Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 40, Indianapolis, Marion County, 28 April 1874 — Page 2

THE -INDI ANA- ST ATE-8E NTINEL. T UE S1XAT. APRIE 28," 1874:

TUESDAY,' APRIL 28.

Pensioners take notice. The House com mlttee on claims have agreed that hereaftr v tu nni!iir nncl&Imi whateyer tor mpenation for bonds and treasury notes destroyed by fire or other accident,or so da mAgedaa not to be identified by number, This decision shuts out a large numoer 01 ciaims of a similar character, and leaves to losers the onlv relief, application to the treas nry department, where all such bonds and notes will be replaced by new ones, provided the former can be identified. " -nr- r.rtrirht ha latelv delivered bis ao-called budget speech in the Dominion ;iriiiiMnt- He states that the estimated income lor 1873-4 was 121,740,000. Appro relations' for äirpurposesam'oünt to $22, 586.000: thns leaving a deficit of f4G,000 pmiinna to this ' year. there has been ' a' surplus, while the estimate xpenditures for 1874-5 are $500,000 in excess of the expenditures ol the present year. The revenue meanwhile hare increased, not ithatintiinir the abolition of the tax on a and coffee, and the custom duties for the year will probably show some The exports have i increased from 159.500.000 In 1873-4 ' to $62,730,000 in 1873 4 The minister proposes to raise an ad ditional revenue ol $3,000,000 for next year tobe levied principally on cigars, tea and coffee, and also on brandy, wines, tobacco, eilks and satins. Goldwin Smith's late letter on home or local rale in England seems to have been the result of an Increasing political sentiment now springing up In Great Britain, and de mandiDg the redress of grievances by con ferred local jurisdiction. This feeling has Income, indeed, quite bitter in parliament, and members of both parties regard the so ' called "home rule" members as conspirators and traitors. This hatred seems to be most ' Intense among the liberals, probably because - the point of contact between them is closer. ' The greatest concern is maniiested about Ireland, several of the Irish members .being strongly in favor of this move as a cure-all for the sufferings and wrongs of their country. The opposition regard this as only a forerunner to the do minion of Catholicism and papal supremacy In the Emerald Isle, and hence they are nat arally much agitated about the developed etrengh of the movement. To what all this discission; will ultimately lead, it is difficult at present to decide. .' As an evidence of the means which are now going on to lessen tho destruction of life and property both in mid-ocean and along our coasts, there is the reported completion of a chain of telegraph and lifo saving stations along the entire coast between Norfolk and Cape Hatteras. No part of our eastern eacoat presents more dangers to mariners 4hU does this distance which is literally slfewn with wrecks, and the experience is frequent that more time is required in passing this portion jt the coast than in thereat of the jouruey from some South American port to NewYork. But we are as yet without any safeguard in the now perilous voyage ot crossing the Atlantic The experience of last soason has much of painful suggestion in It as regards the comparative safety of a transatlantic trip. Even the late sinking of the Europe was saved from being a disaster by the casual proximity of another steamer. Many aids to marine safety have, at different time?, been suggested, but as no responsible or definite action has as yet been taken by our government regarding this jnatter. You don't hear so much about "fraud" neht the popular call Just now. The attentive reader will perhaps see why. In the ?ong lists of names which have been published from day to day the party folks recognize former prominent workers in their rank?. For instance, in the Ilancock county call there appeared the names of the chair-1 man of the republican county fcomanlttae, and the chairman of the -democratic county committee. In the call this morning the same suggestive thing happens. That's an illustration of the way the business is working throughout. Those -who were at first timid and halting are falling into line with alacrity and the presses of this state which were opposed or Indifferent, are now coming round in favoring comments. The friends of right-doing .and public reform, could ask no better evidence of the awakening pirit among the people. The presence xuaong the reform workers of men who have the most conspicuous places in both parties, attests the hold that the movement has on the people. Patience and endeavor will bring from this scattered seed of reform, the best fulfillment of political growth. England has just been awakened from the carboniferous nightmare which has eo long paralyzed her hopes by a . cheering report from Mr. Hunt, the chief collector ot statistics relating to mining operations. lie ex plains that the coal commission, which a few years ago made enquiries into England's supply, never said that the amount was near ly exhausted. It merely gave a calculation that, if the population increased to such , an extent that each person could scarcely find standing room, then the coal supply "would be reduced to something like a hundred years. With this pleasing extenuation of the terrible predictlon,the cheerful statis tician proceeds to point out quite unlimited supplies of both coal and iron within Eng lish limits. There is an untouched rnaso of coal extending from nrar Maapeon on the ' north to the Tees on the southtand also throe miles out into the German ocean, which it - is now proposed to open np. There is, besides, a reasonable probability that a great coal ' field exists around the .known coal mines of Nottinghamshire .also the fields of South Staffordshire - and vieinity will yet produce from fifty to a imndred years before exhaustion. From - observations, Mr. Hunt concludes that the

