Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 29, Indianapolis, Marion County, 3 February 1874 — Page 4

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1874.

TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 3.

The real nature of the strike is perhaps best illustrated in the dastardly attempt of last night. About dusk, as the force of the Sentinel began work, a man lurking at the head of the alley near the Circle House fired at a lighted window of the Sentinel building and fled in the darkness toward Pennsylvania street. This indicates the spirit of the men who have joined issue on a question they have themselves sprung at this inopportune time. The question with the publishers was simply one of ability. The resources of Indianapolis journalism do not admit of any dispute as to the question of rates. The men who have worked at printiag in this city have been compensated beyond their fellows. The men who stubbornly left the Sentinel office Sunday night acknowledged that their wages were satisfactory, and that this strike was not on that score. They had some grievance to avenge on the private sentiments or pubiic utterances of the editors of the respective papers. They said in effect: You can't publish your paper without our aid. We can force things now as we have done before, and we mean to carry our day. The proprietors, who have before had no voice in the management of their own office, were not prepared to exhaust their business in paying rates which could only be endured by the most prosperous newspapers in times of abundance. The business of newspaper publishing is too costly too permit of any experiments in philanthropy, and it was found expedient to stop at the last encroachment. The printers employed upon the city papers average better and steadier wages than any class of men in in the community. For seven hours light work, they receive not less than $25,00 to $28,00 per week, and by the peculiar arrangements concocted by the union, they are farored with perpetual perquisites which .swelled the volume of the earnings without the necessity of raising a hand. For instance, under an arbitrary rule made by a few score of the journeymen printers, the Sentinel was compelled, under penalty of a strike, to pay the printers for the placing of the large "cut" of the expositon in these columns. Remembar the map was designed an furnished at Cincinnati, and the Sentinel printers, had no more to do with its insertion in the page than the reader. But every time that it was put on the page it was paid for to the printers, just the same as so much type. Again the markets at certain times fluctuate but little, and two or three columes, of this matter Is netessarly put in the paper as it has already appeared but by the law of this body of men demands full compensation for the whole, and rather than endure a "strike" the publishers have foolishly submitted heretofore. However, there is no need of discussing the matter. The Sentinel has suffered the last annoyance it proposas to from a body of men as unreasonable as they are vindictive. Let it be distinctly understood by all men -- No printers professing allegiance to the laws which virtually place them above control of the men who pay them shall ever be employed in this office again in any capacity. That is about as short as the matter can be put. Meantime we propose to make as good a paper as possible, and we shall succeed without difficulty in a day or more. A paper on American girls for house service was read the other day before the Women's Christian Association at Philadelphia. A very proper place for its presentation, and the paper itself enunciates the true state of the case precisely. Mrs. Davis shows how the American girl, who must depend on her own exertions for a living, tries every other expedient rather than that of household service, which is regarded as degraded, and is in reality, as practiced, an intolerable hardship. She argues cogently, as every one may show, that the duties of the household are less objectionable in themselves than many employments which are overcrowded with applicants. It is quite plain that it ought to be incalculably better for girls to live in the home of a refined and well regulated family, and assist about the work that must be done there, than to stand behind a counter to chaffer with all sorts of frivolous and vicious customers. But it is not so regarded. The store, shop, sewing machine, factory, any place is preferable to the kitchen. Mrs. Davis states the reasons for this choice. They are not inherent in the business, but grow out of the habit of society, which it will take Iong to change, if it is ever done. First, the work is too hard. The mistress of a house generally puts too much hard labor upon her housekeeper, and exacts heavier drudgery than a girl can do. She has no pity, no mercy, she makes the girl of the kitchen, if she can do it, a slave. It is true that the average foreign domestic revolts from this now, and goes to the other extreme. In evading unreasonable demands, she shirks an honest service and does nothing that she can avoid. It is an outgrowth of the system for which the ladies are resposible. Again, the social repudiation of the domestic is a good reason for the aversion of intelligent American girls to family service. A healthy self-respect revolts from the position of a menial. And there the question stalls in a slough of social error. It is of little us, perhaps, to discuss the matter, The rich will not voluntarily modify their practices any more than slaveholders could be persuaded to abandon a vicious usage without coercion. Here and there is a family, a mistress who would deal with this subject properly; there are isolated cases where the happy plan is in actual operation, and woman is employed to serve a house which becomes to her a true home, where she is respected in her position and holds a pleasant relation with the household. The cases are very rare. In this matter a great deal Is said and all well said, but not much is done in the right direction. Mrs. Davis appeals to the Christian women, and they ought to listen. The care of a house involves labor that

