Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 24, Number 1, Indianapolis, Marion County, 11 August 1874 — Page 1

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VOL. XXIV 20:-1. INDIANAPOLIS, TUESDAY, AUGUST 11, ;J8T1; -.-3 Pit WHOLE -NUMBER 1,761.

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THE TALL SYCAMORE. ' VOORHEES AND MORTON. THE DEMOCRATIC CLARION AXSWEllS THE REPUBLICAN KEY NOTK. -- THE FINANCES DISCUSS EI-MORTON'S BTBOOR OR RF.rUDIATION-TEMPKRANCK AND CIVIL BIOnTS CHEAP TRANSPORTATION. LADIES AND (jEXTLiEXiw:-eaI last had the honor to address my neighbors and friends In this city.lt was In respoase to a call made irrespective ot party, and In company with my esteemed friend and distinguished politlsal opponeut, Col. li. W. Thompson. The meeting Vasan earnest appeal to the congress of the United States for financial relief, and it embraced the business and laboring men of everv shade f political opinion In this community It waa In the earlier days of the financial paulc which all fondlv hoped would soon pasa away, leaving fothevaiioiis branches of bus nji and labor tSeir wui vitality aad imiy. hix month , ' however, and we meet to-night with no rceVmp?overaent. The same scarcity of money lor the people, the same paralyse of SUon? m'erchants and mechanics, the ameiifflc"iiy on the part of laborers In obtalntn rernuneratlve labor are still painfully apparent .n all sides. The only change 1, that fn vtewoftne approaching election, the questtoiw so vital to all, are now to be considered and aiui by the two great political organfzarions. I trust, nevertheless, that they may be SjMed br osand by the people of the whole tryo.u7 in friendly and patriotic spirit, "b asin" le aim to cmfer the greatest good upon the greatest number. DIFFERENCE OF CriNIOX IX THIS TWO PARTIES. In the first paragraph of Senator Morton s speech of July 31, In thU cit7, he arraigned the democratic party for entertaining different views in different States on the finances and other public Issues. This seemed to him so grave an offense that he placed It in his opening chapter. In sounding nls promised key note he neaan by timing on this siring. I have no wish d?uie. if 1 could, the fact that there are marked differences of opinion among indivldk democrats on the financial Motion . 1 freely admit that it may take the authority of a national convention to produce theentire harmony that Is desirable in our ranks. Lut wliat shall be said of the nn fathomable wwnraiice whic was necessary to enab.e Senator Morton, in view of the condition of his own party, to make such an accusation a?aint his opponents? Take the six Staus of New Eni;iand, and add to them the great states of New York and Pennsylvania, thus apprising the controlling forces both in talentand wealth of the entire republican party, and Senator Morton has noi friends enough In them to procure for blm an invitation from the republican organization of any one of these Rates to deliver the financial views he did here, lie speaks lor his party in Indiana, but he ,-ould not peak for a single county in the states I bave named. He is not only opposed by the republican organization and the republican press of the entire fcast, but he is solidly, aud, I had almost said contemptuously, confronted and defeated in hH tiancial ideas and labors by his own republican president. Indeed, the grim reference made by the senator to the president ia ibU connection is one of the amusing cariosities of political literature. He fairly Rtates the president's position as contained in his message at tho opening of the last session of congress; then proceed to show that he labored all the winter to carry out the principles of the executive by legislation, and alter demonstrating that he was successfal in Iiis efforts br the passage of his favorite bill he simply says: ,lhis bill was vetoed by the president." simply this and nothing mo.e. JKjuhtless this Is a painful theme to the senator. J t recaüs to him the vindiciUve, unjust, and ferocious afju Its made vtpon htm during the celebrated debate of last winter by the leading Journals of his own party. Perhaps he sets again those brutal and infamous carieatuies in the journal of civilization the pretentious organ of pious politics. Harper's Weekly newspaper, in which the senator, with his brother nenators, Logan, Kerry, and others were held np loUiegazeami ridicule of the American people as foot pads, while the president stood manful guard against the burglaries and robberies on w hich lüesc senators seemed so determined. I Ihlnk I may salely submit, that it would have been in better taste for Senator Morton to bavo healed his own intestine feuds before troubling himself about thoso of tne democratic parly, if any there are. - 1 . r , 8ESATOR MORTOS'S PECCLJAR ATIITUDK. In thus speaking of Senator -Morton, I do so with great respect for his abilities and without tinkindneys to him personally. His position at this time wlih his owa party Is different from what it h&aever licen before. He attempted a revolt at the last session of congress against the power of the moneyed monopolies which have governed the republican party from the hour of -with partial sueet&s.and then a final route and overthrow. The consolidated capital was too strong for him at Washington, and he lost his reat opportunity by railing to appeal to the peopleover the head of a 6uosidlzetl execuiiv. H kurrendered.aud now Unds himself invo.ved in thoo inconsistencies and contradictions which always assail and embarass a man who attempts to argue a question from a different standpoint than his own convictions. He apDears now as rainer au apoiogist ior tiis attempt to increase the currency, than as the lold defender of this, tue best political act of Iiis lite. While dwelling on the ponderous conflict which he wa?ed last winter with the arrogant and domitiRtinsr eastern division of his party, and with the president, who belongs to this lucrative division.Lhe Senator's breaUi is bated, and his tone snbJntd. He hurries rapidly over this field, however, and at once assunn his old ruodo of warfare mat or anaaau, in wnico tie is hi ways formidable, and often apparently reckiess of langer to Iiis own lines oi communication r re treat. what SENATOR MORTON CONSIDERS A "POUBLE REPUDIATION." Under Hie startlin Rbead of "a double repndlatiou," be attacks th first resolution the democratic platform of July ,15. It reads as fol lows;? "Tlmt we are in fav-or of the redemption of the nve-twenty bona in greenDacKS, ac-ruing to t he law under wnicn tney were issueu. Tins. then, is denounced by Senator Morton asadouolo repudiation. I presume he means Hie worst aind of repudiation, it ne is rini, the democratic party of Indiana should be laten at the TXlla; but if he is wrong, then tli9 part that supports hita is not enttUed Ut th3 rontideiM P of the people. Nobody is in favor of repudia ting any portion oi our nauonai eoi, and at the same lime no honest wan desires to pay mows than we owe; no honest man desires to v iolate and sei'aaide the plainly written laws of his country in order to impose burdens on the neoole tKatao not belong to them; no honest ' . . 