estimates of the depth at which mines could

be worked are too small. One la worked in Belgium at 4,000 feet, and he believed It could be worked at 6.000 feet. It was an error to suppose that the temperature in creased toward the center of the earth, the increase was in a diminishing ratio. . Ah re gard the manufacture of iron, the consump tion of coal was gradually being diminished. But with all this forced cheerfulness, the prospects for England's coal supply one hundred years hence would yet seem to be a matter ol the gravest Importance and solid tude. - ' . . , . ... Dr. Cyrus Xutt, the President of the State University, has made an Interesting contri butionto the famous "prayer gauge test' which will probably arouse the advocate of that peculiar notion. The argument is con t&ined in a sermon issued in a neat pamplet The motive which called .'forth, the writing of the paper is given in the opening sentence: "the reasons why the christian world does not accept the "prayer-test" of Professor Tyndall should be given to the public. The author then proceeds directly to a statement of the orig inal "prayer-toel" suggested some three years ago by Tyndall in order "to ascertain the exact value of prayer as a force in ma terial nature." The writer asserts that the si m pie presentatio n of such a test is suggestive of the belief that "these scientists are under a misapprehension in regard to the true na ture of prayer." It is the opinion of the author that "no christian supposes that prayer effects material nature directly, or that it can be properly called a force like beat, light, electricity, or gravitation; nor does it operate directly upon any of the ma terial forces." But the christian's view of prayer is "that it is addressed to uod, and moves - God to act on - matter, to adjust and readjust the causes and forces operating in - the world of matter, as in the world of mind;" "and, in answer to prayer. results are brought about different from what they otherwise would have been.' To this "prayer-test" or Tyndall, as limited and qualified by the scien tists themselves, the author then pro ceeda to state several "serious objections." First, is "its contempt for God's pastreveletions to man." It is asserted to be "a cbal lenge sent to the Almighty to do his best, with the condition attached that, if this per formance conforms to their notion of things, they will acknowledge him; if not, tbeywill repudiate him." Besides, "they desire the devout, confiding and humble christian men and women of all lands to tempt the God they trust and love." Sec ondly, Dr. Nutt believes that "this challenge proposes an impossibility." To bring all the immense numbers of the Christian world to such an arrangement and faithfully to carry it into effect, is an impossibility; Of those pravine, some by accident mi erbt pray for those in the prohibited sick ward, mistakes would be made aa to time, eta; Some patients might be unwilling to enter the "godless ward," some would b9 forced to, and. thus the rata of mortality thus in creased would vitiate thevalue of the experi ment. Thirdly, it is urged as an objection that "to comply with the proposal test would be wrong." This proposition, it is rgued, "leaves out a small section, and re quires that they shall not be prayed for," the christian is commanded to pray for all men. And again to offer such a prayer as this test requires, we must believe that it is Qod's willthat thosesick in the prayer-ward should be the special objects of his favor, while those in the other ward, God wills to pass by and leave without his sympathy or help." But christians are taught that God no respecter of persons, etc. Fourththe proposed test' . " confounds two distinct p'anes of action the spir itual and the material." "It seeks to transfer the laws and modes of matter to the realm Of mind or spirit ;" and besides "of the realm of the unseen and spiritual, and tho laws by which it is governed, we know but little. It is absurd, therefore, to attempt to measure, and test it by the laws and forces which govern matter." Again, it is argued that "such a test would be useless." For should the number of recov eries in the ward for which prayers were offered be far greater than in the prayerless ward, they (the scientific skeptics) "would immediately affirm that there was some mis take, and that the conditions were not com plied with." Sixthly and last it is asserted that "we know that our prayers are answered," "and that material nature is aifected;" "the sick are restored to health, dangers are averted) and success attends the efforts of God's people," and it was finally believed that "the atheist, the materialist, and the most