must be done, and it is no affront to say that

women are the parties to do it. Labor is their normal lot as well as man's, and housekeeping is their appropriate field. Its duties should be performed by women. If they will elevate this work to a profession, and learn how to direct it, the whole domestic problem would be solved. There is unquestionably a culpable neglect ot the study of astronomy In the schools and everywhere else. The number of persons who can give intelligent answers to questions on elementary astronomy is smaller than it ought to be in view of the educational standard on other subjects. This study does not receive its equitable share cf attention by the mass of students. There are some to be sure who take an interest in it, but is it not a mistake that a knowledge of truths which appeal daily to the senses should be so limited? Among our educated people every one should have definite knowledge of what he sees constantly instead of the vague and generally erroneous notions which will be quickly disclosed by conversation. How few, comparatively, recognize and name the conspicuously brilliant stars that nightly glorify the heavens at this season. How few distinguish the stars from the planets, or know Sirius from Jupiter. All through the autumn a very fine telescope stood on the corner of Main and Meridian streets, and at a time when the rings of Saturn were in a position to give one of the sublimest views that an inhabitant of the earth ever looked upon. The sight cost a moment's time and five cents. Yet how few, except idle aud ignorant boys, made the chance available. The majority of the money paid to the man was for squints during the day at the sun, on which the instrument was not effective, which also proved the popular, almost universal ignorance which presumed that the sight of the sun, aided by the instrument, would be proportioned to his magnificence to the naked eye, How many ever sought the telescope at night to look at the double stars which it resolved and the nebulæ that it defined? There never seemed to be many persons interested in looking at the starry heavens. Probably it was because they are so "common," and a star gazer is the next thing to an idiot. There really seems to be less general care for this sublime field of thought than formerly. There is a rapidly growing zeal in the pursuit of science, as disclosed in natural history and geology, as if studies, like dress, were an affair to be determined by fashion, and astronomy, it is true is very old fashioned. The Chaldean shepherds and the patriarchs of the early race gave it more attention than the graduate of to-day who can not recognize the star that gleams in at the window, nor tell at what season of the year and where to look for Orion. Notwithstanding all the contempt heaped upon the somewhat ludicrous atlas accompanying Burritt's geography of the Heavens, because of its uncouth pictures, there has never been anything of the sort offered since that has awakened half the interest to study the celestial geography. No study can be substituted for that of the heavenly bodies to kindle the imagination, exalt the sense of sublimity aud subdue the mind with a healthful reverence for the Creator of the universe. The lack of this study of the visible but inaccessible universe is a loss to mind which has no compensation elsewhere. By way of illustrating the extravagance of public expenditures, which eat up the people and corrupt official character, Mr. Alex. Delmar has made an analysis of a single corrupt sewer of drainage, the war department. In a letter covering the subject, he shows, in part, now it happens that in a time of peace, long after the war and its accounts have been settled, the expenses of the war department have begun to grow larger year by year, so that the appropriation asked for 1875 is $60,361,274 in lieu of $41,988,978, the amount in 1872, when the election of a military president was on hand. Taxation has become intolerable, and the cry of the people is so desperate that even congress is constrained to talk of economy and retrenchment. The people now pay about three hundred millions in state and local taxes, about three limes the amount in 1860, while the population has increased but one-third and the wealth of the country but one-half. To this the federal government adds a like amount of taxation, making over six hundred million dollars per annum. Mr. Delmar makes a calculation that this sum is equivalent to 857 tons of gold coin. Taking the military cost to the people alone and footing up all the expenditures asked for and the unexpended balances on the first of July, there are $110,000,000, or 157 tons of solid gold for this one item. Placing the amount in carts carrying one ton each, the procession would reach the entire length of Wall and Broad streets in New York. During the war the military expenses ran up in 1865 to the enormous sum of $1,030,690,400 from $16,472,203 in 1860. At the close of the war they should hive fallen back to the figures of 1860 as time elapsed. Not so, however. They did not reduce as bounties and pensions were paid off till 1872, when they reached the lowest point of about forty-two millions, as shown above. But at that point, with no apparent necessity, the war department expenses began to rise again in 1873 to $46,036,894, and in 1874 new appropriations granted are $44,103,227, and there is estima--ted and asked for in 1875 $60,361,274. By every possible device the actual expanses paid to keep up the war establishment is made to appear small. Accounts are distributed whenever practicable under different heads and to other departments. The appropriations granted and asked for now are for 1874 already granted $44,103,227, and asked for 1875, $60,361,274. In addition to these there are of old appropriations not yet expended, $88,424,144. As not less than $50,000,000 of the last amount will still be unexpended in July, it wll leave about $110,000,000 that may be drawn in 1875. In his detailed examination of the way in which the amount is to be expended, Mr. Delmar makes a disclosure that is absolutely appaling, when It Is re-

