic Nominee. But it vrili all come out right. Kerr will be elected." This Is as it should be. It is generally understood, especially among Mr. Beeeher's more intimate friends, that his wife is not remarkable for her tact. The book which she published giving detail of her life in Lawrenceburg and Indianapolis contains abundant proofs of tier want "of discretion, find her action at Plymouth Chnrcb, last Friday night, was a perfect illustration -of bad taste. It .wight have been well .enough for herto be present on the occasion of the submission of the investigating committee's report. That was a matter of such vital and overwhelming 1 mportaaee that rales -of etiquette should lave no consideration in judging of her conduct la poshing in with the crowd to hear the. report. The vindicatio of a husband is something that a good wife ought to be a little impatient to listen to. But in the midst of the hub-bub raised by Moulton and when he had sent his note to the moderator, asking for a hearing, Mrs. Beecher wrote a few lines and cent them up to the presiding officer likewise. They ran as follows! "Mr. Beeeher's wife begs that Mr. Moulton may be allowed to hear what Plymouth church thinks of mutual friends." Tfce design of tbe note may have been praiseworthy but th3 wording of it was rather calculated to kindle than assuage wrath. It would have been more becoming if the writer of it had kept in the background a! such a juncture. She is certainly unfortunat9 when she trusts herself to paper. In a letter from Crawfordsville, published in the Sentinel the other day, an account was riven of a man who is still alive and in sound health at 111 years of age. It is a atrange thing to think of the fact that he was a boy when the first Continental Congress assembled, 100 years ago, at Philadelphia. How few of the men who met in that memorable body or watched its proceedings, ever dreamed of the events ot the next century. Priestly had Just discovered oxygen .and created a new chemistry. Napoleon and Wellington were boys of five years old, and TValterScotta child of three, while Tallyrand was old enough to figure as Abbe de Perigord at the coronation of Louis the Sixteenth. Goldsmith was just dead, and Burns was a lad of fifteen, approaching bis first love scrape and his first attempt to celebrate a rustic beauty's charms in verse, and Gcetbe in that year drank his full of fame in the publication of "The Sorrows ol TVerther." Alexander Hamilton, a boy of seventeen, had roused tbe populace of New York by his eloquence, and George Washington was still a private Virginian gentleman. Robespierre was yet a schoolboy, and Marie Antoinette had just entered upon her course as queen "glittering like the morning . the star." Nelson was still a midshipman, Hastings held sway at Calcutta, and Edmund Burke, unmindful of eastern affairs, was pleading the cause of the American colonies. Frederick the Great was resting on the poils of Poland and Catherine of Russia was enjoying her triumph over the Turks. There was no locomotive, no steamboat, no telegraph, no great newspapers, no American flag. How dim and distant such an era looks. "The White river that summer flowed through a wilderness, and the morning sun that now shines on a forest of spires touched the foliage of the primeval woods Yet amid all the changes of the century with what a perfect sympathy we can unite with the people of that age! How the unity of humanity has remained unimpaired through tbe revolu tlons of a hundred years as it has since the beginning. Louisiana. The protest of the democratic and con aervative central committee of Louisiana is a calm and dignified paper, which may have some slight effect in rousing attention to the disgraceful political condition in which the Southern people are placed. It will not do much good, however, as there seems to be a deep-seated conviction in the minds of the Northern peeple that the Southerners have m rights which the rest of the nation lis bound to respect. Until this idea that we hold a sort of reserve of power and punish ment over that section of the country, to be dealt out as suits the popular will, ha passed away, them is no use in at-. tempting to establish popular government at the South, and the pretense of main taining it is becoming absolutely dangerous The forma ot freedom without any of the spirit must eventually degrade the national character. Take, for instance, this miserable state of Louisiana. After all the conditions precedent to reconstruction had Deen complied with, the commonwealth regained its original standing among , the sisterhood of jstates. It had a defective constitution, manufactured specially to secure the Supremacy of a particular clique, and it was lilted with many dangerous elements of "political strife. "Yet once it was launched "out into self-government, there was no reason why ita career should not prove prosperous and successful, if its 'destiny were left in tbe hands et it3 own people. A few jcars before it bad been noted for wealth,

gnyety and hospitality for all of the comforts and most of the refinements of life. In it rich soil it possessed a source oi abundant prosperity and la its great rivet and harbors the means of communication with other states and foreign countries for the interchange of luxuries. Tbe state bad pro -red ita ability to be a self ruling community by years of happy and peaceful experience. What was needed was that Louisiana should be left alone to regain tier former position. It may be said simply and truly that all the evils which afflict that commonwealth to-day sprang out of lie want of faith in the accomplishment of reconstructionwant of failh in popular government. When a iudge of the United State Court nearly two years ago interfered and overturned tbe duly elected government, and when the executive of the nation recognized and maintained by force a set of usurpers, more injury was done than one isolated act of political injustice. The perpetration of that wrong was the beginning of the overthrow of the work of reconstruction.whlch overthrow the circular letter of Attorney General Williams completes. After snatching power out of the hands people it has been found impracticable to restore it and in order to maintain the violence done, a scries of evils has been entailed that brines the state to the verge of anarchy. Ev

