Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 34, Indianapolis, Marion County, 17 March 1874 — Page 4

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THE INDI ANA STATE SENTINEL. TUESDAX MARCH 17, 1874.

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TUESDAY. MARC1I 17. If any lingering doubt had remail concerning the oohleno and purl of Sumner's parposeiin trie ollivn resolutions, that doubt would dwarf"" umler tho con" krtion lelt aaer reading his briel noto to a .Springfield friend. It was characteristic of Iranfs unspeakable littlcneas to have it made known that the resolutions were aimed at him. Jay Gould mads another of his astonisiii" transformations the other day on Wall streit. Having been ousted from Erie, he has reappeared on the sceno as the controller of the Union Pacific stock, holding 167,000 out of SjO.DCO shares If ho has rcaüy cbtaice J possession, there is at least a certainty that the shares will be made of value a soon as his handiwork may be put forth in the management. It is generally wiK-eded that -whatever his faults may bo iD financoring, Gould is at leat a capable railroad manager, and ha my succeed in making tho unfortunate road pay ultimately. It is asserted that a four per cent dividend is soon to be declared a thing whkh will be apt to loosen tho dead weight Litherlo fastened on the stock. Even tlie.:fcw York Times has coma to see the mischief of ButlPrism. It took a column ur two the other morning to tell how much it abhors his methods, and what a grievous mistake General Grant makes in lcttirgbim run things. The Times has heretofore been the tacit supporter of General Butler, and this late repentance is a little bit odd. There is another patriot of just about General Butler's political status, Mr. Thomas Murphy, ol whom the Times could profitably speak, having told its aentimenta concerning Butler. Murphy is a gentleman whose political methods bear a wonderful resemblance to General Butler's. Murphy carried on precisely tho same system in New York that Butler has in Boston, yet the Times is always ready to uphold and defend him as a "true republican." Seth Green is going to try his hand on the favorite European fish, the grayling. ThU delicious fish is the next thing in excellence to the speckled trout and will maintain itself where the latter will perish. It is not a twelve-month since the sporting papers were disputing whether the genuine grayling existed in any American waters. Proof, however, was given by one or two sportsmen that they had actually caught a few specimens. Mr. Fitzhugh, one of the parties alluded to, has lately sent two line specimens to Seth Green which he pronounces the genuine grayling. They were taken from the Au Sable river in Michigan, the only stream in which the grayling has been found in this country. The hope of Mr. ireenisto substitute this fish for trout in streams gonerally where trout have disappeared, from adverse causes. It is a novelty to most Americans, but is always mentioned with enthusiasm by people of the old country. Green will go to Michigan in the spring and investigate the habit of the grayling with a view to its propagation. The next state election comes off in Connecticut on the first Monday in April. The candidate of the democrats is Charles R. Ingersoll, the present incumbent, and ef the lepublicans, Henry B. Harrison. Both reside in New Haven, so that the rivalry of Hartford and New Ilavan which has playoJ .a prominent part in the state ei"ons or ihelaat few years. Is eiufnaied from this contest. In fact the great quarrel over the Capital question, viich has existed from a time to which the memory of man runneth not back, which was mixed up with the defeat of General Ilawley for the United States Senate two years ago, and whicn made the choice of the democratic ticket certain last spring long ltifore the election took place, was finally settled last tall in fayor of the city at tho head of sloop navigation and j order once more reigns in Warsaw. All side issues then being left out. the next election will be a square fight between the two parties. Thero is but little doubt but that Mr. Ingersoll will bere-elected,althougU the name is true of Connecticut in a more limited Jftgree than it was of New Hampshire tfcat the democrats only can prevent the de leatef the republicans. ' . . Prohibition helped the democrats to elect their candidate in New Hampshire yesterday. General McCutchin, the farmer, who .was nominated by the republicans, gave . great cnfer.so to the temperance people, and theresult was a third ticket in the field, composed of prohibitionists only. The prohibition voto is generally pretty largo in the .state, audit became evident