1 - t . . .,11., M V. Ä I jnail Oeir lO igCR iuo who ui mo iain in or.t-r to bestow a gratuity on the rich. I shall thereiore eile the law lUteif on this subject, for by it we must all be Judsed; the senator on the n hand and the democratic state convention. wnirti he assaults, on the other. On the 25th of February, ltt, the hist enactment on the subject of egal tender notes, now known as greeni.üyk. and on the subjectof five-twenty bonds, became a law. It will be found on pageSlöof theitn volume of the United states statutes. Tne first section of that set provides for the issuance of 1.tivW,(XJ0 of greenbacks, and then proreeds to define the purposes for which they may be lawfully used, in the following plain Ian fFViSt gft v nd rieh notes herein authorized shall be re eeivabisin ptryaientofall taxes, Internal duties, excise, debts and demands of every kind due to the United States, except doties on Imports; and of ah claims and demands against the United Mates of eveiy kind whatever, except ior lnier4t niton honda and notes, which shall be paid in coin; and shall aluo be lawful money and a lezal tender in payment of all debts, publie and pn vau, within th United States, except duties on im ports and interest, as aforesaid.'' It would be aa insult to your intelligence to dwell on the meaning of this clause. He who runs may not only read, but understand what he reads. . Xnese legal tender notes were good in payment of ever thing in the shape of an obli gation to pay, po one or private, wim uiem exceptions of duties on imports and interest upon government bonds and .notes where lnterast was provided for. Such i the first section of the law. The second section of this same law provides lor the issuance of five hundred mlliiOTJi of coupon or registr4 doJmJ du In xwsutyjwr, with ttt j?rtrilB to UreoTtra

meat of redeeming them at any time after five years. and bearing six per cent Interest. This wvs the first installment of five-twenty bonds, and thns they were created in the same tt 1 which originated the legal tender nots and declared that with them the principal of these bends was payable. Afterward, when the public necessities required more greenbacks and more five-twentv bonds, t'ongress simply extended tha principles of this first legislation on ths subject, and auth-rized the secretary of the treasury to act accordingly. In the act of congress of July li.iyiJ, authorizing the next one hundred and fifty millions of greenbacks, the following plain and explicit language is again -And such notes shall be receivable in raymentof all loans made to the United States, and of ail taxes, mternal duties, excises, debts, Rnd demands of every kind due to the United States, except duties on imports, and interest, and of all claims and demands against the United states except for interest upon bonds, notes and certificates of debtor deposit." And proceeds further to say that such notes "shall also be lawful money and a legal tender in pr.yment of all debts, punlie and private, with'n the United States, except duties on imports and interest, as aforessid. And again, March Ii, 1MJ, Congress, in authorizing a third issue of greenbacks, reiterates the above provisions in regard to their character as

legal tenders, inueeii, mere never wa w n'"-u-back issued without the powers above enumerated attached to 1 , and there never was a fivetwenty bond printed and engraved by the government, which was not convertible at the pleasure of the government, after five years, into greenbacks. If it is in the power of language to make any disputed point clear, tte laws of Congress have placed this proposition beyond the possibility of doubt. Yet Senator Morton does cot hesitate, in the face of these most explicit provisions, to declare the first resolution of the democratic platform a double repudiation! Is there a man in the hearing of my voice, whether republican or democrat, who agrees with him? THE GOLD RILLi OF MARCH 18, 1SCJ. IJut Senator Morton falls back on the act of March IS, m, in which, after everjoneof the five twenty bonds had been issued and sold subject to the provisions of law Just cited, Con-gre-s declared a new meaning to the contract, and thereby almost doubled the value of these bonds in the hands of their holders, and correspondingly increased tho taxation of the people. With the Incoming of Grant's administration, bonds to the amount of fifteen hundred millions, which were confessedly payable la currency by existing laws, were changed into gold bonds, as f ir, at least, as such a crime ugalnst the people can be successfnl; thus fraudulently addinsr to the national debt from :u to 4 per cent, on every dollar we rightfully owe. A greater iniquity than this, has hardly happened in American history. A government thatthus plunders Its own lalwring masses and reDudiates its own laws in order to still further f:orze the rich, needs a change of oflicia's at Its tead, to use no harsher expression. Senator Morton, in speaking of this wicked piece of legislation, Bays: "it may be safe, therefore, to predict that the se'tlement of this question by theact of lestiil will rot be disturbed ;" and that it will not be in our power to reopen It. If this settlement is right it ought not to be disturbed, but if it Is wrong, a rouijery, and a lelony against the people, men there should be no cessation in the popular warfare against 11 until It Is torn open and scattered to thu winds. And I now propose to show that at the time this settlement, as senator Morton calls it, was made, he himself denounced it as an attempt to change the meaning of existing laws, and declared anu proved conclusively mat the bonds were payable in greenbacks, and finally voted on the ayes and nays against the passage of the act declaring that they should le paid in gold. If I do this, may 1 not reasonably claim that the first resolution of the democratic platform in favor of the redemption of the5-3J Ionds in greenbacks, and tho second resolution, demanding a repeal of the act of March IS, itüi. are esiatiiisned and justined uy the record oi ine senator liefore he was coerced into hispresiait unpleasant situation? SENATOR MORTON'S VIEWS IN REGARD TO THE GOLD RILL AT THE TIME OF ITS PASSAGE Under date of March 11, 1S63, on pages 53, 54 and .V of the Congressional (lobe, for the first session of the 41st Congress will ba found the strong and determined utterances of Senator Morton asaiust tlie pas&sge or the act In tieslion and which he now commends as a settlement. He opposed it squarely . on the ground that the five-twenty lionds wer payable by the laws nuder which they were issued in greenbacks and could not legally be made payable in gold except by a return to specie payment. In the discussion