determined skeptic will, in the future as in the past, call upon God for mercy in spite of their false philosophy whenever they ' are surrounded by sudden and great peril." Contrary to the almost universal expec tation ot Its friends'and enemies, the presi dent - has returned the inflation bill to the Sente, without his Signatare. lie sets forth his reasons for this unexpected departure from party tradition in a document whioh ranks much higher as a state paper than anything that has hitherto emanated from bis pen. Iris ' strongest argument for refusing to concur with the , majority of the legislative branch' of the govern ftint, is his record on the subject of resump tion. He recites the fact that tho people elected him on a platform which explicitly promised definite return to the principle of specie currency and resumption. That every one of his messages had dwelt at length on the same necessity and that he found it Ira possible, after an earnest struggle to bring himself to agree with the reasons which carried the bill. Both friends and enemies, will recognize the force ofjhese btateinents, though it L very probable that the advocates of the purposoa of the bill, wil argue and f ai rl y , too, that the preside nt should not set himself up as the Judge of what the people most need,when the Uouse and Senate, have already given expression to the popular will. It has seemed to be the sentiment of the majority of the people that the currency is insufficient and that a relief from 'present financial depression could be aa

sured by the adoption ot some measure expanding the volume of paper. This baa seemed a popular demand. ' Great meetings

have been held here and elsewhere, to re mind congress of the need of some such measure as a vital relief, and congress, listening to the voice of the- people, gave up the entire session to the framing of a bill which should answer popular expecta tions. Whatever may nave been the wis dorn of such a bill, it is plain that under the circumstances General Grant is not justified in opposing what seems to be a majority ot the people. A great majority of the active business men of the countrv. as well as the farmers, have made np their minds that a present flood of paper money would release them from the embarrassments consequent upon the panic, and as this is a government of the majority, the resident should have no policy to conflict with the ascertained majority. That's not a safe doctrine, it-is true in all cases, as one of the purposes of the executive office, is to serve as a check to unwise legislation when carried on under excitement or an inadequate acquaintance with the public sentiment. In this case : the president might, it seems, have very safely satisfied his conviction ot duty by a protest wd, throwing off the responsibility on the congress and the people, dismissed the matter. As it is, the west, which is apparently very largely for inflation right or wrong, will be angered into frenzy and a most unfortunate state of feeling engendered . temporarily, between the sections. Such arguments as the president puts forth, can hardly be expected to change the sentiments of those who upheld the pcheiue for inflation and will tend rather to exasperate than mollify the disappointed. lt should not be very difficult to Interest Indianapolis in any enterprise that promises the least improvement in butter. It Is a practical question with which the victims of the professional boarding house have a too familiar acquaintance. Laying aside the disposition to jest,; June 17 is to bo a great day in Indianapolis. The Republican State Convention is ret for that day, but a bigger and better thing will be butter. The indications are conclu sive already that the meeting or the "Association of Manufacturers and and Dealers In Creamery and Factory Butter" (brief name) will be largely attended from all parts of the United States and the Canadas. The president, Daniel W. Dake, is an enthusiastic and practical leader of this industry in the west. He is more to the western butter interest than Governor Seymour s to cheese in New York, because his own works are the admiration of visitors and earners who go far to examine them. Mr. Dako has offered from his own purse a list o six cash premiums, aggregating (600 for the six best essays on butter making to be read at the convention here in June. The discus sions on that occasion will doubtless awaken a new and valuable interest in tLe butter business of Indiana. As yet, few people are well aware of the magnitude of the butter production in this country. and of its rapid growth. In 1SG0, the total butter product of the United States was 312,345,300 pounds; twenty years later, in 1870, it is set down at 514,092,6S3 pounds, and last year the estimate is 650,000,000 pouuds, worth at least two hundred million dollars. The average price of butter for each month of 1873 was from twenty-nine and a half to thirty-six cents per pound, and the figures of production are unquestionably far too low. It Is confidently maintained that there never can be an over-production of good butter in thh country, and that the business, in consequence, will always be profitable. But there is one very important fact worthy of thought at this point. Of all the articles ot manufac ture in the world, there is