as the campaign advanced that the contest would be very close. The result justifies this expectation, though not 1 as was j generally supposed. Instead.. of. throwing the governor's eelection with the legislature. Governor Weston, the democrat, is declared to have a majority, ami the legislature is also claimed. Governor Weston was openly in favor of a license law, and bis election may be regarded as oi more signift--cauce in view of the present liquor campaign. "The legislature is tho largest ; in rnecibership of any state in the union, the Houae -consisting of 333. The governor's council consists of live members, and the Senate has twelve. The republicans hold a majority in the oouucil and the Senate, and If the demo crats have carried the House there may be a block. - . -" Of com in Lsa ions and bureaus the country has inflictions enough, but the suggestion lor a commissioner or forestry has some good reasons for its support. Congress will be memorialized on thesubject by the Ameri can association " for the advancement of science, a body that is respektable in the ex tent of its fiua.if for. nothing else. It is claimed, and with some truth, that an emergency exists calling for prompt mens wea-to -checu IM Tranton aestruffiwu of

forest trees; that a commissioner might make

himself useful by . looking after the en forcement of laws and checking needless j wwste bv ' vandalism ' and fire. This would not require a bureau and an army of j clerks, and might in honest hands be a provision of national economy and profit. If the costly and superfluous department of agriculture were merged into a well ap pointed office to save and improve the for ests that are left, it would be a good trade, and the people would endorse it. A little more judicious law making on the same point might be in order also. If some lovely motive could be placed before the Indiana farmer, for Instance, to check the clearing off of new lands and direct his energy to the more thorough culture of fields already cleared, a double benefit would be realized. Ia the wav of oork information, the ex hibit on the sixth pane this morning, taken from the report cf the Cincinnati chamber of commerce, will suffice to show just how Indiana stands, and how it com pares with other pork producing states. A study of the table is sug gestive in several directions. Of the eighty-böven towns reported, but twentyfive show a larger business than that ol last year. Columbus, Delphi, kvansviue, ranalin, Oreensburg, Kokomo, Lafayette, Madi son, Posey county. Princeton, Richmond and Terre Haute made no material variation from tho vear previous, generally falling back a few hundreds. Connersvllle did less than half as much as last year. Martins ville packed nearly 11,000 hogs under a very lavorable plan of killing for the farmers, by a responsible party. Vincennes, the "Old Post" and a great point in past years.seems to have dwindled down almost one-fourth her normal amount. On the other hand, Indianapolis, which has done nearly as much durinz the season as all tho rest of the state, has increased her quantity upwards of fifty per cent. This, not considering tnat sho carries on the business through the eutireyear. It is suggestive to note that, while Cincinnati fell back from G23,30o in 1872 to 5S1,13 the past season, bo large a gain has been made at this point, and so close a race with the ancient "porkopolis," which will soon be surpassed by the Hoosier town, as it has been by Chicago. It need not be considered presumptuous to predict that within a decade thiä city will stand at the head of the packing business. Fitz John Porter's demand for a new trial, is gaining backers constantly. Stripped of the nartisinihin and enmity of the late war, the question strikes all fair .minded mon as one of the simplest justice, and that tho granting of tho trial should be Jas will ingly accorded as it is rightly demanded. If Porter shall succeed in establishing his claim of new testimony, tne country will have to , rejoice over the righting of a great wrong. If he shall not, the people will regard the government with all the more trust, that its approval of the verdict was not found to be based on error. Since tho war, testimony has come to the hands of Genoral Porter which will prove him inno cent of the charges brought against him, and the old "fifth" corps, which he commanded so brilliantly, has set itsself to work to secure an act of justice for iU old commander. To lw end a circular has been issued by maining members of the corps tbe following effect: Sir:' At the last annn- reunion of the Army of the Potomac, the va CorPs ?ly (Vjn.t,an PiTVtrt Khnuhi be n-e fo secure the united action oftheÄ endeavor to hare the new evidence th-v wa Inaccessible at the time of tho tri wrought forward and a rehearing seil. In the case of üen. Fit. John Porter. If .t ure disposed to Join iu this movement, will you please Hend you I address, with that of any others of the old Fifth corps that you may know, to Yours very respectfully. DAS 1 EL iJUTTERFIELr), I Ate Col. and IlvU Ma I. -Gen. 17. 