Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 48, Indianapolis, Marion County, 7 July 1874 — Page 4

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL TUESDAY, JULY 7. 1374.

TUESDAY, JULY 7.

Ime Knie. To understand the question of Ilomo Rule now under discussion in England, a review of the legislative connection between that onntrv and Ireland may be necessary. Tbe history of the conquest, of Ireland is a peculiar and intricate one, and very few readers take the pains to disentangle its con t relictions and confusions. It began with an invasion by Norman adventurers in the twelfth century, and its completion involved a struggle several hundred years in duration The nobles of Henry II and their success ors brought to Ireland the English system of government and' English law, but the sphere of their influence was confined, at first,to a narrow section of the island, and to men ol English race. Tbese, while acknowl edging allegiance to the king of England.had their own parliament, assembled at Dublin, the chief city cf what was called the Paie, and their own courts of justice. There came a time, however, when the Norman noble3 of Ireland grew into such fellowship with tho people among whom they had conquered homes, that the king of England found it advisable to assume complete control of the Irish parliament. This was done by means Of the celebrated Poynings act passed in 1405, when Sir Edward Poynings was lord deputy of the island. ThU law provided, not merely that the statutes of the Eng lish parliament should have binding ioree in Ireland, bat also that a parliament should not be held in the latter country without the permission of tie King of England, and on the recommendation of the lord deputy and his council in Ireland. This act made the parliament a mere council for executing the will of the ruler, and was perhaps a natural result of the victory of of the crown over the nobles in the English civil wars. This usurpation of course affected merely the English settlers in Ireland, and not the Irish people themselves. As the conquest proceeded, however, the effect of the Poyning's act became more inportant, but it was not until the reign of James the First, that any body assembled in Ireland, assuming to be a parliament which represented the whole island. This parliament was a pretense in two respects. The e were many localities not represented at all, and many of the boroughs were merely pocket or rotten Dorougns. moreover me question ot race had resolved itself into the question of religion, and the catholic inhabitants of the island were entirely disfranchised, and of courso unrepresented. Passing over tho confusion of the great rebellion of Kill, the restoration of Charles the Second, and the revolution of 16SS,and it may be iairly asserted that the Irish parliament of the eighteenth century took s!iapa a3 a bo.ly of gentlemen. a portion of wboai represented a small minority of the people of Ireland who were enfranchised, while another portion consisted of the creatures of the government and the nobility. Its powers were limited and a foreign legislative body held the authority to pass laws over its head. A series of oppressive enactments issuing from the ! English parliament, and intended to destroy the growing trada and manufactures of Ireland, first brought on a conflict of authority between the two parliament?. The leader of public opinion who took the first aggressive steps in the interest of Ireland was one of the greatest among the men who have made English literature the richest in the modern world, Jonathan Swift. . The leader of the struggle in the Irish House of Commons was Henry Grattan, a man strangely endowed, com bing the eloquence of Demosthenes with the purity of Phocion. The time when Grat tau c'iose to make his celebrated effort for the independence of the Irish legislature was peculiarly propitious. The American colonies were in revolt and England, while endeavoring to subdue them, wa3 engaged in a life and death struggle with France and Spain. The people of Ireland In order to repel a threatened invasion by France had formed a disciplined bodyot citizen soldiery 50,000 strong called volunteers, and, backed by their arms, the demand was made for free trade and an untrammeled legislature. The required concession was made in 172 and included the abolition of any legislative authority in the King's council, the abrogation of all claim on the part of England to mike laws lor , Ireland, and the surrender of all control over the army in Ireland into the hands of. the I.ish parliament. This procedure established In effect two kingdoms under one King.and Its result was soon felt in the refusal of Ireland to take part iu the American war and threats of makiog a separate peace with France. Under native government the condUionof Ireiand grew rapidly prosperous, but the lack of consolidation in the power of the empire led Pitt to form the scheme of a legislative union. The act of union was passed by unparalleled frauds at the beginning ot the century, and merged the Irish parliament iotothatof Great Britain, showing adne proportion of representatives in the two houses Lords and Commons which sat at London. The Catholic population of Ireland favored such a union because they were without voice in the native parliament, and were auflering undor severe penal enactments n account of their religion, which restrictions Pitt promised to remove. Catholic emancipation, granted after vear3 ot bard struggle, set all the people of Ireland on equal footing, and attbe same time wrought a charge in the attitude of the different clas-7.es. Protestants desired, under such circumstances, the continuance of the legislative union, in which tho Catholics would be a small acd powerless minority; while the Catholics felt no .essthelrksomenes3 of a connection under which their just claims and interests were disiegarded. Apart from this religions element in the matter, there was the .fact that . Irish affairs were misunderstood in the British parliament, and tho Irish administration I adly managed. Rebellious discontent prevailed in tho country, the tenant laws were