none in which there is so great failure in quality as in this. It is safe to presume that without a cent more of expense, simple care and skill might add at least twenty -five per cent, to the value of the whole product, or $50,000,000 to the annual wealth of the nation. To promote this end is the object of the association to convene in this city June 17. It is hardly probable that the citizens of Indianapolis will undervalue the advantage to the city of this convention of delegates, nor fail to re ceive them in such a way as to impress strangers favorably with the Hoosier cap ital. United States Senate Chamber, 1 Washington, July 5, 1870 J President Grant: Dear Sir After much re flection I have decided that duty demands that should write to you my views touching the proposed removal of Mr. Motley. I fear you will make a sad mistake if you remove him, and I beg of you to consider the case carefully before acting. Ills removal is believed to be aimed at Mr. Bumner. Right or wrong, this will be the construction put upon It. Can you, my dear sir, afford to have such an Imputation rest upon your administration. Mr. Motley is one of the best known and most renowned or our con n try - men. in letters ne is recognized as oneonne foremost living authors of our country or of the world. Office can add little to his reputation. Itemoval.from omc.whlle It wUl wound his feelings, will not effect his standing among the most cultivated of the age. 1 assure you, my dear sir, that the men of Massachusetts, who gave you more than 75.ua) majority, are proud to number Mr. Motley among their most loved ana nonorea sons, xney remember that daring the war bis pen, voice and social Influence and position were on the Bide of his struggling country. They were grate ful to you lor his appointment as minister to England. 1 need not say that they are surprised at the rumor that he Is to be removed. They are pained to have it said that his removal Is on account of Mr. öumner's opposition to the 8t. Domingo treaty. His removal will be regarded by the republicans of Massachusetts as a blow not only at hlm but at Mr. Sumner. There has been much feeling about the treaty. Imprudent words have been uttered, as they always are when men's fee.lngs are excited. - Perhaps Mr. bumuer may have Haid thing that may have beea distastelul toyoa.but i he people of Massachusetts are with him as ten to.one. Holding, on general principles, thattMe prominent Interests of the country would be advanced by a foothold In the fr.nl, and wishing to sustain your administration whenever 1 could do so, I voted for the trealy, though I knew that nine-tenthsof the people of my state were against 1U 1 had nothing to gain and Bometinug to lose by such a vote. I aui ready to take the conseauences ofthat vole, but lam not Insensible to the laotlhatthe dteinUsal of Mr. Motley, under the circumstances, will not onlv he a loss to vonr administration, bat a blow tome. Personally, I aslc nothing, but I do entreat you, before acting, to look well to th matter. Your admin Istratiou is menaced by great opposition, and it needs peace and unity among tn neonln and In concress. The head of a great nart v. the resident of the United States has much to fortret and to forgive, but he can afford tn hfl mAimfinlmoua and forgiving. I want to con iho nrPKMnnt and conrress in harmony, and the republican party united and victorious. To accomplish this, we must all be Jost, charitable ana ior givrng. ' iuu t

THE PRESIDENT'S POLICY-

AN EMBARGO ON THE FINANCE BILL HE MUST KEEP TO HIS RECORD. LTHK PRESIDENT RETURNS THE FINANCE BILL WITHOUT HIS SIGNATURE THE REASONS SET VORTH IN HIS MESSAGE. ' Washington, D. C, April 22. The follow ing is the president's veto message: To the Senate of the United States : Herewith I return Senate bill Vo. 617,enti tied, "An act to fix the amount of United State notes and the circulation of the national bank", and for otier pn poses," .without my approval. In doing so I must express my regret at not being able to give ruy aaaent to a measure which baa received the sanction ot a majority of the legislators chosen by the people to make laws for their guidance, and I bave studiously sought to nna snmclent arguments to justify such assent, but unsuccessfully. Practically, it is a question whether the measure under discussion would give an additional dollar to the irredeemable paper currency of the country or not, and whether, by requiring three-fourths of the reserves to be retained by the tanks, and Erohibiting interest to be received on the alance, it might not prove a contraction. But the fact cannot be concealed, that, theoretically, the bill increases the paper circulation J100.000.000, less only the amount of reserves restrained from circulation by the second section. The measure has been supported on the theory that it would give an increased circulation. It is a fair inference, therefore, that if, in practice, the measure should fail to create the abundance of circulation expected of it, the friends of the measure, particularly those out of congress, would clamor for such inflation as won id give the expected relief. The theory, in my belief, is a departure from the true principles of finance, of national interest, of national obligations to creditors, of congressional promises, of party