8. A., and 4laj.Ueu. Vol., Chairman Committee. No. oül fifth AXKNCK. .new iokk. Maren z. 1S74. All members of the Fifth corps in this city are exhorted to take immediate action iu the matter. One by one the infamies of the war are breaking cover. The Cincinnati Gazette produces the proof of a series of perjuries, thefts and prosecutions on the part of high officials during the late war which fairly matches the Credit Mobilier for stupendous consequences. The tacts brought to light concern mainly transactions carried on in Ohio, but they will be found a mere sample in the long record of corruption which is now coming to the public eye. The Gazette statement furnished from the careful hand of Gen. Boyington m3y.be trusted as beyond dispute.. The seat of the particular transac tions referred to was in Cincinnati, and tho infamous instrument of the crimes one Captain F. W. Hurtt. assistant martor-master. When his derelictions had become sufficiently known to call for an investigation, it was ordered by Gen. Burnside. It was made by Maj. N. II. McLean whose report of the investiga tion involved so many persons of high official, position that secretary Stanton was forced by a " military necessity " to suppress the revelations and to actually send Maj McLean into exile, ordering him peremptorily to report at Fort Vancouver in Washington territory, to get him and his dangerous information out of reach. The history as revealed in the' correspondence, is one of the most scandalous retrospects that has been forced upon the country. This Captain Hurtt got his commission as assis tant quarter-masier, October 31, lStil, and went at once up to his neck into speculations for himself and political associates. ! His priiiciplo jaid, Heury D. Cooke, of Washington, who stood in numerous convenient relations, " as" ! for T Instance, a . part of .the Ohio State Journal, also ; representative at Washington of the banking houseof Jay Cook Jfc Co., and on intimate terms with state officials at Washington. Acting for him, and Hurtt as third party and go-between, was George S. Scott, who, it appears, was as ready for any needed service as a thief to break Into an unprotected bank. He performed his parts with spirit." The . story brought out in Major aicians report or the ;spec,ula,tiyflt trftzmctiQus ii Jong q

It is summed npla the giving ft information to Scott of all his heavy purchases mounting to millions in all so that a.msra gin could be saved for the ring on all' transactions. . On the ( other hand, when his vouchers were out sometimes" readying ' the sum of half a million, he furnished iniormatlon what ciass of vouchers Scott should buy at a heavy discount and tht-a procured the early and preferred payment of such aa were bought by his direction. IJui his sharfned appetite mado him ambitious. His office was not as extensive in scope a he

desired. He meet have promotion, and for this object the highest characters were enlisted to work lor hin at secretary Stantoa's court on the sftecial plea of his exceptional ability and integrity. For tais, General Sherman and even Governor Chase advocated Hurtt's claims on tie above grounds. To promote Hurtt's schemes honest men had to be pursued and driven, out of the way. Cap. John H. I)ickerson, senior quartermaster. at Cincinnati, held the position to which his subordinate aspired. To effect his removal no means were considered too infamous for adoption. The writer of the Gazette declares that he was persecuted by political hounds whoso names are fctill conspicuous ntil disgraced by slander, degraded by neglect, he resigned the position, left the service, anddied broken-hearted in an asyluau Hurtt had two trials; the first,, between July and September, 18o3, by Major McLeaa which opened the horrid chasm ot corruption so as to foreo a suspension till the retreat could be covered and the second in March, at Cincinnati, whieh was dismissed to the surprise of the partially enlightened public, and tho cloak of olivion cast over it as closely as possible. Not all nor nearly all the records in tho case have yet been seen outside tho war department, dui tne documents published, fully sustain all that has leen said. Many of tho prominent characters in the drama are dead, some, among them tho villians Hurtt & Cooke, are in merited dis grace and degradation. But