scandalous, tho system;of education pleased no party, and the people were without the right of bearing arms. CConnell. impre sed with idea that Irish prosperity depended upon an Independent national-parliament to

manage national affairs, began and carried on his unsuccessful agitation for a repeal of the union. One of the great liberator's dis a pies, Isaac Butt, taught by his master's failure, conceived a few years ago the hap nir i.Va of ' Home Rule. This is i j simply an adaptation of American prih ciples to the' government of the Brit Un Amnire. The Home Rulers do not ask for a parliament with' powers such as G rattan won for that of 1782. They simply demand a sort of government analagoua to our state legislatures. - They ask for an Irish parliament, which shall manage excluaively all local affairs and throw Irish patronage and Irish offices into the bands of the people of the island. At the same time they ask to be ' considered an Integral part of the great Rritish emoire. and claim a voice in such w legislation by the parliament at Lon don as in its nature affects the Interest of Oreat Britain and all her dependencies. The argument brought forward against such a measure is that it would weaken the atreneth of Encland at a crisis when she needa all her nower under full control. The real reason for the bitter opposition against it, however, lies in the fact that Great Britain fears to trust the Irish people With the power to handle the questions of tenant right, re ligious education, and, above all, the privilege of bearing arms. The last election in Ireland was carried enthusiasticallv except in the province of Ulster bv the national party, and over sixty members' of parliament took their seats, not as whigs or tones, but simDlv as Home Ruiers. The result ol j- w the division on the great Issue was given in the telegraph yesterday and looks like hopeless defeat, the vote standing 61 for the measure and 458 against it. Education In Sonth Carolina. Sources of knowledge as to the condition of South Carolina are multiplying, and it will not be long before the people of the North will be thoroughly awake to the con dition of affairs in the Palmetto State, and throw their fnfluence through every legal channel to its assistant. The evils brought upon South Carolina under the creatures of the present administration are so numerous, and their effects are so extensive that it will be necessary to take up for consideration one abuse at a time. The ignorance of the ruling class aa affecting the schools of the state is a matter worthy ot the most serious consideration. There is no maxim better established than this, that the stability of a government based upon universal saffrage depends on the education of the people. A certain amount of intelligence is absolutely necessary to the safe US3 ol the franchise. The standard of information need not be very high, nor i it essential that every citizan should come up to it. But society, as a whole, can not fall below a certain average. To make ood citizens, honesty is necessary and virtue is necessary; yet both may prove of no avail If intelligence be wanting. In South Carolina, granting to the great mass of voters, white and black, the best intentions, and there remains tbl9 fatal defect of isnorance among them. The state, as a whole, is far below the sea level of education which universal suffrage requires. The result has been that the electors are cheated in their choice of officers, hoodwinked in regard to the transaction of public business, and debarred from any possible enlightenment by means of newspaper exposures. The remedy against such a state of things suggests itself at once. Let a vigorous system of free schools be put into operation to counteract and dispel the general ignorance. If such a system could be established and properly carried on in such a state of society, there is no doubt but that all anxiety in regard to the future of South Carolina might be dismissed, and the people ot the -country conld settle down quietly to wait for the coming of a new generation. The horizon .of dishonesty and imbecility would not be indefinitely extended- The difficulty is that under a government constituted of hopelessly ignorant voters and administered by dangerously educated rascals, there is no chance for tho development of any system which shall tend to the public good. The nature of evil is to beget evil; and where railroads are paid for and never bailt, where state lands are located in swamps, where levees are left prostrate while the funds that should have been applied to the general good are divided among scoundrels in office where all these interests of the commonwealth suffer, it is idle to hope that the school system will be administered with scrupulous fidelity aud a high sense of duty. Indeed, in such cases, the men in power soon recognize education as their natural enemy and aim at its destruction. This has bsen so in South Carolina. It is the boast of Governor Mose that none of his constituents -can read, and that consequently,! is sure of a re-election, and there is a mournful probability, that should his rule continue, education will decay side by side with the other less sacied interests of the commonwealth. The disposition of the negroes In the Palmetto State is described as one characterized by a sort of avidity for learning an actual greediness for knowledge. This eagerness for improvement extends to young and ' old alike and i accompanied by a remarkable aptitude for acquirement. At the same time the educated white people of the state art disposed toeccourago and afd the nfgroes in their education. So much has been said cf New England school teachers in the Soutb,that It is taker for granted that the whole educational work of this section Is In their hands. The fact of the matter is that out of 1,686 white teachers in South Carolina only 52 are from the North ; and the ' most effective work is said to be done by Southerners. Indeed, t would be natural to expect as much, since no strangers could easily- acquire that rrastery of unusual cirenmstances and customs which would be necessary to success.- This disposition on all bands toward? education I