pledges on the part of both political parties and of the personal views and promises made by me in every annual message sent congress and in each inaugural address. In 1869 the following passage appeared: "Among the evils growing out of the rebellion and not referred to is that of an irredeemable currency.". It is an evil which I hope will receive tbe most earnest attention. It is a duty and one of the highest duties of the government to secure to the citizen, a medium of ex change of fixed, unvarying value. This im plies a retnrn to a specie basis and no sub stitute I'cr it can be devised. It should be commenced now and reached at the earliest practicable moment consistent with a fair regard to the interest of the debtor class. Immediate resumption, if practicable, would not be desirable. It would compel the debtor class to pay beyend their contracts the premium op gold at the date of their purchase, and would bring bankruptcy and ruin to thousand. Fluctu ations, however, in the paper value of the measure of all values, of gold, is detrimen tal to the interest of trade. It makes the man of business an involuntary cam tier, for in all sales, where future payment is to be made, both parties speculate as to what is to be the value of the currency to be paid and received. I earnestly recommend to you that such legislation as will insure a gradual RETURN TO SPECIE PAYMENTS and put an immediate stop to fluctuations in tbe value of currency." I still adhere to the views then expressed. As'early as Do cember 4, 1SG5, the House of Representatives passed a resolution by a vote of 143 yeas to 6 nays, concurring in the views of the secre tary of the treasnary in relation to the neces sityof a contraction of the currency with a view to as early a resumption of specie pay ments, as tue dum nets interests of tbe country would permit and pledging co-oper ative action to thi end, as speedily as dos sible. The first act passed by the forty-first congress, on the ism day or March, 1869, M-as as follows: "An cct to strengthen the public credit of the Uuited States; belt enacted, etc., that, in order to remove any doubt as to the pnrpo&e of the government to discbarge all its obligations to the public creditors, and to settle couflicting questions and interpretations of tbe law by virtue of which such obligations have been contracted, it is hereby provided and declared that the faith of the United States is solemnly pledged to the payment in coin, or its equivalent, of all the obligations of the United States, and of all the interest bearing obligations, except in cases where the law authorizing the issue ot any such obligation has expressly provided that the same may be paid in lawful money, or in other currency than gold and silver. But none of said interest bearing obligations not already due thall be redeemed or paid before maturity, unless at tuch times as the United States notes shall be convertible into coin at the option of the holder, or unless at such time as the bonds of the United States bearing a lower rate of interest than bonds to be redeemed can be sold at par in gold. And the United States also solemnly pledge its faith to make provision at the earliest practiable period. Thin act still remains as a continuing pledge of the faith of the United States to make provision at tbe earliest practicable moment for the redemption of the United States notes in coin. A declaration contained in the act of June 2fth, 1S64, created an obligation that the total amount of United States notes issued, or to be issued, should never exceed lour hundred millions of dollars. The amount in actual circulation was actually reduced to three hundred and fifty-six millions of dollars, at which point congress passed the act ot February 4th, 1868, suspending the further reduction of the ourrency. The forty - four millions ha ve even been regarded as a reserve to be usued only in case of an emergency such as has occurred on several occasions and must occur when from any cause the revenues suddenly fall below the expenditures and SUCH A RESERVE IS NECESSARY because the fractional currenay, amounting to f 50.000,000, Is redeemable in legal tender on call. It may be said that such a return of fractional currency for redemption is impossible, but let steps be taken for a return to a specie basis, and it will bo found that silver will take tbe place of fractional cur rency as rapidly as it can be supplied when the premium on gold reaches a sufficient low ooinv. With the amount of United States notes to be issued permanently within proper limits, and the treasury so strengthened as to be abfe to redeem them in coin on demand, it will then be safe to inaugurate a system of free banking, with such provisions as to make compulsory the redemption of the circulating notes of banks in coin or in United States notes, themselves redeemable, and made equivalent to coin as a measure preparatory to fiee banking, or for placing the government in a condition to redeem its notes in coin at the earliest practicable moment. The revenues of the country should be increased so as to pay the current expenses, to provide for the sinking fund required by law, and also a surplus to ba,rotained in tho treasury in gold. I am not a believer in any, artificial method, of making paper money equal to coin, when coin is not owned or held ready to redeem the promises to pay. For paper money is nothing more than promises to pay, and is valuable : exactly in proportion to the amount of coin that It can be converted into. While coin la not used as a circulating medium, or the currency of the country is not convertible into it at par, it becomes an ax tide of commerce aa much as any other