there are still men of position to whom this record revealed will be the exposure of a dreaded skeleton. While these men to whom the couatry looked with despairing agony were carrying on bold robbery, Gen. Lee was making the threatened invasion of the north, j and'Valalndingham was arousing just fears from his base of operations in Canada. Yet tho leaders of the defense engaged in plunder for their selfish purposes reckless of all. Who can be surprised at tho school of thievery, which has grown up, and is the distinctive charator of the great party which still rules the nation. ' As promised some time since, a pamphlet has been issued in the interest of the Chicago & South Atlantic railroad. It is the full report of Major Nicholas J. Vail to the voard of directors, rendered at their meng in Chicago January 2. It is needt to say that the report embodies an immense mass Of facts and comparisons, ot Htatistics and history, all tending to eWish one conclusion, the impo of a direct railroad route fro Chicago to the South Atlantic seftward at Charleston and near points, mere are several reasons why the enterprise should not be regarded with indiffernee at this. p?int, where comparatively little seems to ? said or thought about It. If the proposed me were built through the entire length, it would run farther in the state than any other line of road under one management in Indiana. Entering at the extreme northwest corner, it traverses Lake, Jasper, White and Carroll counties, over new and rich territory. Fron Delphi it makes tho shortest distance to Indianapolis and leaves the state at Vevay, in Switzerland county. Even if the line were regarded as of secondary interest to Indianapolis, which can hardly be the case, its local importance to so many towns and so much farming country within the state gives it a claim to all proper encouragement. To such places along the proposed route as Monticello, Delphi, Frankfort, Greensburg and Vevay, and the counties to which they belong, this outlet to a good market is considered to bo the determination of their fortunes, as it were. Major Vail gives his opinion that a road may be built from Chicago to Charleston, making the entire distance only 7S6 miles, divided as follows: Chicago to Indianapolis 150 miles, which, it will bo noticed, is forty-five miles shorter than the shortest existing line between the two cities. From Indianapolis to Ohio river, eighty miles; to Frankfort, Kentucky, fifty miles; to Nicholasville, twentysix miles; to London.fifty-six miles; to Morrist on, eighty-three milesjto Asheville, eighty miles; to Spartanburg seventy-three miles; to Alston, sixty-eight miles, and theuce to Charleston, 120 miles, or by way of Laxlngton, six miles further. Two or three modifications of the rout? after leaving Indianapolis are suggested, which increase slightly the distance, but offer in compensation other advantages. The distance saved between Chicago and any other point on the Atlautic seaboard, is not far from 150 miles, with an additional advantage of entire immunity from snow and a cold route In wintor. The report gives an exhaustive review of theresources of the country to be opened by this road, especially in : the southern states of Kentucky, - Tennessee, and the Carolinas. Their soil, - climate, - timber,- and mineral wealth are all done up in formidable figures. So also the cost of transportation is considered, showing a great advantage to the northwestern farmer, in his improved market, and an equal benefit to the southern consumer in cheaper grain, which now corns almost as much for transportation , to Charleston as to Liverpool, . and makes the price correspondingly high. A further argument drawn from extensive statistics leads the .Major to t report his .conclusion that this will be the best paying road in the country. "After leaving tho Ohio river there is considerable doubt as to the best route, a choice being offered among two or three; this is especially the case below London, Ky, The earnest support of this scheme in the south is but imperfectly understood here"except by the few whose interests' have aUrtgted their attention to it. Pledges of

aid bave betn secured to the amount of nearly six millions of dollars. The cost ef making theeonnection complete by the cheapest nmte between Chicago and Charleston, will approach close- to ten millions. , The suggests of the report in favor of help from the government need not bv considered, as it is whelly inadtnisjHble. Bt as an enterprise ot almost national concern, it appeals with just claims to the careful study of public bene.1ctors and of private capitalists. . The subject is unquestionably arousing a new interest in the minds of men.