has had good results, and In 1572 there were

no less than 1,919 schools in the state with an attendance of 76.322 pupils, of whom more then one half were colored children The management of these schools, however, partakes of the corruption of the test of tho government. A great portion of the school funds has been squandered or stolen and the appropriations have been made with little judgment even when honestly used. The school officers are chosen for every Qualification save those which should characterize a commissioner, According to the correspondent of the New York Times rice fisld hands and other negroes who can neither read nor write are put In charge of the schools, and often appoint trustees who hardly know one letter from another and teachers who ought to be pupils in some primary department. In such bands the system must go to pieces or subserve other purposes besides those for which it was created. The force of these facts need not be Increased by denunciation. They have weight enough of themselves. In the consideration ot the multitudinous evils which oppress South Carolina whether as considered as one vast abuse or analyzed separately the same question comes up: What remedy can be applied? From within the state It seems useless, for reasons touched upon heretofore, to expect re form. Neither can it be reason ably hoped that the influence of the administration will be cast on the side of honest and able government in the south. Nor is it consistent with our ideas cf the relations of the states and the central power, that the commonwealth should be relegated into a mere territory. Much less can we take the backward step of depriving the negroes of suffrage. The only effective means of reform is tobring the vast power of Northern public opinion into the arena. The responsibility for Southern misgovernment now rests mainly upon us. .Public sentiment must oe roused and brought to bear upon the evils of South Carolina and her kindred states. It Is the only power that can be legitimately exercised, and it has never yet failed to prevail against the weight of ignorance and the arts of corruption. Cincinnati and Marseilles. The venerable governor of Ohio, on Friday, addressed the merchants of Cincinnati on the subject of commerce, and, it is needless to 8ay,succeeded in making a very pretty speech. lie pleased his audience greatly by a comparison which he instituted between the cities ot Cincinnati and Marseilles. The parallel was conceived and carried out in a happy spirit, and cannot fail to impress any mind to which it is presented. The former city is scarcely a centurv old, and sprang up in a wilderne3. t numbers to-day 300,0OC inhabitants and is conspicuous ior wealth, industry and re finement, maintaining a commanding influ ence throughout a vast stretch of country. The latter grew tip on the shores of the Mediterranean 2,500 years, in the lap of ancient civilization, and on the highway of ancient traffic. Its climate was the softest that can be lound, and it was peopled by the races who have ever led the, thought and been prominent in the activity of the world. Yet Marseilles to-day is inferior in population to Cincinnati, scarcely containing 170,000. "What," asked the governor, alter thus forcibly stating the prominent features of the contrast, "is the cause of this extraordinary fact? I will tell you the cause, the only one possi ble cause that cause Is fre6 government." Certainly free government has had much to do with the development of the nation, and consequently with the growth of particular cities, and yet Mr. Allen's argument from a particular case has a serious defect. The slower growth of Marseilles Is dne rather to commercial than political causes. It may be traced to the same source as the decay of Venice and Genoa, and the enor mous- growth of London. The commerce of the ancient world and of the middle ages was contined to the Mediterranean, and Venice especially owed her supremacy to the fact that she became the distributing market of Europe, receiving through her galltys the rich trade of the East, which had crossed overland from India, and sending the merchandise throughout Germany, France and Britain. The fleets of all nations went bother and thither on that single sea. But when the Portuguese sailors discovered the passage to the East around the Capo of Good Hope, commerce took a new channel. It no longer crossed the deserts in caravan, but followed the tedious water way along the coast of Africa and entered at Lisbon, Amsterdam and London. The cities of the Mediterranean were cut off from the highways of trade and withered away. The discovery of the New World and the command of the commerce of the east and west, which England won from Spain and Holland, gave her new vigor, which she still retains. To compare Cincinnati with Liverpool.. a com paratively new city, might not afford the merchants of the former town so much cause for exultation, and might seriously affect Governor Allen's theory, unless he holds that Great Britain is freer than Auier: lea. It is true that tho cities and nations which have controlled commerce have generally, though not invariably, been those famous for liberal government, like Venice, England and Holland; but tho cause of their prosperity was shrewdness in controlling the course of trade; and theirj form of government only aided in so far as it developed the spirit of enterprise. It is, too, a curious fact that the most important enterprlsesof modern commerce and civilization such as the voyages of Colon) -bus and De Gama, and the establishment of English trade in India, are due to the patronage of royalty. It might be added, moreover with especial reference to the comparison between Cincinnati and Marseilles that the day- may come when it can be made with less disadvantage to the French city. ; Had . the dynasty of Napoleon been triumphant In the Franco-Prussian war and the Emperor lived to carry out his designs, it is probable that the Suez canal would have been ere this, turned to the use for which it