ery species of hatred and contention has been aown broadcast in the politics of Louisiana and the harvest of these evil fruits has been abundant. The setting aside of the verdict of the ballot box in 1872, to gratify a set of unprincipled political adventurers at the expense of the liberty of the people, was the turning point in tbe history of the state, as urged by the conservative committee. The national government that allowed itself to become the source of injustice and oppression has a fearful crime to answer for, and the blood that has since been shed in Louisiana la on the hands of the admlnistion. Had the usurpation of Kellogg been followed by a popular rebellion the outbreak would have been perfectly justifiable. The people choee to seek redress by peaceful means and every step in tbe pursuit of Justice led them into disgust with tbe government. The Supremo Court could not remedy the evil which had been done in the name of law. The president had grave doubts as to whether he had put the proper state officers in power, and asked Congress to decide the matter. Congress investieatcd and did nothing, although such partisans of the dominant faction as Matt Carpenter denounced the usurpation with a fire and vehemence that would have won justice in any other assembly than the United States Senate. So the people of Louisiana have found themselves on the eve of another election with their usurping government still in power and under a system of registration and election laws that put the wealth, intelligence and numerical majority of the State completely at the mercy of Kellogg and his faction. To their indignation at the sense of past wrongs and the prospect ot future outrages, the disorder in the fitate is due. The peculiar shape in which the political agitation broke out and has been carried on, is worthy of notice. The people have organized, and by a system of terrorism have forced the usurping officers in various localities to resign and quit tbe country. Such a task could not, as a matter of course, be carried out without riot and bloodshed. It was tbe resort to force, and the confession of despair in the forms of law or the powers of civil society. The interference of the general government may lead to the establishment of a temporary peace, but it will be a peace founded on injustice, and it can not be durable. The argument of tbe committee that the action of Williams really makes the coming election a farce is conclusive. To be consistent tbe national government must lay aside the pretense of a popular government, in which tbe majority of the people are to be held under the control ol an ig norant and irresponsible minority. It must break to pieces the vast sham which it has set up and called reconstruction, and begin tbe costly work of reorganizing tbe South over again. Thus far it has made a misera ble failure, and it has failed because it would not, as American principles demand, trust the government into tbe hands of tbe people themselves. Jeff. Davis on the Situation. , It is very evident that republican politicians have made up their minds to win this election, aa they have all former ones, by working upon the sympathy of the northern people for the southern negroes; and tbe re cent riots in Kentucky, Louisiana and Tennessee have probably afforded material for all the arguments that will, be required in justification ot the previous misrule in tbe South, and in excuse for further federal tyranny. It is a curious fact that people never stop to interpret these instances of disorder and bloodshed against the policy of the party in power. They lay the blame upon the Southerners, who are directly responsible for the violence, and not upon the system of reconstruction, which is tbe indirect cause of it. Viewed with an eye to political effect, therefore, these riots must be hailed with gratitude by all good republicans and men of a cynical disposition, seeing tbe advantages which the politicians reap from Southern outrages, can not help suggesting that they have some active part in stirring up these scenes of violence and exaggerating their horrors when they occur. It is wonderful how the cases of shooting, lynching and robbery multiply last previous to a Northern election. Late dispatches from Washington go so far as to show that South ern republicans are already pressing into the capital with petitions urging the presi dent to interfere and preserve the South to the party by intimidation, lie will be asked to Issue. a proclamation, institute prosecutions and make use of military repression in districts where the white people are regaininethc ascendency. That the immediate result of Southern disorder tends in ttisdirec tion of perpetual oppression is manifest to all reasonable men, and if the people of the South were not a pack of hot-headed fools, they might have learned by this time that patience is the bst policy. The leaders in the South are fully awake

to this fact, and have learned at last that men who assemble in masks at midnight, and take the law into their own hands, executing bloody vengeance upon prisoners merely accused of crime and waiting trial, can

