Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 27, Indianapolis, Marion County, 20 January 1874 — Page 2

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1874.

TUESDAY, JANUARY 20.

Having cleared the decks of the salary grab, the senate now proposes to take up the national finances. Thirty-three million dollars' worth of guna is what the chief of ordnance wants to arm the national fortifications. Stability, elasticity and a moderate increase of the currency are what the senate finance committee feel called upon to urge on the senate. R. J. Grier, the missing cashier of the Pittsburg national trust company, is expected back. On such assurance, the reward offered for his apprehension has been removed and bail for his appearance entered. There is nothing like making it pleasant for your creditors. The members of the firm of Jay Cooke & Co. have made heroes of themselves, and a creditor who made insinuations against some of them was hissed by his companions. The wife of one of the firm, Mrs. Thomas, gave up a nice little property, all in her own name, to relieve the creditors, and she was applauded. She deserved it too. What do you suppose? -- not that Durell has been put in prison and the Kellogg gang with him? Not quite. But they do say that General Grant has refused to accept his resignation and that he must meet the charges which will be brought against him in the House shortly. It don't do to make General Grant mad, you see. He will stand by a man who is plucky, no matter what fault he may commit, but he hasn't any sympathy for chaps who grow timid in evil doing. Texas affairs are gradually clearing. Secretary Newcomb has persuaded himself that he did not give up the election returns to the legislature, although he permitted the committee of the legislature to take them and carry them away without opposition. At last observations, the appearances are that Governor Davis may yield, and that the inauguration of Coke will take place. It is possible the captains of the great party decline to take another Kellogg contract of overriding an election for the support of a favorite. Or Governor Davis may not be as valuable as Kellogg. At all events the content is to be abandoned in Texas. As might be supposed, Mr. Morton, on Thursday, entered the lists to combat his dreaded foe, Carl Shurz, on the finance question, in a speech before the senate. He argued at length against the positions of Mr. Shurz, and took up the general cry for currency. The house committee on elections reported in favor of admitting Messrs. Wilson and Martin, of West Virginia, to their seats. Report ordered printed. Mr. Poland reported a bill, which was passed, reviving an old law providing for an appeal from circuit courts to the supreme court in cases of habeas corpus. A rule was adopted vesting the power to appoint and remove officia reporters in the speaker of the house. In committee of the whole a long discussion was had on Mr. Randall's bill to punish officers for making outlays in excess of appropriations. The bill was passed, and the government architect to whom it was specially aimed, will find it necessary to be more cautious in making plans and specifications. Beyond all his compatriots Mr. Holman has made the finest record in the present session, taking into consideration the fact that he is of the minority -- a minority so stupid and profligate that it flaunted its indecency in the face of the public by endorsing the grab. The work that he has done is almost incredible. His voice has rung out loudest and clearest in every attack on abuse, and it is to his watchfulness that the country is indebted for detecting certain magnificent steals on the highway to success. It was Mr. Holman who, Monday, enforced a resolution upon'a reluctant majority against any increase of taxation, and looking to an immediate reduction in current appropriations. Acting outside of all parties, Mr. Holman has done more for honest administration and economical government in these acts than both of the parties put together. You never can have a purified administration, of affairs, from the council up to the cabinet, until you smash the present rotten and putrid parties. In independence there is political regeneration. Without it there is none. Party folks are beginning to see this, and we hear less of "straight" arrangements than of old. Considerable excitement is engendered at Bloomington, Urbana, and other towns, in Illinois, along the line of the Indianapolis, Bloomington and Western railroad. A meeting was held last Saturday, in Bloomington, which was largely attended, to consider what action should be taken to protect the interest of the stockholders. Mr. Charles Shackleford, the attorney of Empire and Bloomington townships, which voted stock in aid of the road, read his correspondence with Mr.C. W. Smith, of Urbana, the general manager. The substance of the correspondence was a demand by him for access to the books of the company to examine its affairs, and a refusal by Manager Smith to permit it. A repetition of the correspondence of like import was made on Monday, which is published in Chicago papers. So the fight is fairly on. The people are determined to overhaul the affairs of the company and find out what was done with their money. It is not easy to see what good will accrue by harrassing that valuable road as to its early history, even if, as the Sentinal intimated the other day, it should be found that its complications were not altogether satisfactory. The road is one of the best, and has paid for all the aid ever given it already. Custing's chances have dwindled down very rapidly since Saturday. The forces arrayed againt him are composed of the severely loyal stripe of political demagogues who look to a man's party record rather than to his mental and moral fitness. Cushing is opposed by that element in congress