in tha senate in speaking of the five-twenty bonds and the legal tender notes he said : " Ae these bonds a public debt? Undoubtedly they are. Every debt that Is owed by the general government is a public debt; and in this third act of congress there ia another one still it is declared that these notes shall be applicable to the payment of all public debts, except that part of the public debt which consists of interest on notes and bonds." Agaiu, in speaking of this, and other similar provisions in the various acw upoa the subject he said: '-Brooder, more comprehensive and explicit declarations of the law-making power I have never read: and when the first one begins with the declaration that these note shall be lawful money and a legal tender In payment or all claims and demands against the United States, of whatsoever kind, is anything lelt out there except the exemption which follows in the language of the statute, except interest on notes and bonds? And then this language is repeated three times afterward in different aeis of congress, so that though the acts creating tLese bonds are silent as to how the principal of the bonds shall he paid, yet the acts creating the notes declare that they shall be applicable to the payment of every debt against the United States, except the interest on that debt." This is conclusive that a little more than five years ago senator Morton supported the first resolution of the democratic platform .which he now denounces. lie believed the nve-twenty bonds were made payable by law in greenbacks, and hence opposed the passage of the act making them payable in gold. He went further, lie strongly stated that the measure which he now praises as a settlement was a mere stock jobbing operation. He said: "So IJiat all the legislation of this kind is superfluous, except that it may operate upon the present market valos of tlie bonds." And again he said: ' Sir, it is understood, I believe, that the passage of a bid of this kind would have the eüect in hliirooe, where our financial questions are not well understood, to increase the demand: and that will enable the great operators to sell the bonds they have on hand at a profit. It is in the nature of a broker's oht ration. It is a 'bull' movement, intended to put up the price of bonds for tho Interest of tlie parties dealing in them. This great interest is thnndericg at the doors of congress and lias been for many months, and by every menus attempting to drive us Into legislation for the purpose of making money for the great operators. That is what means anil nothing else." io doubt lite senator was then right, and that thts measuredid operate to the swelling of mibay au overgrown rtuneobtalned from thesorrows, miseries, privations and labors of inc. American people. So far, indeed, did Senator Morton carry his views on this subject that Senator Morril, of Vermont, rebuked him du the open Senate in the following language: "lam somewhat surprised at the position of the distinguished senator from Indiana, Joe I believe he goes further than our ancient friend Pendleton on this subject. H Uamendment Roes so far u to pay in paper money debt that were contracted in isis' But nothing silenced Senator Morton In his violent opposition to the measure he now so much approves In another part of the debate he exclaimed. "And now I propound the question. It is either Intended by this bill to make a new contract, or it Is not. If it Is Intended to make a new contract I protest against it. We should do foul Injustice lo the government and the people of the United States after we have sold these bonds oa an average for not more than sixty cents on the dollar, now to make a new contract for the benefit of the holders. If it does not propose to make a new contract, but simply to enforce that which now exists by law, then it is unnecessary." 1 6hall make but brief comment on this overwhelming record. 1 have often beretotore had occasion to observe with unfeigned amazement the rapid and complete transitions wnich Senator Morton has made on almost every public question, from one extreme to its absolute and distinct opposite. He does so. tio, with the air of one who expect the continued allegiance of his followers, without regard to the contradictions and inconsistencies through which he hurries them from one position to another. Why, he made a canvass of Indiana In ltJ8 on a platform calling for the redemption of the 6-2U bonds in greenbacks, Jost as we do now. The republicans of Indiana were all in favor oi ;v then, and are tfxpectsd to bs opposed to It now because Atnatar Hortos hju -htBfs4. And to now,

with his deliberate speeches on record against the gold bill of March 1, It, and his vote recorded in te negative on its passage on page 70 of the Congressional Globe of the first session of the For y-first Congress, he comes before the people unfalteringly, and proclaims himself In its favor as a settlement, and asks his partisans to tnru about as he does. . TAVO REASONS GIVEN BY TIIE SENATOR FOR HIS CHANGE. ' ' ' But Senator Morton gives two reasons for abandoning his own former conclusive reasonings on thts subject which call for notice at my hands, however trifling and fallacious they may be. He seems' to concede still that tlie fivetwenty bonds were payable In legal tender notes, but seeks to escape .their actual payment In that way by assuming that they mast be paid in the very Identical notes in existence when the-bouds were issued, and in no other like kind. Kven if this construction of the law was warranted, there is a clause at the close of the first section of the act of February which Is broad enough to carry it out. It is there provided that the greenbacks may be re-issued as often as the exigencies of the public may require. By so doing the same object could ba accomplished in the redemption of bonds as by the issue of new Ugal tender notes. Hut no attempt has been made to thus comply wiih tlie law in the payment of the national debt, and the reduction of its interest demands. 1 do not believe, however, that tlie powers of Congress are so limited and leeble that, after It has declared by law in favor ot paying a public debt in a certain wiy, it has no power io provide the means to fulfill its own enactments. 