product. The surplus will seek a foreign

market, as will any other surplus. Tbe balance of trade has nothing to do with the question. The duties on imports being required in coin, create a limited demand for gold.aud about enou gb to satisfy that deman d rvmains in tne country. : To Increase this supply I see no way open but by the goverument's noaramg through the means above given and possibly by requiring the national banks to aid. It is claimed by the advocates of the measure herewith returned that there is an unequal distribution of the DHUKing capital ol tbe country. I was disposed to give great . weight to . this view of the question at . first, bnt, on reflection, it will be remembered, that there still remains H, 000,000 of authorized bank not circulation, assigned to states having less than their quota of bank circulation. They have the option of $25.000,000 more to be taken from those State having more than their proportion. When this is all taken up, or when specie payments are fully restored, or are In rapid process of restoration, will be tbe time to consider the question öf more currency. U. 8. Grant. Executive Mansion, April 22, 1874. ARKANSAS BLOOD SPILLED. A RIOT IN THE STREETS prompt imnv tv THE NATIONAL TROOPS ALL QUIET AGAIN Little Rock, Ark., April 21. About 5. o'clock, the colored troops under the com mand of Colonel King, white, paraded the streets preceded bv a brass band. After marching around several streets they were baited in front of the Metropolitan Hall, the band played a lively air, tbe troops fronted the hotel and yelled for Governor Baxter. He appeared on the balcony and made them a speech. Amidst the wildest cheers he stated that an insurrection bad broken out, and the archives of the government were in the hands of the insurgents; that they had been called together for the purpose of vindi cating the rights of the people of Arkansas, not tbe rights of Elisha Baxter. He stated that he was making preparations for, and intended to assert, his rights as gov ernor of the state. . He counseled them to be patient and quiet and to conduct themselves in an orderly manner and in due time the proper order would be given them to assert the rights of the people. At the close of the speech the band played "Red, White and Blue." Bv this time Main street. above tbe head of Colonel White' column.at theJintersectionofMain an dMarkham streets, was filled with men, principally Brooks' sympathizers who were looking on. Tne sidewalks were also crowded, and the upper story windows of all the buildiDgs around naa euner armed men In them or citizens. Colonel Rose was sitting on his horse in tbe center of the street. W hen the band ceased three cheers were given for Colcnel White, arid he made s short speech. Addressing the governor, he stated that the colored men had come here to see that Baxter was reinstated in the state house, and let it take one dav or one year, they would stand by him. All they prayed for were orders to take the state bouse. At this there was again tbe wildest cheering, and the band commenced playing. Just then Colonel Rose rode np to Colonel White and said something to him about making a hostile demonstration. Just then some one in one of the upper buildings fired a shot into the Baxter crowd, which was rapidly followed by others from the direction of the crowd standing in tbe street near the Metropolitan Hotel. This action caused the Baxter men to return the fire. The colored troops rapidly retreated from the streets and the tiring was very lively for a few minutes, the Baxter men running up the street and the others giving way. Amidst tiis Colonel Rose rode rapidly to the city hall, called out his company, barricaded the city temporarily with a hook and ladder truck, and formed bis men behind it across the street in a solid column, to prevent an advanco of the Baxter men. About two hundred shots were fired. The street was cleared of men in a 6hort time. Several Baxter men were wounded. Major D. F. Shall, who was at the An thony House, received a wound in the head, from which he is not expected to recover. GeneralW.A. Crawford. received a painful wound on his head, though it is not fatal. One or two others were slightly hurt. In the midst of this tbe company of United States troons at the Fed eral Court room and tbe two pieces of artillery were removed to the corner of Second and Lonisana streets and made ready ior action, uenerai Newton mounted a horse and got all his men out on the various streets ready to repel an attack. Since dark the men have been marched back to their quarters and the excitement is about over. During the excitement a colored woman jumped out of the second . story of tne .Metropolitan ana Drone nerieg. ANOTÜER ACCOUIfT. HOW THE ROW BEGAN AN ALTERCATIONLIST OF CASUALTIES. Little Rook, Ark., April 21. After some pains to ascertain the facts of the skirmish this evening, the following is given by