membered whence the money comes that is thus wastefully lavished upon the officers

and hangers on of the military. The army is not large, the number reported is 27,774 enlisted men, non-commissioned officers and musicians. On Gen. Sherman's authority the actual number is but 25,535. These receive none too much pay. The private gets but $13 per month besides clothing and rations, little enough in all conscience. The provision to pay these is but $4,608,048, and that is far more than the number of men actually under pay. The department at Washington eats up $1,057,236. This is eight times the cost of the same item in 1860, which was $127,895. The miscellaneous bills for a dozen matters meteorological observations and other bills of various sorts, call for $1,617,325. For bounties the claim is for a round million, which mostly finds its way into side channels to help the harpies. Armories and arsenals cost for current expenses, $955,955. Nearly one hundred thousand of this is for stables and officers' barracks, which do not belong to the armories and arsenals. For armament there is an item of $1,760,550, which Gen. Sherman pronounces "all useless." The field work for officers, which covers surveys, maps and accompanying matters, is charged with $655,000. Ordnance stores and supplies, $1,260,000, of which $130,000 is put down for recovering saddles. There is an army of 2,219 officers, with all their horde of satellites, which it takea $5,325,615 to pay. This is more than double the number of officers in 1860, when the army was nearly as large as at present, over 20,000 enlisted men. In all there are 1,940 women reported for support in the military service. It is not stated whether they are fighting Amazons or not. Quartermasters' supplies call for $5,000,000, a greater portion of which is drawn for commutation for servants and horses which have no existence. These are but a part of the showing made and criticised as wastefulness and thievery. To preserve the $1,700,000 worth of clothing and equipage from moths, $100,000 is appropriated. If there is any honest disposition to economy there is room to cut down the cost of this department at least one-half in its official incumbents and more than that in cost. Waste and stealage account for a great part of this enormous expenditure for an army small and inexpensive except in the line of officers and expenses that the service does not require. Mr. Delmar inquires whether the country can afford to sanction these abuses, or if liberty can be preserved under such a system? Philadelphia which has been cursed by a republican ring for years has been practically emancipated by the terms of the new constitution, and the city is in a fair way to take advantage of the new order of things by electing as centennial mayor Col. A. K, McClure, who fought the battle of reform in the legislature last winter so vigorously. Col.McClure has until within two years acted with the republican party. In 1872, however he washed his hands of the Cameron ring and worked for the liberal candidates. He has been selected by a convention of democrats and will be indorsed presently by the citizens' committee, and will in all probability be triumphantly elected. This wise act was not, however, accomplished without some feeble dissent. There were those who stormed for a "straight-out" nominee and who refused to support any other. The vote told the story -- 64 to 16, and one bolt. The convention adopted this resolution: That in view of the supreme necessity of a regeneration of our municipal administration by the enforcement of the reform contemplated by the new constitution and of the approaching Centenniall anniversary, we deem it inexpedient to make a partisan nomination for mayor, and recommend that the people of Philadelphia, without distinction of party, support A. K. McClure as the citizens' constitutional candidate for the chief magistracy of the city. After the nomination, several wards held meetings of citizens, irrespective of party, and endorsed the selection. Col. Forney, editor of the chief republican paper of the state press, joined the reform ranks promptly, and a city ridden to bankruptcy by partisan plundering is in a fair way to be redeemed at the ballot. There is a lesson in this for Indianapolis. We need very, badly, competency and character in the council, and the only way that can be attained, is by selecting capable men outside of and above the demeaning trickery of party. It is high time that the city council were composed of thinking men, earnest in the welfare of the city, rather than the sort of stuff of which a share of the present body is composed. You must select men for the important office of the council, who are not self-seeking characterless demagogues. As a general thing, the office should seek the man, not the man the office. Men of metal are marked in politics just as they are in business, and the people come to recognize fitness without any claim by the man. The Philadelphia action is a sign that the popular tide is not receding from the height that brought Booth to the senatorship in California. It is a tide which will wash out the dry bones of partyism in every state in the union before '76, and make it possible in that centennial year to elect a president who shall embody the best desires of the people, rather than the grovelling instincts of party. A neat illustration of Kelloggism took place in Washington Thursday. It seems that Kellogg, feeling insecure in his stolen office, has been seeking diligently for the election returns by which the ring profess to hold office. To accomplish the laudable business of capturing them, he has dogged the McEnery folks to Washington, putting detectives at work to capture the returns, supposed to be in the possession of McEnery's party. Thursday the house in Washington occupied by ex-Gov. Warmoth and Gov. McEnery was entered by three New Orleans and two Washington officials, seeking the papers. The McEnery folks had noticed the lurking myrmidons, and the search panned out nil. It is an agreeable relief this however to the dreary monotony of the usual events reported from Washington. It brings to mind the old days of King