was intended, and Marseilles would have become the distributing market for the great

Eastern trade and one of the greatest of modern commercial cities. The pas sage across the isthmus must eventually turn the commerce of India once more into the Mediterannean and leave the long route about the Cape ot Good Hope, untraversed. It is said that It was the purpose of Napoleon to connect Marseilles by another ship, canal w ith the Atlantic and thus surpass alt rivals in the race of commerclal enterprise.' The sale of the great wuro.ai. tue ismmus vq tngiwn capitalists, has postponed the accomplishment of such a scheme, and given the Venerable governor f f fY r f awf f Vial tr a mn.al ' nuwcnjiuM v l'vi" a uiuiu and adorn a tale. Haw to Exercise the Bight. The first point to consider in temperance legislation Is, that every law must depend for its validity on the support of public sentiment. Unless it be in harmony with the opinions of the community and with what is called tbe common sense ot man kind, it will be Impossible to enforce it. Examples in illustration ot this fact occur m multitudes. The fugitive slave law set at defiance the sentiment of the Northern people, and after a few vain attempts to carry it into effect, it was aban doned, having served no purpore save to Iccreasa tbe feeling of bitter animosity between the North and South.and to precipitate the impending conflict. Its mission was to defeat the objects of the men who framed It. Tbe various blue and black laws of Eastern and Western states, on account of unpopular severity, have passed into ob livion. They remain on the statute books simply as matters of cariosity to astonish and instruct the student as he stumbles over them in the course of his investigations. The great state of New York has In tbe rusty reposito ries of her legal armory, the means of burning any suspicious looking old woman as a witch, and Indiana retains unrepealed that remarkable piece of legislation whereby negroes are forbidden to emigrate into the state. It has ever been the boast of the English people that, tbey were a peculiarly law-abiding race, and yet, to illustrate this necessity for harmony between law and the spirit of the age, an instance may be drawn from Eng - lish history. The severity of her statutes against crime, which visited almost every petty misdemeanor with death, so out - raged the sentiment of clemency prevailing at the beginning ot tbe present century,tbat a great judge declared the proceedings in every capital case "tobe a conspiracy beween the cour.se! for the prisoner, the crown prosecutor, the judge and the jury, to defeat the law." Legislation ot such a nature that men will net hesitate to override it, not merely fail3 of its purpose but tends to foster a spirit of lawlessness and contempt for all authority, which is extremely dangerous to society. The lesson to be drawn from thes9 consid-1

erations is. that temperance legislation, to J campaign of 1S72, that the financial pros; erbe effective, must not be extreme. Alityof the nation depended upon the elec-

strong law with a weak public sentiment I behind it is powerless, compared to a weak law with the lie sentiment, an appeal to made. There support of a strong pubAs a proof of this fact actual experience may be are tracts of hundreds of mile? in some of the states where a traveler can pass from one thriving I villacre to another, and never see a class of liquor drank, or offered for sale, although no temperance law is in force, except an ordinary license act, with a temperance com munity to put it in operation. On the other hand there are many cities, in which the strictest prohibition legislation is supposed. to hold sway, where liquor is free as air or water; because the men who use it consti tute an element powerful enough to set at naught the law. - Tbe first step then in temperance reform should always be to mould and transform public sentiment, and care should be taken to follow the march of the popular will with legal enactments only at a long distance. Where