not count upon alliance or support in the Northern States. We are too busy here in attacking public thieves and plunderers to stop to defend the more dangerous deeds of open outlaws, nor have we the inclination if we had the time. Southerners of note are now impressed .with the conviction that they can not shake off a portion ot the responsibility for the violence committed in the community to which tbajr,hold the chief places,and they are taking active measures to secure peace and good order. Their efforts will go far to counteract tbe bad impression made by the acts of lawless desperadoes. As a matter of good policy, therefore, they are doing welL It may be likewise that a sense of justice, reverence for law and a hatred lor anarchy influence them to protest against the disorders now shaking the Southern states to their foundations. A memorable meeting of men thus eager to vindicate outraged order assembled in the exposition building in Memphis on last Friday evening. It was called to give expression to the sentiment of the better classes of the citizens in regard to tbe - recent outrages in Gibson county, Tenn. The assemblage was large in number, re spectable in character and enthusiastic in feeling. Judge Wright reported a series of resolutions, which were unanimously adopted. They set forth the facts of the removal of sixteen colored prisoners from the county jail, and their cruel execution, and declared tbe sentiment of the meeting to be urgent for the punishment of every indi vidual engaged in the outrage, to the fullest extent of the law. Furthermore, vigilance was urged in hunting out the criminal?, and zeal demanded in their prosecution. The action of the governor in offering heavy rewards for the apprehension of the murderers was also commended, and finally, by way of sting in tbe last resolution, tbe declaration is added : "That we lear very much that 'the colored people of Gibson county, !n the 'late troubles in that county, were incited 'by the counsels of bad men tor political effect, and that we feel no hesitation in de'nounclng all such counsels us stir up strifn 'and trouble, come from what quarter they may." Speeches were made by ex-Gov. Isham G. Harris, the Hon. L. C. Haynes, Col. Duncan McRae, Jefferson Davis and Gen. N. B. For rest. The tono of tbe speakers was in harmony, and favored the maintenance of law and order and the punishment of the out rage which the meeting had gathered to denounce. The utterances of the last two speakers were of special interest. Forrest rose to his feet in response to loud calls from tbe audience, and declared that he bad come there as a humble citizen to enter his protest against the atrocities committed in Gibson county, adding that be was ready to start next day to hunt up the murderers. He closed with this short, sharp and decisive declaration, which was received Nvith great applause : I am ready to protect the black man as much and asautck as the white man. I want to see our people act In harmony. We have suffered untold millions ny mese irouoies sjreaay. w in they never stop? They should be stopped, they must be stopped, ana ir you an wui ie a determined as I am to stop t hem.they will be stopped. We have got to hunt these men down. We have the officers ana the law on our ide,and we must hunt these men down black or white, treat all alike,and when this is done you will see no more muiuers in this community. The speech of Jefferson Davis was, like all those made during the evening, short; but it was peculiar and to the purpose. The aroma of the lost case hung round it like a delicate perfume, poetical and delicious. not offensive. He said they had assembled less to express horror at a particular crime than to vindicate the memory of the dead and the honor of the living. They were met to show the world abroad that they were not a race of assassins, that they were men who, in asserting their right would go on to the end of their lives with out wealing a mask or blacking their faces. He asserted that tbe tenderest relations had ever existed between the Southern white men and the negroes, and, even though what he considered their natural relations had been broken up, the old affections should lemain. Every Southern man's memory ran back to the good old black woman that nursed him in bis infancy, the boy who hunted and fished with him, and the man who taught him to ride. He closed with a few ringing sentences that show much of the old fire of southern genius and a few sparks of old southern hate: It now rests with you to show to the world that vou are incapable of secret crime: that yon hate the men who wear the mask or black the face, and that whatever is necessary for the public peace you will do in an open manner with the visor raised and tbe helmet open. The coloied people require the white man to provide for and look after them now as much as they ever aia. now, mere are men who think that la the event of a w of races that tbe blacks would be exterminated, and that we wou'd then have a happy and roseate future. I have no sympathy with those men. The negroes were my f lnds in the olden timp. and took: care of our wives and children and homes In the time of war. They brought this grand Mississippi valley into cultivation, and are tbe only ones, I think that can or will be ever able to successfully cultivate it. But I don't Intend to touch upon a question upon which every man has already au opinion. 1 have no feeling against the colored men.VThe only lod'gnatlon which I feel is axainst those white men who have carried them into the position which tbey now occupy. Let us nave our vengeance a&ainst them, not against the poor blacks. Apart from the immediate political effect which the condition of Southern affairs will have upon the coming political struggle, the disastrous conflict going on in the reconstructed states is deserving the most serious attention. It is well enough to talk of tariff and specie payment, bnt the great problem for tbe age to solve is tbe settlement of Southern society upon some Bortof a basis that will not disgrace our civilization or jeopardize our institutions. The total indifference with which the people regard the elements contending for the mastery in the South is something wonderful. There seems to be a general conviction that no solution of the race issue is possible no remedy for Southern woes to be extracted from any plant that ever grew. The inability of the republican party to secure ta the South peace, prosperity and self-gov ernment,has been made manifest by the last few years of misery and disorder.but it does not follow on that account that no policy can be devised which would be more fruitful of

good than that pursued by the administration. This unmanly apathy in regard to the fate of tbe South must be shaken off.