That electrical blast of po4Uical honerty which Trent forth from the assembled farmers at Ss Louis, a few days ago, has scarcely reverberated through the country when a counter peal is heard from th massed ro formers of Iowa Wherever the peopl come together this y. ax there is a wholesomtH sound of honesty and a high pwrpose ot re form as unmistakable as it is essential for the preservation of anything like a government of the people. The declaration of principles put forth by the grangers at St. Louis will do for a perpetual pledge of good government if proper' men aro entrusted with the execution. Iowa is the first to respond openly to that general demand for Independence and reform. A great popular mass meeting was held the other day and. the declaration of independence put forth which is in thozsujjh keeping with the Grangers proclamation a noble and out-spoken demand for thorough reformation of all political abuses. Tbe- beginning of the reform movement in Iowa, was a surprise and the results of its first eampaign au awakening to the whole country. The present attitude of the independents is .best illustrated by the text of the declaration put forth at tbe assembly, which says simply and directly: In order to define ov.r position, we, in convention assembled, submit to a candid public, as a basis of our political action, the following resolutions: First That the primary objects of a free republican government is the proper protection of persons and property, and that fewer and simpler laws faithfully administered will best secure this end. Second That we are in favor of political reform, and to that end we demand honesty, economy, and purity in official life. Third That we repudiate thedoctrine that "to the victors belong the spoil," but instead thereof we are In favor of a true system of civil-servioe rerorm, making honesty and capacity the only valid claims lor public employment. Fourth That in a protective tariff we re cognize a monopoly, and we are therefore opposed to it, and that we demand free iron, steel, salt, lumber, and woolen fabrics, and that a tariff on importations is justifiable for revenue nurnoaes onlv. Fifth That all corpontions are subject to legislative control; that' those created by congress should be restricted and controlled by congress, and that those under state laws should r suojecL to the state creating them ; that vhile we recosrnir.e the value of railroaas, and will in all proper ways encourage tjeir construction, yet, while enjoying valuauie iraucnises. mey should Dear their full burden of taxation, and receive on the capi tal invested no more than a just and lawful interest, and should charge only a just and equitable rate for transportation and travel. iMxth That we favor such modifications of our banking system as will extend its ben efits to the whole people, and thus destroy a monopoly now enioved bv a favored few. Seventh That we are opposed to all grants of lands to railroads or other corporations, and believe that what is left of tbe public domain should be held RaQrQd for tne actual settler. Eighth Tu&l the pretended repeal of thö back-salary law, after the appropriation of the grab, both before and after services perrormea oy many members of congress, and the failure to apply to the president, is a gross fraud upon the public, and nothing short of an unqualified repeal will satisfy tne just demands ol the people. , Ninth That we deny the alleged neces sity or a state printer and binder, or a party organ supported by public patronage and demand that all public work, both State and county, be let by contract to tbe lowest responsible bidder. Tenth That the election of over sixty members to the General Assembly, with an incomplete organization, is a complete demonstration of the justice of our cause, a promise of its early triumph in the State and nation. Eleventh That in the Tammany steal, the credit mobilier fraud, the congressional salary swindle, and official embezzlements, and the hundreds of other combinations, steals. frauds, and swindles by which the democratic and republican legislators, congressmen, and officeholders have enriched themselves, defrauded the country, and impover ished the people, we find the necessity of In dependent action and tho importance of uni ted effort, and cordially invite all men, of whatever ealling, business, trade, or voca tion, regardless of past political views, to join us in removing the evils that so seri ously affect us all. There, any body who can't take up his march on that line won't have any particular business in this country for some time to come. The language of these statements are- very simple and there needn't be any time waited in construing them. They mean that