1 am sure that if the required legislation was in the interest of the moneyed classes it would not be long delaved, and the arguments in its favor would Hood the land. It Is enough however on this point that the Supreme Court of the United States has decided that Congress has the cousti tutional power to issue paper currency and make it a legal tender. The power of Congress being conceded Its exercise should follow lit the fulfillment of its promises to pay in that kind of money, "ihe idea that the government may have thee institutional power to make a contract in behalf of the people with public creditors, and yet be destitute ot the constitutional power to carry out the terms of the contract thus made, seems too absurd for argument. Indeed, such a technical fallacy would never be embraced by a man of the robust and vigorous Intellectuality of Senator Morton except as the resort of desperation. Every lawyer who has exmnined the sets of Congress on this subject knows that new greenbacks may be Issued, or old ones re-issued, and used in payment of the bonds under consideration. THE ACT OF JUNE fW, Hat Senator Morion recited the act of Congress of June 30, lSii, as a pledge that the American government will never, under any circumstances, without any limitation as to time, though wars may assall ns, aud our necessities ba ever so urgent, issue or suffer to be issued more than 4'X),000,Ch) of legal tender notes. This pledge according to the senator ,extends through nil time, and can be broken in no contingency. Hie history of the world is full of such fooilsn finalities. One generation, thinking itself wise enough for all time to come, httsofien attempted to bind all the generations I hat wero Io come after it. Such presumptious efforts, however, bave always been spurned whenever they stood in the way of the public wants and of human progress. So they will be in this instance. If the people determine that the greenback circulation ought to be Increased for the lest interest of the country beyond 4UU,UU0,lX;u by the gradual payment of the b-'S) bonds, or by the substitution of greenbacks for national banking currency, this pretended pledge will no more bind them than theobsolete blue laws of Connecticut now bind the enlightened de cendeuts of their ignorant and narrow minded fathers. Let us, however, oley the law. and lnlfill the law. and allow the conseqnenees to follow In their natural order. It needs no gift of prophecy to foretell ttiat they will be favorablo to the laboring masses of the country, and Indeed to every legitimate business interest. THE TROOP SUMMKD UP THAT TIIE 5:20 BONDS AHE F AYA RLE IN GREENBACKS. If any further defense of the first and second resolutions of the democratic platform is needed, I will refer my audience to the Congressional Olobe, part fifth of the second session of tho Fortieth Congress, page 4,178. There we find Thadeus Stevens, who, as chairman of the ways and means committee, had reported all the laws 1 have cited on this subject, giving his construction of their meaning. There can be no higher authority. Speaking of the 5üÄ) bonds, he says : . "Alter they fall due they are payable .in money, Just as the gentleman understands 'money,' just as I understand it, just as we all understand it when we passed the law authorizing that loan, )ut-t as it was a dozen times explained upon the noor by the chairman of the committee of ways and means when called upon by gentlemen to explain what it meant, and just as the whole House agreed that it meant." - And asraln the old republican leader exclaimed : - 'l want to say that if this loan was to be paid according to the intimation of the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. ttoss): if I knew that any

party in this country would go for paying in coin that which Is payable In money, thus enhancing it one-bait ; If I knew there was such a platform and buch a determination this day on the part of any party, I would vote for the other side, Fran k Klair a nd all. I would vote for no such swindle on the tax payers of this country ; I would vote for no such speculation lnfavorof the large bondholders, the millionaires, who took advantage of our folly In grants ini-them coin payment of Interest." Senator Sherman of Ohio, tlie chairman of finance In the Senate, gave a similar construction to .the l.iws under consideration, and many leaders and State conventions of the republican party did the saoae. But enough on this point. How stands this charge of repudiation made by Senator Morton against the democracy of Indiana? Who are the repudiationlsts? Those who abide by th law or those who repudiate the law? I brand as the repudiators of the faith of the cation those who have broken and set at naught the Jaws of their country in order to obtain money unlawfully rrom the people. This form of repudiation is abroad in the land, and I know of no other that is. If these resolutions In the democratic platform favor repudia tion, then so did Senator Morton himself five years ago; so did Thaddeua Stevens, John Sherman, tae republican state platforms of Ohio and Indiana in 1868, and the entire republican press of the et at tiiat time. Add to this array of proor tne runner iaci mat jay (joose, men tue fiscal agent of the government to sell its bonds. advertised the ten-forty bonds as the only ones whose principal, as well ac interest, was payable in coiu, and I kin content to leave this branch of my subject. A r.ETURN TO SPECIE PAYMENT. From what I have already said my views In regard lo the return to specie payment may bo easily anticipated. When the debts which were contracted, as we have seen, to be paid in paper shall have been discharged, and the business in terests of the laboring masses demand, then will be the proper time for specie payments, and not before. Money is simply a means of trade amongst individuals and nations, and that kind of money whier inspires and retains confidence, and is cheaply put in circulation, and easily handled is the best for the people. At this time our government currency has these requisites andtlierecan be no object in a return to specie payment now, except to sun inrtner oppress those who are in debt, and still further enrich public and private creditors. There is much talk in regard to a system of exports and im ports, by which we may procure and letain a sumcient amount of gold to redeem, our circulation and pay every thing in specie. This Is a deiusion and a snare, and misleads the people with words without meaning. There never was. and never will be, a circulating medium in a commercial and agricultural nation based on a sufiiciency of goia and stiver to redeem more than one dollar of it in three.- The actual redemption of a paper currency in tne precious metais never aid and never will take place. It is a theory in finance proclaimed to give confidence. II tbeeontidence should arise from any other source the same end would be accomplished. Gold has no more in trinsic value than any other kind of matter. It is worm to man whnt it will buy for him. When Flzarro conquered reru he shod his soldiers' horses with gold, and yet in the midst of this seeming abundance, in many instances, man and beast starved to death together. It is the fturchasing power of a commodity which gives ts value, and this, paper may have as well as gold. It is the stamp of tho government which gives currency to both. AN INCREASE OF CTRCTTLATTON. The fifth resolution of the democratic platform decJares thatt T7t ar in fror cf itu IsgiiUtioa from fcrae

to time as will adjust the volume of Ihe currency to the commercial and industrial wants of the country J' .- .