opinion is almost equally divided.the law will ng rectitude of these gentlemen may be sebe useless, as there is something oppressive lected almost at random, and space forbids

in its enforcement under such circumstan ces, and it must beet rue repugnant even to the feelings of its supporters and finally fail. For these reasons the most direct and obvious method of restraining intemner i i . , , i, I onoü lomolir lATialation to nrevent its man-1 -""j 1 x I ufacture and sale, has rarely been successful. Tbe experience ol various states in the Union, and of foieien countries, furnishes evidence of the truth of this statement, The propensity tor sttmulants of some kind is one natural to man, and it is said that no tribe has been found so savage as not to have attained to the knowledge of an intoxicating beverage and no nation so civilized as to have acquired self-control enough to do without it. Consequently a sweeping law against stimulants is sure to affect so many that the opposition to it inevitably becomes powetful enough to break it down. Besides, such a law transgresses the principle which justifies state mterterence in this- respect. It not only aims at those whose drunkenness and riot have made tneni dangerous to society, and proper sub jects for restraint but it affects classes of men who, though not strictly temperate, would yet pass through life, useful and valuable members of Booiety. 1 That form of prohibition which is known as local option and which, on acconnt of its arJDarently fair and democratic method Of " . . .. . , dealing with the liquor question has become very popular, does not avoid this difficulty.

The arguments against entire restriction ota" '

the sale and manufacture of liquor may be urged against It, while at the same time it has a peculiar disadvantage and defect as a temperance measure. It is calculated to go into operation Only where temporance sentiment is already in I the ascendant. It practically relinquishes the field at the only points where tbe liquor traffic is a great source of crime and misery. Its effect Will be to cut off .the trade in the , i i i ....... it country towns and rural districts where it is comparatively 'harmless snd establish it , , . . ,i, , firmly and triumphantly In the cities where it is now doing the most damage. . I It will be cloar from the course of this ar-1