we must stop this baleful business ot centralization by which the republican party has kept itself in power far beyond its usefulness. They mean that we must select men for public trust upon the same principles that govern all well regulated business affairs. That we must obliterate the robbery of a discriminatinz tariff and allow the broadest principles of free trade to build up the waste places of the land. That we must ' put a check on the railroad subsidy swindling and credit mobilier ism. That the salary grab is not atoned for and its authors must be brought to respect the public demand and not trifle with it. Finally and vitally that parties have brought this government into discredit and the poople to the verge of demoralization and that for a future salvation w must obliterate the past and build aew. That all men must be invited to she the new crusade, not by the old party gns and tokens, but by the new signal, hich leads the vanguard of reform. The iesson is short and simple and easily lear-ed. It need not be a stumbling" block t the honest nor a mystery to the right tanking. The Evening Poat of New York, which did some of the serious mischief in defeating the reform movement ii 1872, is very much shocked at the president's appointment of Simmons to the Boston coilectorship. Discussing what it cab's tie "main question," the Post says in a recent issue: , , ' The main question, however, does not concern the fitness f Supervisor Simmons for any particular eiuce. lrat from his habits J ajadiiJ&J0citi3nia pities liö U iol t

for the place in point is as clear as the day. Eot if he were a suitable man, the lact still remains that his appointment is as a reward of service to Butler, while, according to the republican theory of civil service, the deputy collector of the port should be promoted to the vacant coilectorship. All fchia is very true, but ttose who entered the reform movement in 1872, can not ee why it is more leinous now than ' it was then. It was no secret to the Post, that the rvue of the United States had swarmed wra just snch

mon as ammons since the election of Grant indeed since tL second' election of Lincoln. The Post was perfectly familiar witü the rrcord of Tom Murphy and the reeking cabsai that he gatheied aoout him. The i?ost certainly could not have been ignorant of the-sort f material General Grant's family appointments were, and i& ccured to the men who entered the Cincinnati Convention at the Post's solicitatim that bad as Mr. Greelev might be in the i selection of oilcers, he would have bund it morally impossible- to degrade t!i evil source below the level of General Grant's appointments. Even John CoxArane, blatherskite and striker, Fenton, demagogue and trickster, could not have been more m!eehievmw elements in the poetical dispensation, than Tom Murphy, General Butler, Simon Cameron, and our own-acrobatic economist, Morton. The Post, clinging to the point, continues : Is the republican party practicallv m faver of reforming tbe civil service? Te-t-on-rirm the candklates for these two offices would be au emphatic negative answer, so far as tho- chief managers are concerned. Can. the president persist in making these nominations, and still convince the poople that he moans reform? Let us have the main question decided upon it3 merits alone.. The reform of our civil servioe is one of the things that the dominant partv, whatever may be its name, must give the country. The republican party has been in povier fifteen years, and there is not a particle of evidence that the reformation of the civil, serviwe ever has been more than a shadowy make-believe with the managers. It is true some ot the abler and more conscientious, like Mr. Curtis, Mr. Sumner and the doctrinaire school, have struggled for the elevation ot the government service, but the Post must know, a3 the country cwtainly i well aware, that the better element of the party has had little Influence in its councils, since Grant's election. Is it necessary to warn the Post that it is as impossible for tbe "dominant party" to reform the eivil service, as it is for the camel to pass through the eye of a needle? From their ery organization, the old parties find themselves powerless in dealing with reform of this kind. From their very condition it is next to impossible for parties of long duration to reform themselves. They are like a mechanism whose parts have all grown old together into which the introduction of new machinery, would simply create disjointednessand ruin. To thoroughly reform tho present abuses, there must be a party organized, which shall not be thrown out of gear by the introduction of the modern invention, political reform. That was a rather profitless job, trying