The Southern correspondent of the Cin cicnati Commercial, from whose letters the Sentinel has made extended selections, declares that in Rutherford, Sumner and Gibson counties in Tennessee, thirty-nine' murders have occurred within the last eight months. He gives the details of one deed o blood which has created more feelins: than all tbe others put together. It was the murder of a quadroon school teacher named Julia Hayden, who was killed in mere wantonness by a random shot fired into the house where she had taken refuge. It is plain that a great responsibility has devolved upon the leading men of the State in the maintenance of law and order, and those citizens who, as noticed in yesterday's Sentinel, pledged themselves to secure peace and security far all classes, will need to bestir themselves earnestly. Gov. Brown has issued a proclamation, which is well calculated to call forth that pure and determined public sentiment which is above all things essential to the enforcement of law. Alluding to the feverish excitement in the public mind on account of the rfcent atrocities committed in tbe state and the general desire for military protection, he declares that the militia of the state can only be called out in case of insurrection or invasion; and that their presence would rather aggravate than assuage the existing troubles. He asserts that the people ought to look to the civil law alone to punish crime. The sheriff of the counties and the mayors and other officials in cities are empowered by the constitution of the state with authority not only to punish but to prevent crimes especially flagrant breaches of the peace, such as open rioting and affrays. Tbey should be held responsible for all violence. Tbe governor throws the burden directly upon their shoulders in these words: Officers or citizens who fall or refuse to perform their respective duties are guilty of misdemeanors. It the sheriff can not obtain force enough in his county to meet the demands of the law.lt is the duty of the governor, on the application of the sheriff, tosend tbe necessary force from another county. With such ample authority, coupled with tue power to enforce it, the civil otlicers are without excuse if the law is not executed in their counties. They are responsible for riots and Jail-breakine, and public sentiment should demand and require of them visitanee and fidelity in the execution ot thir birh trusts; and public opinion should boldly sustain thcra in their efforts to protect society, and uphold the lawful authority. If from ignorance, cowardice, or want of fidelity, a public officer falls of doin? his duty, let the people, whose servant he is, turn htm out ot office, throuRh the means pointed out by the law, and disgrace him. If the people of the county will not sustain or aid the officials in the proper exercise of their authority, let the officers apply to the governor, and he will, without delay, send them force enough to execute the law. To the citizens of the state in general he appeals for co-opeiation, warning them that an active and high minded enthusiasm for tbejust enforcement of the laws is now necessary to bring about the triumph of good order. There is significance in his closing declaration: "This will save you from military rule, and, worse even than that, from anarchy; and probably nothing else will." Assessment Vagaries. The problem of levying an equitable and productive tax is perhaps the most difficult of the many political tasks which are laid upon the people of the United States. In making a tax levy there are natural and artificial difficulties to be overcome. The former are inherent in the subject matter. There are many varieties of values which it is almost impossible to trace and estimate, and there is frequent danger of taxing some particular value twice, as well as of passing over others altogather. Again there are some kinds of property which it is injurious to load with taxation, as it is of such a nature that it can move to localities where it is favored by law. The second kind of obstacles in the way of levying a fair and prod ucti ve tax is the more difficult to overcome and no system seems capable of counteracting them. They lie in the weakness of human nature. The owners of property will endeavor to prevent a full assessment, lend tbe officials of various localities do their best to remove the burden of taxation from their own districts to other parts of the State. There may be no actual dishonesty, but there is a vast amount of cheating without malics prepense. In the State of Illinois they have been making a second attempt to tax every person and corporation in the State "according to his, her, or its property," with the idea of making' all the real and personal property of the commonwealth do its share toward paying the public expenses. Tbe Chicago Tribune is intensely disgusted with the result, and gives some figures to show the utter failure of the assessment under the system, and the inability of