numbers of eye-witnesses: Colonel Rose, the post commandant, rode abruptly up to Colonel Whito through his band, his horse knocking down several members of tbe band. lie asked Colonel White if he intended to advance his troops any further, receiving a negative reply. Colonel White said then that be had no right to ride through bis men in that manner. A few hot words followed, when Colonel Rose pulled his pistol, cocked it and s'ruck at White. Tbe latter threw his band up and knocked tbe pistol off, which fired it in the air. Col. Rose's orderly took a pop at White immediately; then commenced the firing, Col. Rose turned and rode np the street to the city ball, and formed his men across the street. as previously teiegrapnea. Most or tne firing fnm the Brooks side was from the Metropolitan Hotel windows. Another crowd was below on tbe naveraent, and aimed at the Anthony House. The United States nag waving in front of Gov. Baxter's headquarters was pierced by several bullets. Several colored men were wounded, one in the foot, another in the leg and one In the ear. colonel u. u. auiiivan, or tbe Urooks aide, who - was atanding on the ' sideWalk, opposite - the Metropolitan, was shot through one of his legs, breaking it. He then walked up opposite the city hall and received another shot in the other leg, breaking it. James Hill, a back driver, was shot In the hip. Major Shall, who was shot in the head, died a few minutes ago. One shot was fired by a United States soldier opposite tbe city hall. Tbe city is quiet now. ÜBe or two new companies arrived to-night to assist Baxter, ... SINKINQ OF A STEAMBOAT IN TIIE OHIO RIVER.' Evansville, Ind., April 21. The steamer Camelia was perforated by a floating log, which caught between her and the bank, at Raleigh,' at six o'clock .last night, and immediately went to pieces, aud sunk in 40 feet water. The boat and cargo are a total loss. No lives lost. Tbe officers and crew arrived here by the Red Cloud, entered protest, and proceeded to Louisville by tbe Arlington. The cargo was valued at $60,000; insured in Cincinnati and Louisville. The boat was uninsured. She was owned by Captain Leo Crane and William Varble, and valued at $3,000. The officers and crew lost most of their effects ' - '"

------- AMERICAN LAW. A SUCCINCT STATEMENT REVIEW OT CHAKCELLOR KENT. The North American Review for April, ontains review of Kent'a Coaimentaries, from which the following striking points are epitomixed: There is probably no lawyer, not otherwise conspicuous, whose name Is more widely known and respected among the pmblie at large In this couutry, than that of Chancellor Kent. Professional taerit must, in general, find its only lasting reward in the applause of the profession. The reputation of Judicial learning and forensic eloquence extends but little beyond contemporaries, often hardly beyond personal acquaintance; while more permanent work, embodied in written judgment and treatises, however great and enduring its effect may be, gains no credit for tta authors, except among those whose business oblige them to study it. Happy, Indeed, is the Judge or commentator who is known and appreciated even by more than a small section of what Is called by cuurteey, a learned profession. The fate of Kent in this respect, has, however, been exceptional. His book has made him a reputation which flourishes, vaguely enough, to be sure, among thousands who never heard of Lord Hardwicke or Cbief Justice Marshall, and it Is cited and reverenced as an oracle bv hun

dreds of lawyers th States who would doubtless agree with King James profane comparison ot Coke's writings to the peace of God, which passeth all understanding. What is the reason of this popularitj ? It ia to be found, not so much in the ability ot tbe writer, though that was great ; nor In his style, for that ia dry to the last degree; but in his good fortune in the choice of a subject. The AMERICAN LAW IS BASED, as every one knows, upon the English; and unwi tne revolution it was, so far as it went nearly the same; nor, after that time, was the departure very rapid at first. Justice continued to be administered under the same forms and by the same rules aa before; and In the absence of precedent of their own to govern them, the courts continued to relr on the opinions of IVio-IUh them in the exposition of our common system; and these opinions, though not technically of the same authority as during the colonial period had practically, and indeed still have, in a ereat uiAasnr im net aa much weight. The state of Kentucky did its best to set up a common law of its own, by the enactment that no decision of any English tribunal since July 4, 177C, should be cited in the courts of the state; but this was a singular instance. The first peculiarity which appeared in our laws, which is to this day its most remarkable feature, was tbe course of decision caused by our system oi wruien constitutions. This system gave to the courts a power unknown to the common law that of annulling the acts of other branches of the government, as contrary to the supreme law of tbe land; and under it continually arose important questions as to the lawful powers of the government, and especially of the legislature. This class of questions found no precedent, and. till lately, no parallel ; though