to make Dawes' .figures lie. He seems to have "studied up" pretty carefully before speaking out, and the result is that all the so-called refutations have not impaired his statements. It was Mr. Ellis II. Roberts, Mr. Roscoe Conkling's man, who made haste to return an answering shout, and his little piece has been handsomly riddled by Beck and the New York Bulletin. Mr, Roberts strove to show that the expenses of the government have not materially increased during the past two years, and gave as proofs the following aggregates: Expenses for 1371, 146,131,287; for 1372, $149,075,3(3; forlSTJ, f 152,3 13,001. This not a rapid Increase, and upon Its face exonerates the administration from the charge of getting worse, if indeed it would not show a practical retrenchment in view of national growth. But a material fallacy lies buried in this pile of figures, which may easily be shown, exposing also the extravagance of what may be aptly characterized as a "jobbing" government. There are two classes of expenses, one of which is under control. . and tbe other not so under legislative control. Look first at the lat ter class. They consist of pensions, interest and premiums on bonds. These naturally and necessarily diminish year by year. JBy actual payment of the public debt, and by refunding at a lower rate, the interest account is reduced constantly. The pension bills also diminish by ,he death of pensioners. Put these items in one class, using Mr Roberts' figures and the result Is this: Expenditures not reducible by act of congress without a violation of the national faith. isn. Pensions $17B.i)8 Interest 5.s,Si,:tt Prem, on bonds,... J,liHj,7Stj W72. 516.31i.42S 1S73. S15,4a,72 50,183,311 15,V73 TotaL. fS0A.171 5711S,621 In these branches there appears 7,t23,S57 a saving to the government by diminition of some f 12,000,000. If it were true that economy, instead of extravagance, controls the legis latiye policy, the annual expenses would bs largely reduced. ''Bat what is the fact? The saving shoxra above Is more than offset by the otb class of expenditures which are subject to modification by the management. Ilere are the figures of Mr. Roberts again: . - Expenditures subject to legislative control: 1S71. 1872. ' 1S73. Civil and miscellaneous 520.31 0,S32 rJ3,79l.m $37.323.401 Wardepartmeut l,!t7(). 23, Ml, Its 251114 t: Navy department... ia,Oit),M7 13,w,fiM w i:a 3 Indians .. 4,61öS 4,U1,4U3 4,4164 Total V5,0S1,112 571,820,739 fS5,(te),044 The above tells the story by an increase of 119,000,000. wiping out and exceeding all th natural reduction of- the annual expense. By piling the whole In together, a very fair showing is made and wastefulness is covered up by a trick which any business man would be quick to detect in his bookkeeper. - Madison partyism is seriously disturbed by an ominous outbreak ot the colored folks The independent tidal ware "has caught these darkey patriots on its crest and carried tLem iIu2aply into opposition, to the band

ed plunderers in power. The colored men met in convention the other nigh1 and after some pretty good speechifying, agr,ed upon a series of resolutions wfcirh will hardly give aid or comfort to the partwaa folks thereabout. They protested their devotion to the country in its time ef newd; their loyalty to the repcblkan party, until that party proved itself farHbless to its ple-fgvs to the colored people; defined tleir pwition on tie civ?, rights measnre; prstesteJtheir distrast in the party doing anything for them and wjnnd up by thankiry Charles Sumnr for Li efforts in behalf of the colored people.- So far so gcd. Uav.'ngfoicd the grievan?y and penetrated itscauses tiese recruits to the-roming party, jo on with eharmfg inconsLrtency to declare how mih the;7 think of one SenatorMorton, resolving that "we appreciate.witn 'grateful hearts the noble cTbrts of tnator 'Morton on the vexed questim of Louisiana 'affair?, and' bope- see him nd bis ower 'and influence to- tbe passage of the- civil righta measure."" To appreciate the deüghtfnl absurdity of this-, a previcas resolution must be presented u Whereas, Tbisgrwt partv the Rerblican) has a yet fai.Vd to accord lis ali the rights of citizenship, spite of oa; loyalty and service to the country, Resolved, That we, in mass meeting-assembled, do declare ourselves indepemient of party considerations, and 1 nr k tit aizr- fu