the Board of Equalization to remedy the inequalities of valuation. The State tax for 1874, amounts to $2,500,009, and the valuation of the State foots up to the handsome sum of $1,100,000,000 while the cash value of the taxable property of the commonwealth is actually $3,000,000,000. The assessors have, therefore, got at 37 per cent, of the true amount. In some States this would be con sidered very fair work. Of the personal property it is estimated that $750, 000,000 have escaped the lynx-eyed officers ot the law. This would be a small matter to complain of it the depreciation in values were uniform throughout the State. It really matters little what standard is adopted so long as it is fairly applied ; but the same thing has happened in Illinois with its law demanding a cash valuation that has happened in the assessment of property in other States. It has been found that where the discretion ot assessors is relied upon an element of uncertainty a varying quantity enters into the taxation problem. In some counties property is returned at a valuation of 23 per cent, of its actual market price. In other localities it ranges up to 60 per cent., and in some townsb'ps adjacent tracts of land are assessed at J0, 60, 70, and sometimes 20 per cent, of their value, tbe assessor proceeding at random, or else varying for dishonest motives. And, , in conclusion, the Tribune, after setting forth the peculiar hardships of some corporations, declares that, in spite of all the State Board of Equalization can do, eomo of the citizens will be compelled to pay

a tax on a valuation of 150 per cent., while others pay tax on a valuation of 100, 50, or 2 percent. This Is cheerful. Tbe people of Illinois, however, may gather comfort from the fact that there is hardly another State In the Union in which the same discrepancies do not exist. In Indiana great expectations are entern tained of the workings of the system of full valuation; although in his last report the auditor confessed that it. had failed to bring about the reform anticipated.

The fact of the matter is, that we need all through the country an effective method of taxation, When Wells, the statistician, set to work to devise a means of levying equitable and productive taxes, he succeeded in proving the defects of the means now employed, but could suggest no better substitute than the taxation of each man according to the style of house which he lives In, which was so palpable an absurdity that everybody was content to fall back upon the old style of collecting public revenues. Ger. Ab ram A. Hammond. Tuesday all that was mortal of Gov. Hammond was committed to the tomb. He leaves many sincere friends, who join his widow and daughter in meurniug his loss. He was born 'at Brattleboro. Vt., in March, 1814, and died at Denver, Col., on the morning of August 27, 1874, in the presence of his family, but before the arrival of his devoted friend, Capt. Fitzgibbon. After reading law with Mr. Ryman, who was a lawyer of eminence at Brookville, in this state, Mr. Hammond, In the year 1835, commenced the practice of his profession at Greenfield, in Hancock county. Here, about the year 18S7, he married Miss Mary B. Amsden, who survives him. His rival la the law was the late Hon. Thomas D. Walpole and both these gentlemen achieved distinction for professional skill and ability. Gov. Hammond's first office was that of prosecuting attorney and tbe bar soon came to recognize his cool, selfpossession, his skilful examination of witnesses, his mastery oi the strong points in bis case, and his logical and powerful argu ments to the court and jury. He was then in the flush of health, of strong and vigorous build, and of a fine and command ing appearance. In the year 1840 ho removed to Columbus, in Bartholomew county, where he continued practice until 1SKJ, having in the meantime become the partner of the late John H. Bradley. Both these gentlemen took high professional rank, Mr. Bradley havinc already achieved prominenco in Norther Indiana, and having been the candidate of the Whigs for lieuten ant governor of the State. This firm removed to Indianapolis in 1846, and to Cin cinnati, O., in 1847, but finding that city a less attractive place of residence than our town, they returned here in 1S4S. In 1S50 when the legislature organized the first Common Pleas Court for Marion county, Mr. Hammond was made its first jndge, and gave great satisfaction in that position, for he was able, impartial and urbane in the discharge of his duties, and prompt in perceiving the merits ot a case. After a short service, however, he resigned, and became the partner of Hugh O'Neal, Esq.; whose merits and traits are well known in this community. In 1852 Mr. Hammond went to . California and became the partner ot the celebrated Rufus A. Lockwood. In 1853 Mr. O'Neal removed to California, where he became successor of Gov. Hammond, and in the meantime Mr. Lockwood, driven by an overpowering restlessness, removed to Australia, and