craft, when an obnoxious personage was at

the mercy of the ruler's minions and his goods confiscated to the favored of the ruling personage. Why should we complain of republican simplicity so long as we have a rennaisanee of the methods of the Capets and Tudors? What American will not reflect with a glow of satisfaction upon a capital in this noonday of civilization -- graced by a republican regime whose methods are marked by the secrecy and security of the lettre de cachet? Whatever may have become of the railroad fever in some sections, it rages with unabated fervor in the south part of Indiana. A dispatch this morning revives the prospect of railroad facilities for Spencer county, whose primitive simplicity has never been disturbed by the steam whistle of the locomotive. If railroads are a bad thing the counties which have never tried them are like the young lady whose mother warned her against gay society, because she had seen the "folly of it." Yes, ma, said she, and I want to see the folly of it too. May Rockford get a railroad. Mr. Matt Carpenter's little screed on Louisiana will prove none the less instructing and entertaining to the readers of the Sentinel, that it has all appeared in these columns before. Mr. Carpenter garnishes the facts with some little comments and reflections of his own, which must cause exquisite twinges of uneasiness to the rogues who have hitherto moved heaven and earth to stifle the truth. Imagine the sensation with which Oliver, for instance, as the foremost champion of the conspiracy, listened to this from the eloquent Carpenter; -- Did the senator from Indiana (Morton) mean to say that the president of the United States could sit on his cushioned chair and telegraph over the country, "I recognize you as governor, I recognize such as legislature," in time of trouble without any case being made out to him? No, sir; we had not come to that in this country. That's just what the senator from Indiana did, and the attorney general and the whole party brood in and out of congress, who control the grand machine known as "the party." Mr. Morton and his fellows knew that the Kellogg usurpation was reared on the strength of a midnight order from a drunken judge -- a public plunderer whose hands were reeking with the foulness of crime. The speech of Senator Carpenter is but the direct statement of the notorious wrongs which have stripped the state of its rights and subjected a people to the domination of a band of white and colored robbers, who depend upon the president alone for support. The action of the Printers Union on Saturday last was met by the publishers, as might have been forseen, by a united resistance. The increased scale is simply beyond the resources of any newspaper published outside of Cincinnati or Chicago, and could not in the most prosperous seasons be paid by Indianapolis papers. As a consequnce of the declaration of inability to pay the increased rate the printers in all the city offices have sruck, and the publishers must for a time ask the forbearance of their readers, until new men can be worked into somewhat difficult traces. The Sentinal this morning is issued under exceedingly embarrassing circumstances. The fact that it appears at all is an assurance to ts readers that it will resume full proporions shortly, with renewed vigor and effect. The case as it stands is fully explained in the proposition of the employing printers presented herewith. To that request the union respond with a unamimous no. It is needles to say that the printers of this city were better paid In proportion to the advantages of the press than in any city of the union. The Sentine, in common with the other papers, has been paying regularly the wages paid during the war -- wages ten per cent higher than Buffalo, Rochester, Pittsburg, or any other of the wealthy second rate cities have paid. Good printers are plenty and without work in all parts of the country. They will be here in abundance within a few days, and the present annoyance will be at an end. Until that time the Sentinel asks the co-operation of its friends, and the forbearance of its patrons. THE PUBLISHERS PROTEST. InianapoIis, Jan. 30th, 1874. To the President and Members of the Indianapolis Typographical Union. Gentleman: The limit of tre abatement of the scale of prices made by you on the first of September having nearly expired, and an increase being about to go into effect unless you reconsider your action, the undersigned publishers and employers respectfully request that the prices be maintained at the present rate. They are compelled to ask this actlon simply because they cannot afford to pay any increase. At the time the question of raising the scale was first mooted, they could not injustice to the condition and extent of their [?]asiness accede to it willingly. It imposed an additional burden upon them which could not be born, and they are compelled to equalise the expense by reducing the number of employes. During the money stringency consequent upon the panic, their condition has in no wise improved, but rather grown worse. It is a fact apparent to all that upon no class of business have the hard times had more effect than upon the publishing and printing business. The receipts have been greatly reduced in the former, especially, for there is not a paper in the city which is not carrying a great deal less of advertising than is usual at this season of the year. The cost of publishing a newspaper in Indianapolis is greater than in almost any other city, and it is only by close economy that they can be maintained in their present state without a positive loss, to say nothlog of paying a profit upon the capital and labor invested in them. The prospect for the coming year is by no mean an encouraging one. Advertising contract are rapidly expiring, and are not renewed, and the dullness of the past four months will, even under the most favorable circumstances, make a heavy diminition in the year's business, while the expenses are heavier than ever before. They would further represent that the prices of work in other cities have, in view of the times, been materially reduced, and in much larger places are the same as those now paid here; and that, notwithstanding the general financial distress, there has been but little reduction in the amount of work in their respective establishments since the 1st of October, so that no class of mechanics have had work so constantly and at the same prices as printers.