Ahls is a most Important proposition. It is an assertion of the power and duty cf Congress to increase the amount of the currency in circulation whenever the business of the couutry.demsnda lt.- --'.' . ' - : There is scarcely' a division of sentiment at this time am on list the neoDle of the West and South ou this point.- There are but fw publie creu -lars in t liefe sections lo ba benelltted by contraction, but on the contrary millions of debtors, public and private, to be mined hr it. Seuator Morton Jabors to show that a trifling amount of expansion bas taken place. If so. Its presence lias not been jeieeived in the MississippiValley. - In truih, . whatever Senator Morton may sav here, in" Indiana, the national; attitude of "ie re publican party on tlie financial oueslion Is that of contraction, consequent low prices to the iarmeranu mecnanic, witn no diminution OI their tax rates, bard times to the poor, and all who are in tabt, with vast hoarded wealth in the hands of the favorites of class legislation. o candid and intelligent person will deny that this is the position of the administration now in power. American history shows no other ad ministration so subservient to the power of money as the present. 1 sneak not now of its low uses In bribery and corruption, but of that power which aggregated capital lias always sought to exercise in its own lavor. What single demand of the capitalist has this administration de a ted? Not one.- Tlie demand was made, as I have shown, to forsre a new mean ine on the face of the contract creating our public debt, ard it was granted before the present administration was a month old, thereby adding more thsn five hmidied millions of dollars to the lawful debt. In the midst of anpai'nlleled financial disvie.3 last winter, the capital and monopolies of the flonnirr ilpmandnl thnvln o. a bill In which it was claimed there were some elements of popular relief, and the head of the republican organization, .he republican presiaent, promptly acceded ta tne demand. A hundred similar concessions might be enumerated without a single denial of such demands. What have the people, therefore, of any party or organization to hone lor from the riart v now in power? It belongs to the bond-holding, manufacturing, lailroadlng. and banking monopolies; it has always implicitly done their bid ding, and is doing so now, and will continue to do no in ths future. If the people expect to break their . oppressions, they must look elsewhere ior help. Irr - contrast with the principles of the party In power. I place the principles of the democratic party on all tho financial, industrial, and commercial questions of the day. We challenge the popular lavor because we aie on the side or the wen Known wants and necessities or the people. Senator Morton c'alms that the republican nartv Is prosre35i ve. On tho contrary, Its only Inspiration on the subjretof finances, is the timid, cowardly conservatism which always emanates irom noaraeu ana usnnously invested capital. I once heard a senator remark that nothimz was more cowardly than one million of dollars, ex cept two millions, When the chief pursuit of a party becomes tne anecuonate guardianship of the coffers of sold which it has assisted its favorits to amaxs, then itsdays ol usefulness are numbered. That such i tbe attitude of the republican party to-day can. iot be successfully disfuted. On the other hand, the democratic party s unencumbered bysncb weights, and is in a position to bemme again in the fj lure, as it was once in the pasi, the universally recognized par ty oi progress, rtiorm and development, let it convince the people that its organization is placed squarely with the popular sympathies aud wishes, lnfavorof economy, retrenchment and purity, and in favor of a. general relief against the psesent monopolies and oppressions, and, though individual members of the democratic party may in some instances mistake or f ill short of their duty, though I have doubtless done so myself, yet the people with unerring instincts will rally to our Hag and sustain us. It must not be supposed that the democratic party wbldo anything, rash on the- snhject of the finances or any other subject, if . it should succeed to the control of the government. There are 15 years in . which to convert an interest-bearing bonded debt af twelve nuuuicu millions into a non-interest bearing circnla'ing medium. This can be done at such Intervals und under such circumstances as not to derar.ge or unsettle the legitimate cur rents or traae ana commerce; and when tbe time comes forn retnrn to specie payment, it will require nowlser st-atcsmansnip to provide for the redemption of a circulating currency in coin, than lor ihe payment of the same amount of bonds in the same way. The difference would be that the government would redeem its outstanding obligations from the whole people, and Lay them the gold instead of paying It lo the ondholders, in violation of the law of the contract. Acd all this can be accomplished wlih. out increasing our paper circulation beyond the ueajuuas oi eveiy true ana legi. lmate basinets interest of tho country; and in such increase, the agricultural sections wouid be revived as the parched fields are by the welcome rati. THE TEMPERANCE ISSUE. -Senator Morton was pleased to refer in very disparaging terms to the position of the denioocratlc party oil the temperance, question. It is always unfortunate for the cause of temper ance when itLs thrust by its Ill-advised friends into a political contest. History abundantly shows that it was never advanced by - political discussion ob partisan legislation. Intemper anca has in all ages of tho world been recognized as an evil of giant proportions, but tlie innumer able attempts which have been made by coer cive and prohibitory laws to govern the various appetites of mankind have beeu, in every in stance, .conspicuous failures. There is some tiling repulsive lo the nat aral ,nd commend able spirit of personal independence in the idea of determining by law bow a man hall exercise that primary - right of nature to eat and drink. Mankind has submitted with impatience In all ages to such restraints on Inherent rights. It is for this reason that whenever the ze-ilots and crusaders on this subfect have press td their demands too far.there has always been a reaction most damaging to the cause. The practice of temperance is an individual responsibility, and can far belter be prompted by moral and intellectual culture hnn Dy cnmbroiu, ill-uigested laws of more than doubtful constitutionality. This I believe to bo the sentiment or the democratic party in Indiana. Jefferson said many years ago the world was governed too much; and one of the pt-iucipai vices oi tue republican party la 1 ts rest less aesireio goveru everynouy in an concerns, both small and great, to dictate on all mat ters relating to every phase of human exist ence, assuming a paternal policy as if the people we.e children, calculating nothing from that sense of individual resrxnsitility which can alone rescue a man from the destruction of evil habits. This characteristic pervades tlie entire policy of the repub. lean party, and is not con fined to us course on tne temperance question. The democratic party has more faith in tlie people. Individually and collectively, and hence is wii li ni? to trust