ditliculties of the same kind are now, it is said, Iteginning to puzzle the courts of the Dominou of Canada, where the powers ot the provincial parliaments were limited by the fundamental act of confederation of ItioT. much as those ot our legislature are restrained by the constitutions of the states and of the United States. The political effects of these instruments are those to which public attention has been mainly directed; but their eflects on PRIVATE RIGHTS have also been remarkable. One provision, for Instance, Is common to them all tbe preservation of the right of trial by Jury both In civil and criminal causes. The result of this In the former class of cases, Is, that trifling disputes of all sorts, which ought to be settled In a summary way by the decision of a single magistrate are carried by the appeal before a jury and litigated at infinite cost of time, trouble aud money ; and the legislature Is powerless to DroviJe a remedy, as has been done in England, by making the summary jurisdiction of the Inferior magistrates final in small eases. In criminal causes, again, the constitutional provisions as to the forms of trial, substantially the same In all the State, have been construed so a to secure to the prisoner the chance of escape by any of the minute technicalities known to the ancient common law; and oujec.ions which might formerly be looked upon with favor, as affording to a mercifully disposed tribunal th chance of relieving a man from a penalty out of all proportion to his offense, are suffered still to prevail to protect petty rascals from well deserved sentences. It should be an interesting ta.sk, did space permit, to follow out the working or our constitutional restrictions In the administration of every -day Justice In civil and criminal cases; but this would require a whole book of itself. The earliest and most remark nlle departures of the American law from the English, on which It wasfoundedare thus readily traceable to our peculiar from of government. But there are also many subjects in no way connectod with this where the course of legislation aud of judicial decision throughout the United States, though generally consistent with Itself, has VARIED FROM THE CURRENT of the authorities In England ; often merely anticipating changes which have come later on the other side of the Atlantic, as In the familiar Instances of the laws restricting Imprisonment for debt, and those extending the rights of married women; and often, again introducing strange novelties, the results of which are yet very doubtful. It la easy enough, now, for a lawyer, or for any person whose attention Is ca'led to It, to notice some of the pecuUar featuies which make the American law, as a whole, a distinct system, notwithxtanding the many minor differences between different sections of the country; but of late years, and especially since the death of Chancellor Kent, the progress has been very rapid. The equitable Jurisdiction of the courts, formerly restrained and regarded with much Jealousy, has Increased, is Increasing, and, at least as exercised by some tribunals, ought to be diminished. The system of special pleading, "curious, orderly and beautiful as It Is," in the language of the chancellor, who pathetically deplored the earliest Innovations on it, has been swept away like a cobweb; eliani periers ruinee. The intricacies of the ancient and complex real property law, derived from our ancestors, bave, in great part, disappeared. only to be replaced by the newer, and not less complex learning of tax title and preemption rights. In one part of the coautry tbe railroads are alternately a ec lured to toe, and not to be, public property, according as the railroads themselves, or the public creditors, are the PARTIES TO BB PLUNDERED; , while In another the unreasonable and oppres sive legislation directed against the trcfSo in liaaors has accustomed the people to the ediiying spectacle of lawB which are openly, notoriously and Incessantly violated, as a matter oX course, by all classes of the community.' All this is since Chancellor Kent died. CG years ago; and when he began to write, 20 years before that, the growth of the American law had been far less rapid, lers eccentric and less noticeable. But even then many peculiar features of our jurisprudence were beginning to appear, which required an elementary bock to explain them. Kent was. If. not the first to perceive the existence of a subject so large and important, at least the first to attempt a systematic treatment of it. Iiis book had but to appear to inako its Importance generally acknowledged. It became at once, and has ever since cotiiinued to be, not only the standard, bat. the only authority: it kept possession ot the field which it was the first to occupy, and is not likely onn tobe superseded: and many generations of lawyer will doubtless continue to study it as tbe foundation of their professional knowledge, not, indeed, without some weariness of spirit, and sympathy with students who, as related by one of them, were attracted by the chancellor's reputation to attend in crowds the first delivery of the lectures which form the substance of the book, but whose patience was soon wearied out by tbe dreariness of the lecturer's style, and who mostly vanished after the first term. .