guinent that the Sentinel is disposed to ad

vocate, not that method of prohibition which must prove a nullity, but a system for regulating the liquor traffic which shall restrain its power to produce evil. The question is not what would be the most desirable good to aim at; but what degree of good can be attained. In shaping legislation in this matter the rule must con stantly be borne in mind not to push the lice of statutes beyond their supports. After a thorough study of the question it would Sem that almost any temperance leglsla i uon in tbe shape of a license law would be acceptable to the sentiment ol the state. It I would be desirable to make its restrictions I 1 . 4 . ... u UOtK) SUU nnainör IHR rvOHKI III A Knxh a measure wisely framed, and honestly administered would prove an effect ive remedy for drunkenness and disorder To put the sale of liquors Into comparatively sare and .. respectable hands and cut of all disreputable little whisky saloons, the cost of the license should be set at a very high figure. In order to close all resorts for dissipation daring the hours sa cred to crime and debauchery, the liquor dealers should be required to close their places of business early in the evening; and out of respect to the rights of the religious portion of the community, all selling of liquor on Sunday should be stlctly prohibited The traffic is certainly no better than the dry coods or grocery trades. As not a little of the evil of intem perance comes from the foundation of habits of intoxication among mere boys, the sale of liquor to minors also should be put under the penalty of heavy damages. Scarcely less severe measures sbouM be adopted to prevent the completion of tbe ruin of a confirmed drunkard. Last, but not least, discrimination should be made in favor of the comparatively pure and harm less beverages, such as wine and beer, as against impure and dangerous liquors which act like a poisonous drug and bring mad ness and crime along with them. I Jewels r Republican cuistenry I .The argument deducing from inconsis I tency of conduct or opinion either dishon I es iy of purpose or weakness of character, is J a very popular one, and the Journal seems 1 to be especially fond of .it. This test of in 1 consistency, however, Is peculiarly applicable I to the present leader of the republican party I in Indiana, and to the action of the party 1 itself. The man who, in 1S65, maintained I that to give the ballot to the Southern ne I groes would endanger society in the recou I strncted states, and held in 1S67 that no other I means of reconstruction was possible, save I through universal suffrage, should be careIfulnot to set too high a price on the jewel I consistency. Senator Morton's actions and opinions have depended altogether too much I on a politician's necessities to allow himself I or his friends to plume themselves on the directness of his course. An onl I nary man who had predicted as Mr. Morton did in more than one of his speeches in the tion of Mr. Grant, would hang his head in silence in the face of I the financial calamity that full owed the triumph of the administration. The orator who,a short time ago, guaranteed the purity of our public men in the solemnest manner, and compared the republican lead ers to the revolutionary fathers" in honor and ability, is certainly lue most curious figure among the many ridiculous contra dictions of the day. The party.which in this state, is simply the following of one man has certainly imitated Mr. Morton in all bis , windings, and even now ap pears with strange impudence as the reformer of official villainies which it pledged its word to . the nation two years ago bad no existence a financial mountebank that declares its ability to cure those irregularities of the currency which, when first employed, it swore should never occur. It is worth while to make one or two definite comparisons 6n this point of consistency. The instances of the unswerv in ultiy lying the examples. Oneot the res olutions adopted by the late state conven tion ot the republican party was to this effect: . As the Union remains unbroken, and the peo pie of all sections are again bound together by a common destiny and under a common nag, we favor sucb measures as snail develop tne ma- . ... leriai resources oi every uuriiuu ui n ; ftecure iu all, of every class and condition, the just r'ghts nf person and property ; remove all the acerbities of the pa.st and perpetuate the nation as the model lepubllc or the world. How comes it that republicans have changed within less than two years, to such an extent that tbey can adopt this theory of reconcliation against which they made the strongest fight in the last campaign. Senator Morton rarely omitted at that time to proclaim emphatically the doctrine of im placable resentment against the rdbels of the South, and his audiences never failed to applaud his sentiments to the echo. In his speech delivered in Illinois during the latter part of October, 1S72, he said, attacking Mr. Greeley's argument or unity and brotherhood: Now Mr. Greeley talks about reconciliation. What is tbe reconciliation he proposes in sabStance? And to whom does he propose to ba re conciled? To the loyal men of the South? To the loyal white men ot the Houth, who suflVred and endured more for tbeir country than wn eon ever understand or than we can describe? To the colored men of the South, who were slaves when the war began and are now freemen, en lovme civil and tKxiitical ritrhts? Not at all. Bat lthto their enemies! It is to the rata who carw,Kei that war: to the men who have committed the outrages since the war and have kept the booth lu a tat of disturbance and of anarcny." Again, one of the resolutions adopted in tne jagt republican state convention is that lucid declaration on financial affairs which Las drawn forth the ridicule, even of the nartvnress In other states: re are In favor of such legislation on the ques tion of finances as shall make national banking free; as shall lurnish the countiy with such an additional amount of currencv as may be mel(Ll ftnd industrial interests cf the coun' try to be distributed between the stetions according to population and such as, consistent wltn the credt and nonor or lhe nauon, win avoid the possibility of permitting cipitallsts and combinations of capital from cotrouinjr tiie currency of the country. In 1S72 the state platform declared: . ' That the adherence of congress aud tLe ad-

ministration to the prent flnanoUl policy, in pite of the hostility of poliMcal opponent, nas been fully Justified by the payment made on th public debt, and in the Stability, security ami increa-d oonfldence it has given to all th business affairs of the country. To show what the financial policy ol the party was, which Indiana republicans so heartily endorsed, it i only necessary to turn to the national platform adopted at Philadelphia where the following statement Is made: We denounce repudiation of the public debt In anyshapeordlseuiseasa atlonal crime. We witness witn pride the reduction ol the princiKrt(JVieb;Rlld of ,ntrest upon the balance, and confidently expect that an excellent Inn1iCurr?ncy " Pelted by a speedy resumption of specie payments. As for Mr. Morton's financial record it is chiefly valuable as a matter of curiositv like any other monstrosity. In those days it was necessary to hold up specie payment as an easily attainable, a rapidly approaching good, and he did not fail to comply witii the temper of the times. It is o nation.