them with larger liberties. Ve hold it within the proper scope of legislation to regulate the sale of spirituous liquors, but not to prohibit it. The constitution or Indiana provides that all laws shad be uniform in their operations throughout the State, and a license system, wnleh we propose, can not fail to be so. The republican State platform declares "in favor of such legislation as will give to a majori ty of Ihn people the right to determine for themselves Jn their respective towns, townships, or wards, whether the sale of intoxicating liquors for use as a beverage shall be permittea therein." Literally construed, this Is a declaration in favor of the power of absolute prohibition by the "local option" of towns, townshins and ward. This is in - direct violation of the decision of our Supreme Court in the Beebe case, as well as the provision of our constitution above eited. It goes farther, too, than even the Baxter bill; but supposing it was the intention of the trainers ot that resolution to express only their approval of the local option feature ofthat bill, yet experience has shown it to be a failure In its operations. Under the operations of that law any quantity of J ntoxlcating liquor, f-om the smallest to tbe greatest, may be sold or given away without any permit at all, if t he party receiving it shall only retire from the premises beiore he consumes It, 1 have seen this done with Impunity under the very eyes of tlie well-meaning but misguided ladies who took the whole subject in hands a few months ago. No law can be worse than this for the temperance people, as well as for those wh keep respectable houses for the sale of liquor; bu la judicious and well regulated license law which snail protect society and derive a large income ior the school fund, will be a vast improvement for both. We are willing to go before the people on the issue thus made up and abide by the result. And in this connection Senator Morton and his followers, in whom the old leaven of ünow-Mothlngism yet remains, shall open a warfare on that portion of American Citizens who have sought our shores from foreign countries, bringing with them their harmJessand inoffensive habits and Innocent rwarwatlasp, Uie democratic party iwill pa frne f it Id. . aud jfloriou record in

behalf of equal " and - xaet justice to ail, come from whatever land they may. i THB CTVILjTilRJJTS' BILL. ,-';! i In ihe course of his speech Senator .Morton, made an , elaborate and bitter assault oa the sixth and seventh resolutions of , the democratic

rlatform,-which relate, lo- the elyii rights bill, and the votes ot tbe two Senators from Indiana in Its favor. .On the 17th of June tlie republican State convention met at Indianapolis, and with those votes fresh in every mind. Indorsed 4Sena tors Morton and Pratt with "hearty approbation"; for '-the fidelity and ability with which they represented the sentiments of the people of the State.", OnUieWth of July tbe democratic Stats convention arraigned them for mtarptrt-e. senting the people on Lb is subject. Thus tbe issue is formed in Indiana Tbetweea -the two political parties, un us examine what that issne Involves, By the first section of thu eivti rights bill, as it parsed the Senate and is now pending Tor the action of tlie House next winter, the4,UUj,0UUand upwards of negroes in the United States a re suddenly and imperatively, by the force of the 'aw, thrust Into an absolute fquality with the whitraceln the full andermal eniovroent of the accommodations, advantages, facil ities anu. privileges oi inns, pu one conveyances on land and water, theaters, or other olae of public amusement, and alsaot common schools and public li 6titutions of leading or benevolence supported inwboleor In part by general taxation, and of cemeteries so supported, and also institutions known as agricultural colleges endowed by the united states." , Thisls the most extensive and remarkablesoclal revolution ever attempted by legislation in tbe history of the world.- It overthrows In a moment the habits and usages of more than t wo nunorea years in tnis country, and establishes a radical change in -the daily customs of fort v millions of people. ; I- know of no parallel to it in the h-s'ory of the nations of the earth . Senator Morton says iX is only a prejudice which opposes this vast measure, vast In its scope, and InitsreRnlts if It ever becomes a law, as the Senator avt ws it will. "- Kven if this were true, and there 'Were: no higher argiments egalnst It, wise statesmanship alwavs resneets the honest prejudices of the poop! and calls in the ! aia or time, ana tne eaueaung innuecces of ex perience rather than psnal statutes, ruinous fines, and prison houses to remove them. Cicpro, Burke, Jenerson and Webster could speak with toleration of the prejudices of mankind, ior after all wcat is a prejudice? ltisnothlrginorjthan a thought, an operation of the mind on a given subject, an idea, an opinion, sometimes well founded and sometime not. either snddelv con ceived, or the result of long and scttlel habits, or of the accepted traditions of the past. In any View of the subject the legislative power of a government is never warranted in violently and suddenly assaulting such convictions and denoneing the severe penalties of hiuh crimes against those who do not surrender them. . In fact what is often denominated prejudice as o ten proves the highest instinct oi. wisdom. There is no douot that it is so in regard to the different races of mankind. Wherever this in stinct of wisdom, which Senator Morton-calls a prt-Judice, has been broken down, the most lamentable and degrading consequences have fol lowed. 1 he pages of history are open to all, Süd the candid student who will read them, free from the influence of those political leaders who not onlv s-o down in the dirt on their kneep. but ou their very faces, will there behold foreshad owed trie inevitable consequences to roth races oy the enactment or tne civil rights bin. . -1 will not vause lo picture to you the' conse quences of this bill, if H becomes a law, in tho hotels, the t heaters," the railroad cars, the stage coaches and the steamboats. Your own minds will readily conjure up the scenes that will take place. But on the great question of education we can not be too deeply concerned in view of this revolutionary measure...; Uoes any philosophic and fair minded person believe it a safe and judiclouss'.ep, tendinis to tlie future elevation and welfare of the country,. to-coerce together all the - children, ' black- and ' white, into the same schools and coüegps everywhere throughout the Unl ed States? That is the question to be answered in this canvass. . Senator Morton soys it is hatred of the negro in addition to prejudice which leads us to contend against this sweepingenactment, and lie affirms that we wish negro children to grow up in ignorance ami vice, in this be is widely mistaken, and with the sixth resolution of the democratic piatfoini before him he was not warranted in making such a statement, in it we say: .' "We are in favor of a liberal system of education for the benefit of the negro as well as the white children of Indiana, but are opposed to the mixture of the black and white races in our schools or other educational institutions.". ' ' The Senator contends that a system of separate schools, as here