In almost every other trade either the number

of hands, the hours of work, or the pay, has neen cut down. We will endeavor to mainbain this as long as practicable, but if the prices for work are maintained, it will be impossible, and a number of workmen must be thrown out of employment. An increase may benefit a few, but a large number will suffer in losing work at a time when it cannot be afforded by any one. We offer this for your careful consideration. In our judgment the interests of all, employers and workmen alike, will be best conserved by an adherence to the present scale. An increase now will damage both, and perhaps seriously injure the growth of the business of the city. It is our wish and desire to be just to every man in our employ, and give him a fair and equitable remuneration for his labor. Our isterests are the same; you cannot get along without you. There should be a mutual consulting of interests and consideration of circumstances. We assure you that we are now paying the utmost limit that we can afford, and increase of prices will produce a condition so hard as to injure every person concerned. Trusting that this will receive due consideration, we are Yours Truly, Indianapolis Sentinel Co., Indianapolis Journal Co., John H. Hoiliday, Proprietor of the Ev'g News, Indianapolis Printing & Pub. Co Harding & Bannister, Pubs. Herl'd John 0, Hardestty, Publisher Sun. OBITUARY. MRS. JANE T. HENDRICKS. In the death of Mrs. Jane T. Hendricks, the mother of the governor of this state, who departed life yesterday morning, the community has lost one of the pioneer matrons, whose life is intimately identified with the growth of Indiana from the primeval wilderness to her present magnitude as a great commonwealth in an era of enlightenment and civilization. This lady, who has passed from earth after a life-time of four score years, the scriptural limit of human existence, has seen the state developed from the days of the tomahawk and scalping knife to the time when the march of Christianity has removed the rude work of barbarism to make place for the efforts of enlightened civilization. She passes to the tomb es one honored and to be remembered. Mrs. Hendricks, whose maiden name was Jane Thomson, was born on the 17th day of October, 1793, near Chambersburg, Franklin county Pa. She was descended from a Scottish family which settled in that locality prior to the revolutionary war. She was married in Westmoreland county, Pa., to Major John Hendricks on the 7th day of March, 1814. This union was productive of eight children. The first was the Rev. Abraham T. Hendricks, who died at Petersburg, Ind., July 24, 1866. He was a good man, and greatly beloved. As a Christian minister he performed his work nobly, and passed from earth, lamented not only by his flock, but by all who knew him in his daily labors. Alexander Hendricks died in his young years. He was the second of the family. A fourth son of the same name, also died in childhood. Thomas Andrew Hendricks, the third son, is the present governor of Indiana. Jane, the oldest daughter of the lady who is the subject of this sketch, was married to Dr. Winslow S. Pierce, of this city. She was a woman of great talent and cultivation. Her untimely death was a cause of mourning among all who knew her. Dr. Pierce, subsequently married Miss Ann Hendricks, another daughter of the venerable lady who has passed away. Two sons of the deceased, John and James Hendricks, survive, besides Governor Hendricks. It is remarkable that the Hendricks family is very intimately connected with the history of Indiana. William Hendricks was the second governor and for twelve years a senator of the United States. Abraham W. Hendricks is a distinguished lawyer of this city, and once a candidate for supreme judge of the state. The governor now acting is a beloved son of the deceased. If all the family history, no blot is to be found that will sully the family escutcheon. Surely such a record may make an easy couch for the venerable lady who has now ended a useful life. Like that mother of ancient days, she might point to her offspring and say, "these are my jewels." Major Hendricks, the husband of the deceased, was well known to all early settlers in Indiana. He was a brave old Roman. The early settlement of Indiana is due to such true hearts as he possessed. Would to God that he still survived. But Providence called him to rest in due season, and now the wife of his bosom has followed him. The Hendricks family were residents of Ohio at one time, where the present governor was born, October 7, 1819, and lived in Muskingum county. In 1820 Major John Hendricks removed to Madison, and resided there but two years, but settled finally in Shelby county, where he lived to the day of his death. It was there that Mrs. Jane Hendricks, now departed, made her mark in life. Making her home in what was then almost an unbroken forest, she devoted her education, more than ordinarily good, to the benefit of the class by which she was surrounded. She was a kind neighbor, a true friend and a devoted mother. A Christian lady by profession, she manifested her faith by her earnest walk in life. In her early life she did much toward the establishment of schools in the wilderness of the Great West. She was earnest in her efforts to spread the gospel among the early settlers, and the missionaries found in her a cordial co-laborer. Mrs. Hendricks has gone. The disease that hastened her end -- rheumatic fever -- has not robbed us of the beauty of a devoted christian life, much less of a holy christian death. At a ripe old age -- past eighty years, she has gone to her reward. "Green be the turf above thee, Good friend of olden days; None knew thee but to love thee; None named thee but in praise." WASHINGTON SOCIETY. As an example of the ways of the gay world at Washington, these notes, from the Chronicle, are taken: Mrs. Governor Shepard receives on Tuesdays. Evening receptions will be held at the Executive Mansion on Tuesday, January 20; Tuesday, February 3, and Tuesday, February 17, from eight to ten o'clock. Mrs. Blaine's receptions will be on every Wednesday during the season, from two and a half to five o'clock p. m., beginning January 14. On account of mourning in the family, Mrs. Secretary Robeson will not, during the present season hold her customary Wednesday receptions. During the session of Congress the president will receive daily (Sundays expected) senators and members of congress, without cards, from ten in the morning until twelve o'clock. From twelve o'clock until two on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Thursdays he will receive general visitors by card.