in tbe same year Mr. Hammond returned to Indiana. Afterwards he removed to Terre Haute, where be practiced law until I8ÖG1 when he was elected lieutenant-governor of of the State, and Ashbel P. Wlllard was elected governor. He made an admirable president of the Senate, and when Gov. Willard died in I860 Mr. Hammond became governor, and during the few months he exercised tho functions of that office, demonstrated his fitness to discharge its high duties. His portrait is one among those of the governors cf this State in the library. Of the names that come up in connection with that of Gov. Hammond how many have departed this life, and now he is added to tbe number. In I860 bis health commenced falling, and soon an unrelenting rheumatism fastened upon him, so crippling him that during the last five years he has been compelled to the use ot crutches. A few years since, asthma was added to his afflictions, and Denver was sought as beneficial for this last attack. During fourteen years Gov. Hammond has been a great iufferer,and has failed in the pursuit of health at points near and remote. During all that time he has had the assiduous, anxious and devoted affection of his wife and tbe skill ol the best physician?, but all without avail. His merits and traits are well known in this community to his numerous friends, both personal and political. He leaves a large competence to his family. On the 6th of September Prof. Charles F. Hartt, of Cornell University, the well known South American explorer, sail v Europe for Bio de Janeiro, to continue f jr a lew months his scientific researches in Bra zil. His aim is to make a reconnoisance of the gold and diamond region north of Rio, concerning whose geofogy and physiography but little is known, lie purposes at the same time to review carefully his observations on the southern glacial drift, and examine several new archaeological and paleon tological localities discovered on previous expeditions. Prof. Hartt goes out : under the auspices of Cornell University, aided once more by the generosity ot one of its trustees, Col; E. B. Morgan, of Aurora, N. Y.; but he has received Important contributions from the Peabody Museum, of Cambridge, Mass.; from Prof. O. C. Marsh, of Yale College, NbW Haven; the Metropolitan Museum ot Art, of New York, and from Mr. Hiram Hitchcock, of Hanover, N. IL. and Dr. J. C. Rodrigues, editor of O Novo Mundo, New York. Tbe professor is tho bearer of an address to tbe emperor of Brazil from the Smithsonian Institute of Washington. He carries out excellent photographic apparatus for making dry-plate negatives, intending to make an extensive series of views illustrating the country he visits. Mr. J. C. Branner, student iu Cornell University, accompanies Prof. Hartt, as assistant. New York Times. I

THE TEMPERANCE CONVENTION. Continued from Third page. . day before, a number of new delegates having arrived. The w hole number of delegates was about three hundted. The first nour was pent in devotional cxenie which were conducted by Mrs' Harrah, one of the Tice presidents of the convention. At her suggestion a special prayer was offered lor Luther K. Benson, the reformed drunkard, behavine again fallen into his old habits of Intemperance, -an earnest prayer was therefore offered in his behalf. Mrs. Prof. Harrison offered up a special petition for the succe of the Temperance Union of this city in their work before the county commiioners next week, in deieating the 129 liquor petitions that come up for disposition at that time. ..3!he,U9,'nes8 of th convention opened at 9:o0 o clock, when the minutes of the preceding session were read and approved. The Hon. W. W. Curry, from the committee on plan for a State temperance organization, submitted a repoit, which was read by Miss Hoyt, one of the secretaries, as follows: ' TREAMBLK. We, the women of Indiana, conscious of tbe increasing evils, and appalled at the tendencies and dangers of intemperance, believe it has become our duty, in the providence of God, to unite our efforts for Us extinction. In order to aid, encourage and fortify each other in the accomplishment oi this end, we do, on this, the third day of September, 174, band ourselves together for the following specific purposes and to be governed by the following constitution and by-laws. Purposes of the Association. Gcpcl missionary work to the inebriate, the liquor seller, the poor and neglected masses hitherto unreached. The creation of a universal moral sentiment in favor of temperance, and sobnety, and against the selling and drinking of intoxicating liquors as a beverage. The impression upon the youth ot our day, of the criminal guilt of thus selling, and the fatal dangers, as well as guilt of thus drinking such liquors. The inculcation of oitive sentiments and principles, against both, as a preparation for the temptations and responsibilities of their future manhood and womanhood. The active expression of sympathy and encouragement, to the family of the