advocated by tho democratic party, for the liberal education of both races, will not reach every isolated negro family in the United States." Perhaps not, nor Is every white family supplied with tho advantages of ichools. All that can be expected Is, that the great bulk of our population, black and white, shall be auoidcd such advantages. A separate school system for each race will accomplish, this, for the great mass of negro population is consolidated in the South, and tt cre is hardly a school district in that entire see ' Ion in which a negro school could be supported. ' And in: the North the ucioes have generally gathered together In settlements, ho that their separate schools' could be maintained bv the -liberal assistance which may ba extended to them. - It thus appears that the negro race Is perhaD3 as well lo cated to receive the benefit i f separate schools as the white race, so widely scattered over the States and Territories, and beyond the ruount eins and rivers of the far west. They ere in a situation, therefore, io do educated as a racem their own schools, and then tosend forth teachers to enlighten the r remote and scattered peo pleas the white rate does. This course can be pursued with bl isslngs to altard injury to none, while the adoption or the civil rignts bill will break down the common schools of most of the Southern States, diive the white children from ihem in others, and work the same results in manv oarts of the North. The rich man can Knd will send his children to private so boon or hire . teachers at home, while the poor must educate - their children at the public schools with the blacks or not at all. Senator Morton indulged in' the sollowing sneer. "The old bug-bear of social equality which has bo often done service in the cause of the democracv Is aeain oanuled to affriirht the son la of those who do not feel entirely confident of their social position. r I do not mean to be disrespectful to the So na tor when I say that those who are opposed to wie civii.ngnis diu are quite as secure in meir social relations as he can possibly be In his. and that thousands of humble laborers are as scrupulons in regard to the social and educa tional associat ons of their children as thejwould oe if tney occupieu tne nign station lie does. And 1 believe this is as true of the voters of his party as it is of mine. But Senator Morton rinds It quite natural for the democratic party to be oppsed to tlie civil r ghts bill because we were opposed to the bestowal of negro suffrage. He says that the opponents of this bill ' resisted the civil tights of the negro at every step and declared that to confer upon him the right of suffrage wouid be the dishonor and destruction of the republic." In itf tering this sentence Senator Morton evidently hopes the people have forgotten that after the close of the war he sounded the key-note of opposition to negro suffrage in Indiana as ha has since done in its favor. He opposed it both on constitutional grounds and on the general grounds of public policy. In November, 18i3, he thus forcibly stated the constitutional objection in his message to the Indiana Legislature: . "The subject of suffrage ls.by the national constitution, expressly referred to the determination of the several states, and it can not be taken from them without a violation of the letter and spirit of that instrument." 'o proposition was ever more correct than this, and yet it was not long nntil the Senator was engaged in violating, according to his own doctrine, the letter and spirit of the constitution by taking away from the several states the right to determine the subject of suffrage in their midst. On the grounds of public policy he stated his objections to negro suffrage in the following forcible manner: "It is a fact so manifest that It should not be called in question by any that a people Just emerging from the barbarism of slavery are not qualified to become a part of our political system, and take part not only in the government of themselves and neighbors, but of the whole United States. So far from believing that 'negro suffrage is a remedy for all our national ills, I doubt whether it is a remedy for any, and rather Ulieve that its enforcement by Congress ouid be more likely to subject the negroes to a merciless persecution than to confer upon them any substantial benefit." . 1 . By what right a man with such a record aa this denounces others for entertaining the same views I must leave to political .casuists more skillful thaa myself, j The only thing oi' which I think Senator Morton can justly complain, in this connection, is that the demooiatio patty has a tendency to stand by its convictions, and can not change - with the winds, as he can. But the democrat So party does not need , to- Justify itself- bv . the utter ances of the senator, however conclusive, on tiie subjeet of nero roffrace. I only .uote him - against himaeif ro Stxtif .tow

unreliable has t been his leadership to men of principle. . We apical . to the deplorable condition of the Siuth for the Justification

m onr position on tbe suilraee question. Bankrupt States, beggared communities, wasted pro.vinces, plundered cults, and deserted field are our witnesses. Tbe Senator says, in his speech here a week ago, that "democracv ih the south means a conflict of races." - Kven if this were true, which it , is not. , who would te to blame for it so much as the s. aator himseif? In bis speech at Ricnmond, Ind., he proclaimed that the establishment of negro suffrage and negro state governments in the South "would rekuit in a -war of races." aud a won as con-, venient afterward I proceeded to assist in doing that verv thing. If the war of races is there it is his own handiwork. An anneal Is now made br the Kennt at to th general principles of humnnity ai d natural . right in behalf of his course ou the civil r unts bill. This coming from the. leader of a party which has openly refused to permit- the Chinaman to even naturalize in this country sounds hollowand Insincere. I once witnessed a de bate in the Senate of the United State in hieb Mr. bumner. who tm aitcivt r-rnsisT--ir. la bored 'o have our naturalization laws so a mended as to include tbe thrifty and intelligent emigrants from China. He was resisted by every republican Senator and memlier in Congress from tlie Pacific coast and bv a sulliclent numivr from other States to defeat him. It seems therefore thattbere arenatural rights for the negro.butnot for some other kinds of people. Kven Newton Booth, the accomplished eovernor of CaUfnruia. can not discover the natural right of a chinaman to become a citiaen ot the United states. The Chinaman is as much superior lo the nero as tbe American is to the Chinaman. Is it irjudice or what that causes the republican party to snuiuie door in his race while preening londly about the natural rights of theAirieiu? But Senator Morton grows indignant over tbe assertion in the democratic platform, thnt the civil rights bill is an attempt on the part of the federal government to take, control of the schools and other institutions therein named. He says: "Tlie bill does not attempt to take control of all tlie schools, churches, bote!, ra'lroads, steamboats, theaters and graveyards on the pirt of the government of tlie United States, but leaves that control precisely where It Is now."' no