MATT'S MASTERPIECE. THE GREAT SPEECH OF THE SESSION. CARPENTER'S EXPOSITION OF THE LOUISIANA CONSPIRACY -- THE PROSIDENT'S FEAR OF IMPEACHMENT. The Herald's special says: As interested observers on the field of challenge there were ex Governor Warmoth, Senator McMillen, Pinchback, with his counsel, Billings and Carter, while in the distance were Barrett, who is said to be a hired, unscrupulous Bohemian, in the pay of Durell. Mr. Evarts, old Ben Wade and General Sherman were also attentive listeners to the blistering attacks on Morton and the exposition made of the shocking election frauds practiced by Kellogg, Durell and packard. Carpenter made a plain case to the senate in dissecting the testimony as taken before the committee on privileges and elections, being occasionally prompted by Thurman and Edmunds, Morton was attacked with keen severity and Carpenter, turning to the evidence, said he contemplated the attitude of the United States with mingled emotions of regret and shame. Reviewing the opinions of eight senators of the committee and the 794 pages of testimony taken at the investigation, he contended

that there was no legislature in Louisiana, fnd that the case of Pinchback as a prima facie one, so strongly urged by Morton at first, was overturned. He spoke of the ingenuity of the Indiana senator in withering sarcasm, and said that Pinchback's credentials did not show an election by a body authorized to elect. It did not matter at which end you commenced to investigate the case. He desired once and for all to wash his hands of it and to show its hideousness in all its nakedness. The Louisiana plotters were determined to have a government, even if it were to be had only by fraud. If Warmoth could not abolish the board with the legislature in his pockand having full control of it, he thought he should be immortal. He sketched the rascality of Herron, Hawkins and Pinchback with amusing yet condemnatory fulness, and then passed on to Durell's unheard of order to take possession of the state house and the holding of it for six weeks with United states troops, and said he wished he could have it read to every American citizen throughout the country. For fulness of fact as selected in the testimony and directness of the evidence adduced. Senator Carpenter has not been excelled in this arraignment which he has made of an outrageous violation of the spirit of republican government, and as the actors are brought up one by one from Jacques to. Durell and from Bouvet to Pinchback, with Warmoth and his minions in the setting, one sees in them the unscrupulous assassins and reckless adventurers who thought as slightly of destroying the integrity of commonwealth as they did of tossing off the whisky which controlled them in their foolhardy conspiracy and midnight orgies. During the scalping process of Carpenter's argument West leans back and smiles with satisfaction. Pinchback, seated with McMillan, his competitor, eyes Morton with the glaring eagerness and steadfast look of a tiger, while in contrast to this the great American lawyer (Evarts) calmly strokes his chin as he attentively notes the points. Carter does not leave his seat, but with his hand to to his deaf ear is riveted by the unsparing words of Carpenter. McEnery, on yonder side of the hall, squirms convulsively and shoves up his eyebrows with the regularity of a press feeder. Norton, the assignee in bankrunptey and the debauched "right bower" of Durell, passes boldly where honest men only should stand. Warmoth, gloved and caned, sits gloomily and foreboding in Boutwell's seet, and Cain, the colored member of Congress, who so