inebriate, with the endeavor to throw around his children elevating and Christiau influences. Tbe gathering of well authentic facts and incidents and statistics, resulting from tbe traffic in intoxicating liquors, and such me cf these facts as will best promote the otjecta of this association. Resistance to the encroachments of the liquor traffic, in every way which law abiding. Christian women may appropriately and justly do. We shall continue in the work, if ;ods direct, while tippling houses exi-t in our State, while the lives of women and children are blighted, and tbe bodies acd souls of men are destroyed by intemperance, and until the use ot intoxicating liquor as a beverage disqualifies a man lor any offics in the gift of the people, whether it be municipal, county, State or national. For'tbe accomplishment of tteee objects we shall religiously employ all the means w hich God has placed ithin our rf a. ii, and constantly invoke Iiis aid and guidance. We call upon all good men to join hands with us in our work, and with each other in the endeavor to secure temperance laws thoroughly enforced. CONSTITUTION. Aiticle 1. The association shall be known as the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Indiana. Art. 2. The officers of the union shall be a president, a vice president from each division, a secretary, and a treasurer, whose duties shall be those usual to such offices, and who together shall constitute an executive cemmitte. Art. 3. Section 1. For dividing and facilitating tbe work, there shall be divisions corresponding with congressional districts, with a vice president for each, who shall make quarterly reports of the condition ot the work in her division to the president of the State organization. Sec 2. Each county shall have an organization which shall report quarterly to the vice president of its division. Sec. 3. Auxilliary leagues hall be formed in every place practicable, which leagues shall make quarterly reports of their work to the president of the county organization. Art. 4. Tbe annual meeting of the Union, at which time its officers shall be elected, shall be held the second Wednesday iu June, at euch place as may be decided by vote of the executive committee, and such other meetings shall be held as uaay be judged advisable by the executive committee. The annual meeting shall be co in posed ot delegates from regular leagues, and each league shall be' entitled to three delegates. This delegation may be woman or man, or both, as each league shall decide. Art. 5. Any article in this constitution may be altered or amended by a vote of two-thirds of tbe delegates present at the annual meeting. BY-LAWS. Sec. 1. At each annual meeting, commit-' tees shall be appointed to report upon such subjects as the Union may designate. Sec 2. At the meetings of the Union, tbe following shall be the regular order of business: 1. Devotional exercises; 2. Report of secretary; 3. Report of treasurer; 4. Election ol officers for the ensuing year; 5. Reports of committees appointed at previous meetings; 6. Unfinished business; 7. Appointment of standing committees ; 8. Miscellaneous business; 9. Reading and correcting of minutes; 10. Annual address; 11. Adjournment. LAWS FOR GOVERNMENT OP LBAZJCES. Sec 3. Because our ultimata hope is in God, and because faithful and persistent prayer must, as an inevitable result, be accompanied by efficient, personal and organized work, therefore it shall be tbe first duty ' of all leagues organized under this institution to hold a meeting for prayer each week, in which all Christian people and all sufferers from intemperance shall be invited to join. Sec. 4. General meetings shall be held as

often as advisable, in which addresses shall be invited upon all subjects bearing upon intemperance, temperance legislation, and the duties of men and women in relation to these questions. Sec 5. All well authenticated facts, incidents and statistics gathered by each league shall be preserved and referred to a committee of three appointed at each annual meeting, who shall make such nse and publication of them as will best farther the interests of temperance. Sec. 6. These by-laws may be altered or amended by a vote ot a majority of the delegates present. In order to cany out the provisions of this constitution, and complete a thorough organization of tbe State at an early day. Resolved, 1. That each vice president is hereby instructed to secure the publication of the entire preamble, constitution aud bylaws in every county paper of tor district it possible, immediately, together with an earnest appeal for the organization of new unions in every place where not already existing. 2. To issue a call immediately tor a district convention, to be held hefore the close of October, for the purpose of organizing the district as this convention does the Stale; at which time arrangements 6hall be made for a convention in each county as soon as po$-

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