able IX he would dare now to treat a proposi tion w put ail our currency in the shane of greenbacks and limit the issue to fso 000.000 with the contempt which he heaped upon me soneme in the Ohio campaign oi 1507, when he said : I Will not KtOO to Consider vhit 1 iu. effect upon tbe currenrv n.t ..r . v. - coaptry tolHsaea thousand million V.r XriZ packs. If the greenbacks are to be redeemed tr.en the body of the debt is not paid, onlv anrXKTr oM'K"""" 8 slvenfor it. If "he greenbacks are not to be redeemed, then the Äleabt.l,rep.ud!a,ed- ' very' absurd S talk about narln? a rtoht k. 4.-f oblUallon for it wben not to be nutd And l notice tb proposition a8 a weal div ceotPthe tion W lUey apprtach direct rlpudia? The gentleman now has the pleasure of having bis own imputations rlung back at him from all directions, and his own nrf sent financial schemes receive the same denunciation as that which he flung at Pendleton's, namely, that they are weak devices for leading repudiation. He certainly cannot claim for his motto that celebrated assertion of Chateaubriand, "I am bound to make wy me consistent." The princes of India are not free from the temptation of the flesh: It is narrated of his Highness, the Maharajah ofGwalior'in that country .that while Btaying at Lucknow, tne oiner day, be succeeded ifor a time in obtaining by violence possession of the law ful wife of a Musselman v.wwuw v city. The woman had formerly been the Maharjah's mistress, and he had two sons by her, now grown up. Sh3 quitted his territories and went to Lucknow, where she contracted an alliance with a respectable Mahometan, who converted her to his faith, and she became his lawful wife at Mecca which place both of them visited. The Maharajah wished to see this woman when at Lucknow lately, and not being able to do so with her consent, collected a nnmber of armed men and forcibly seized htr. On the proceedings coming to the knowlecce of the magistrate, he forwarded the information to the chief commissioner, who politely requested the Maharajah to quit Lucknow forthwith, -which he did by special train. Mr. Ilealey, an American sculptor in Italy, lately chargod in the New York papers that some of the American sculptors in that country were in the habit of employ ing poorly paid Italian modelists to do their work, for which they got all the honor and large prices. To this dishonorable charge, another artist, Joseph Longworth, now bears testimony to the truth of this accusation, he Rays: I am very much surprised to find that several journal published in America doubt, or affect to doubt, the existence of any artistic corruption whatsoever. Corruption, nevertheless, not onlv exists, but exists upon a gigantic scale, and has been for years, both in this city and Rome, a shameful scanda'. It is high time that public attention was called to the matter on the other side of the Atlantic, and that in the interest of truth and justice, the guilty perpetrators were themselves thoroughly exposed. The Nebraska State Board of Agriculture last year offered a premium of $30 for the best yield of corn in the state in 1873, which was awarded to Mr. M. M. Nelson, of Cass county, upon the following showing: The crop was raised on 35 acres of ground, first prairie broken in 1S71, and the cost of cultivation was as follows: Plowing, tl 25 per acre f 75 Planting per acre, 45c .. 15 7.J Cultivation, per acr, 1 eu tti Ot) Harvesting, H 25 per acre 4J 75 Total cost, tl 7i per acre:....-. 5U6 25 These 35 acres yielded three thousand two hundred and two and one-half bushels being ninety-one and one-half bushels per acre. The variety was the "Mahogany," and its weight averaged G3 pounds to the bushel. The above statement was supported by affidavit as required by the board. An old, brutal looking man and a young man, his son, were lately brought into a New York court, the former' charging the latter with assaulting and beating him. The evidence showed that it was done as a pun ishment for the violence his father ofiered to his poor, weak mother. The iudge said in conclusion: "Young man, I am proud to see that you love vour mother and are anxious to protect her, but your violence towards your father has been of a very vigorous character. Try and keep your hands off your father; but, in any event, protect your mother from injury. You may go." While bounding along Spruce street, a few days since, in a luxuriously appointed street car, a reprosostativa ot th'n paper was deeply interested in th9 conversation of a couple of hia fellow passengers a gentle man and h:s wife. The latter seemed disposed to find fault with things generally, and finally began to snullle, and inquired bt -her husband if he "didn't smell something?" . No. I don't." said he emphatically, and then he nudged tbe newspaper chap and whispered in his right auricular: "If anybody can smell anything she's the woman to do it. Nashville American. , It is announced that no subscriptions to the John Stuart Mill memorial will be re ceived after the 30th of June. The amount already paid in is over ten thousand dollars. It has been decided that the money, or so much of it as may be needed, sbafi b- expended in a statue. Some one has sug gested that Mr. Watt's admirable portrait ol Mill should De purcnasea oy or lor tho British nation, and hung in the national portrait gallery. A monument is to ba encted shortly in Lacour de Murier, Ecola des Beaux Arts, Paris, in memory of the young artist Henri Regnault and six other students of the school who were killed during to late French war. xne monument was designed by two young architects Coquart and Pascal, comraaes of itegnauic. it is seulptured of black marble. .The design consistsof two columns supporting a tablet, on which are wreaths of aurel surronding the word Tatrie,"