ture political welfare through tbe God-e:en r..uHio, ui uuob aoa rigui, represented in men who have been tried. Resolved, Thnt in view of our political inportance, we so manipulate our votea miJ bolltieal intl nfnr pa t.i t-iai.r o ble percentage ot political preferment. .Men wno -revive" in this style, are not the sort that make independents. Men who can see anything noMe, or admirable in the reoorti of O. P. Marton. bve no common sympathy with gmiine reformers, and our oo'ored brethren had letter try again. It; is a fit and appropriate ior anything lika an independent, hoaest voter to endorse Mr. Morton as it woul lor the Presbyterian synod to return thzoks 30 Tweed for his "noble" efforts nhich were. on tho whole, very like those of our seaior senator building a party, that he might rule it. There are some points in the Itaw I Limp -shire election that have escaped comment. The republicans- are disposed to- rejoiee because the result was not a direct success for the democrats,, and the latter aae taking all the comfort thy can out of the fart that they escaped defeat, though by tta narrowest chance. The republicans are cheered by the fact that they have lost comparatively few from their numbers, and that the-success of the democrats was due'to a third ticket, and not their increase of actual Strang ch. The state has always been very close, the successful candidate going in generally by a very small vote. During the last year, however, the republican party had become badly demoralized. The record of the party in congress including the grab and Patterson-credit mobilier business, had prepared the mind of the state for an independent movement which would sweep both parties out of the way. .In the grab business republican and democratic members irom the state had shared the same spoil. Hence the followers of both parties were eager for a common point of assemblage, where genuine reform 'might be brought about. The democrats, however, misled by the disgust of the republicans and the very evident purpose of bolting fancied that they could rope the reform element into another party, and on that notion went through the regulation caucus and convention business. The result was that, notwithstanding Weston's popularity, and tbe Indignant protests of tb? republic cans working in their favor, the democrats have virtually made no Impression upon the state. If anything could be expected to drive the force of one party squarely over to another, it would have been the appointment and confirmation of Simmons. Yet even that outrage could not force men in any considerable numbers to leave one party to join another. The New York Post, discussing the draw game, says: "It is likely that had old names and organizations been abandoned and new ones s-nbstituted, -coming fresh from the people, as in some of the western states, the opposition would have come out of this campaign with a larger majoritv than any party ever received in that state. The election was therefore a verdict against both tSa old parties, and shows that neither can be'iept alive except as a balance to tho Inefficiency and corruption of the other. The final dissolution of both appears to be only awaiting a new party founded in principle." The Post supported Grant in preference to Greeley, and its testimony should carry some weight. It is not too late for Indiana to take tbe hint? DINNERS. "Much wisdom in olives." said Sancho Panza, and, he might have added, a whole system of domestic and social economy, a whole history of civilization in the institu tion of dinner. What hopes and charities are born of a good one! "Not rcasen on a full stomach!" Why, then we reason best or an, and it will be a good sign when na tions and individuals settle their differences over the dinner-table, instead of over coun cil- Doaras ana lawyer's desks. Indeed every one kHows that, in some wav or other. Anglo-Saxon politics have a fundamental dependance on dinners; they are the national sacrificial solemnities, where amiable understandings are arrived at, and feasting instead of fighting learnt. Even theolog ically we are beginning to perceive that the spirit of fasting is an evil spirit, full of all unreasonableness and uncharitableness. A good dinner is a temporary conversion ; even a bad man U thA lmttAr nr it- mr. ,v.An i the universal "use and wont" the millenni um win not be far off, and men will learn war no more. Dinner is the festal sacrifice to household loves, and sacred friendship, ad intellectual recreation. Let us not dis8ace it into an orgie or a necessity. It must be when the business hours are over, and ne holiday-part ot the day begins. We must prepire ourselves for it by throwing thegarmeau of our toil off the body, and its cares oil out minds. It must be ready just when we are ready, it must be sat down to in a good temper, and the indulgence of appetite must be associated with scciil intercourse, and easy displays of intellectual vivacities and felicities; r a silent dinner-table is almost, ladent,-vhxisuaa Union,

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