arranrns tue democratlcc convention for gross Ignorance In assertinz the con-trary,-A little further examination of this bill, however, will ' determine thu disputed point, Tlie pocond section provides that any person violating any ol the provisions of the iii st Keel iou, or who rasy. Indie others to violate it, shall "forftii and pay the sum of SV) to the trson aggrieved thereby, to be recovered in aa action on the case with tall cost." But it dH not stop at this. It is further provided by this section that any person, whether landlord, conductor of a railroad, captain of a steamboat. Maxe driver or schoolmaster, who sball dscri:.iinaie in the RlighU'St degree between a negro pqJ a while rnau or woman, shall be deemed et:.ity of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction ti-ertof shall le fined not- more lhau. tl."v', or shall be imprisoned not more lhau one year." If tho declaration by 'aw that the institutions enumerated in this tui shall be conducted in a certain way umier the enormous penalties of civil damage, iw-ual fines and long imnrisonme;it be not the i-er-tion of a "control'' over them, it is i.ioro than useless to predicate au argument on the universally accepted force of logic and the meaning of words. The remaining sections of thi. laost odious bill are engaged in fixing thejuriiUc"Jou for the trial oroiienders, growing ou; ot a violation of it in the United States conns, exclu sively: and in especially authorizing und requiring ihe district attorneys, inarsnals and commissioners of the United states "to iEV.itnte proceedings against every person wl.ohali violate the provisions of this act, and rar.se liini to b-jarrested and inipMooned, or bailed, a the case may be, lor trial before such court f the United states. or territorial court, as by law has coguizance of the offense." Here this issue, most momentous at i far reaching in its consequences to tlie Arterli-aii people, may be safely lett lor tne:r gci-imou. They will not be easily persuaded that the iederal government has the constitutional powtjr . .i .. . i . i . . . r ....... . : io ueieriiLLue nie i uoiain-i ui (.-. n-t i i c admitted bv a landlord: the manner in whih vasencerson steamboats or stagecoaches tL2ll lie seated and accommodated; the regulation of public schools, and the right of admiNiras to colleges, aud in what graveyards people shall le buried when they die. They wiil rather con clude that such an Usurpation of power I.a.s not been berore attempted since tne ioimoip.t'.or! oi the government, and that it makes respectable the worst forms of federalism. CHEAP TRANSPORTATION. On the subject of cheap transportation, senator Morton overlooks the principal and ia.st obvious means by, which it can hs secured. Whenever the chief articles which eater Into the construction and equipment of railroads shall be cheapened by a low rale of i:-i;ott dnti' s. tlie r'-obiem.now so troublesome, win ie more than half solved. But while the manufacturers of iron and steel are protected in charging nearly two prices for what they sell, the ' larmers may be sure that it finaliy falls' on them in the -shape of iieavy rates for transportation, if railroads have to be expensively built on account of au exhorbirant protective tariff, it follows as certainly us one day follows another that the builders will get their money ba-k In turn from their cr.st orr.t rs, the people. The first itep therefore toward cheap transportation is to tireak down ihe hueo and oppressive monopoly of. tne present tariff, and place It on a basis ot revenue, and on the side of the people. As it stands now it etliche the few and impoverishes the many, and in uo way more effectively than lu the expensive transportation of the products of j our iarij. Another means of cneapening transporfaiicn. now much discussed, is the construction o water lines of communication from tbe M ississippi Valley to the Atlantic ecaboard. Ti.s is' niost desirable, whenever it cn bedonevitha proper regard for economy, and in strict subordination to the eonsdituticn. The canal &'d the river are the cheap thoroughfares for prr-iuce. The outlay is not great in the construction or the one. or the improvement of the other. The projected canal irom the mouth oi the Kanawha w the James river is justly attracting great attention. Uy It the waters of the Ohio, and consequently the Mississippi and all its vast tnbutatie. will be connected with ocean nayigatiou at i Norfolk, V'a., by a far shorter line than any that now exists. Competent engineers have pronounced the work practicable, and at no distant day will be completed, if the areat interests of agriculture are properly considered. Another work of similar character is under contr-mplation throcch Georgia to the seaboard. It has every argncuent In its support that should insure success. An extensive Improvement of the mouth of Iii?Mississippi, that greatest of all water iises of transportation, iias also been elaborately discussed.. .Ail tbese questions should le tliOiouijhly considered, and intelligently understood by the laboring masses, lu them, and like enterprises, the most vital interests of the" picducers are involved. And in the course of time they will settle the farmers' issue of cheap transportation much more safayt and faiily and niore in accordance with natural laws than auy action of Congress that will ever be obtained. TEE "SELF EXAMINATION" .AND CCar.UPTT0NS OP THE REPCRLIOAN PAKTT. Tlie exposures of corruption in the republican party have been so extensive and starthng In the last two years that the only apology its leaders now make is that they themselves have detected their own swindlers. Thisls the plea made here by Senator Morton, and for wkicu he claimed great merit. lie did not deny that the people had ber n outraged by dishonest republican officials, but claimed in repeated phrase that the party had been for a good while past in a constant state of "sell-exam ination," in which it had mad a the most ghastly and horrible discoveries of its own impurity. The people are not so much concerned as to how frauds are discovered asthey arein regard to the fact that they exist. The fact that a man has a fatal disease previngon him, is more Important to blm than the mane of the physician who discovers it. If it be true, as Senator Morton virtually admits, and the history of tbe times abundantly proves, that the administration of t'ie government in all Its branches by the republican party has become go corrupt that every examination, whetaer self-niade or not, reveals immense official dishonesties, and that it takes the time of one-half Its ' leaders to investigate the other half, then, lnoeed, has- the timo come for the people to rise, irrespective of party, and sweep the Augean stables. But poor as the plea of the Senator is on this ioint, he Is not even entitled to its benefits, for it is not sustained by the facts.- He enumerates the Credit Mobilier, Sanborn, and IMstrict of Columbia frauds as dweovenes made by the republican party, and for which punishments wero meted out to the guilty. Nothing could be more spurious than such a claim. When the Impartial history of these times shall be written, the creditofar resting the publie attention to the gigsutic frauds of the credit Mohilier Oompanv wül ba Awarded to Horace Greeley, who in hit spcU Qmtinucd on fourth page.