unmercifully scored Robbins in the House, has come to listen to the criminal prosecution, while Barrett, who is said to be in the pay of Durell, skulks close by, and Ben Wade calmly views the scene; while Sherman, who marched down to the sea, sits by his brother and looks horrified at the whole affair. THE PRESIDENT'S VEX. The real cause of the suppression of the president's message on the Louisiana monstrosity was revealed to-day by a very ordinary circumstance. It appears that the president, determined to carry into effect his desire to unload, proposed to put upon congress the responsibility of setting the Louisiana matter right. When, however, it was made to appear that his message might entrap him and be used against the republican party as good grounds for his impeachment, he suddenly became converted, and realized that he had been guided by lawers who were not statesmen and statesmen who were not; lawyers. Now, what Senator Carpenter proposes is to relieve the president of the odium of impeachment fame, and ha will claim, in the conclusion of his speech to-morrow, that the Louisiana case never presented facts giving the president jurisdiction under constitutional law, so far as political issue or the legal status of the state of Louisiana, were concerned. It is well known that at one time the president stated that he never designed to recognize the Kellogg government, and Mr. Carpenter will maintain that wherein the president has been unauthorized or inconsiderate in his action, the loose and extravagant advice and superserviceable intermeddling of Attorney General Williams has been the occasion and the excuse of all questionable executive action. This is all that, Mr. Carpenter can allege in defence of the president, and whether the case is decided for or against by the committee on privileges and elections, the president will find himself in an uncomfortable position, worthy of impeachment, through the assumption of authority or its exercise at the suggestion of such partisan advisers. Two modes of getting rid of Judge Durell are suggested by republicans, with the view of avoiding his impeachment and the damaging effect it might have upon the administration. One is that he shall resign, and a tremendous pressure is being brought to bear upon him to that end. Another is to abolish the present Upited States Judicial District of Louisiana, and to erect in its stead two judicial districts, which would legislate Durell out of office, with no probability of his being reappointed. At Christmas the manager of a Liverpool theater advertised for good looking singing ladies. He received 300 replies. A country hotel chambermaid swore she was full of histrionic talent and cut a good figure. A titled lady, with £7,000 per year, offered to bring her own maid and buy her own dresses. A laundry maid wanted a part where she could tend a dairy, and a Taunton young lady sent a yard of auburn hair as a specimen of her charms. Could such an attraction as this last be called capillary attractions? At the close of Miss Clara Morris's benefit in Cleveland the other night; the actress was fairly overwhelmed with beautiful presents. The most conspicuous of these was a costly and exquisite Etruscan gold necklace with massive cross and earrings. The cross bore the initials "C. M." in monogram, and the inscription, "Cleveland, January 23, 1874." The presentation was made by Mr. Gotthold in behalf of some of the immortal eleven hundred young men who went to school with Miss Morris. She replied in a brief and appropriate speech, expressing heartfelt thanks, and promising to press on toward perfection in acting.