'J. at el .meat in congress

and the senate which hounded Horace Greeley to his grave, the Mortons, Camerons, Pomeroys, Harlans, and cattle of that kind -- men whose sole sordid desire is for personal preference and gain. It is charged by these tricksters, however, that Cushing having once been a democrat, can not be trusted on the bench. That he was opposed to the war, and drivel of that sort ad nauseum. On the same score, Morton, Grant and the majority of the ruff scuff fighting Cushing should be ostracised. Morton was a democrat while he could obtain office in that organization, and Gen. Grant was a democrat until the Chicago convention nominated him. There are many an excellent reason why Cushing should not be confirmed as chief justice, but his partisan record is not one. He was the perpetual legal adviser of Mr. Lincoln's administration, and did tenfold more service for the country's cause than the addle headed mountebanks who oppose him on partisan grounds. The reason why he should not be chief justice is because there are other men greatly better fitted for the place. It is not very surprising to hear that the president is "greatly surprised and displeased" at the reception of Durell's resignation -- which he construes as a "tacit confession of his guilt" -- a result all the more surprising and disagreeable that the president has "stood by him and upheld his decisions from the first." You will observe in this that the president is shocked -- unspeakably shocked -- at the course of Durell -- not, mind you, because that besotted rascal has demeaned the

bench, insulted the bar, plunged a state into anarchy and debarred the legitimate authorities from their functions -- not because of the enormities of which these are but a tithe -- but because be slinks out of the contest and leaves the president and his scoundrelly attorney general not the shadow of an excuse for their murderous interference in the Louisiana state government. For mark you -- the only pretext for the calling in of bayonets and the overturning of the legitimate legislature was the infamous mandate of this drunken thief, perched upon the United States circuit bench. It was he who, without request, put the machinery of the government into the hands of a drunken robber; he who called upon the United States marshal to patrol the State domain with bayonets; he who stayed the lawful processes of the State courts; he who put a pretended authority in the hands ot the ignorant and scheming gambler Pinchback, to act as governor, while the conspiracy was in preparation to put Kellogg at the front. He was known from the first to be an outrageous partisan. He upheld the place simply through servility to the robbing gang which has impoverished the greatest commercial metropolis of the South. Yet in the face of this General Grant's law officers telegraphed the citizens' committee getting ready to visit Washington, that "it is useless, the president has made up his mind." The gentlemen comprising that assemblage were many of them witnesses who have testified before the committee, and they could have told the President then what has been proven now. Yet he would not hear them. He knew better. He had his brother-in-law in the field -- the odorous Casey -- and in the collection of customs he was better calculated to know the situation than the men who had built and dwelt in the city for a life time. So Louisana by General Grant's command was thrown into the keeping of robbers who had neither interest or property in the state. The pretended governor, a worthless scamp from Illinois, and the subordinate officials colored men unable to read or write. Pinchback, a rascally gambler, was given his choice of offices and selected the place of lieutenant governor and acting governor, congressman-at-large and senator. For twelve months this vile condition of things has been upheld, and now that the principal agent of the villainy is brought to book and resigns to escape punishment, the president is wroth with him; not for his guilt; not for the infamies of lawlessness set in motion at his behest, but because he flies from the struggle in which he would have had presidential aid and countenance. It is a pleasant picture of republicanism this, and it is hardly to be wondered that banded Europe looks coldly upon the prospect of such work in France and Spain. Kansas politics, if not the cleanest field of human endeavor, present some striking phases. It was in Kansas that the Christian statesman, Pomeroy, ruled and robbed for two score years. It was in Kansas that the art of subsidizing became synonymous with highway robbery and till-tapping. Where legislators named their price before election and let themselves down at the stipulated terms. It was in Kansas the Indian business first emitted the stench of robbery and jobbery which has since filled the air as with a pillar of cloud by day and night. It was in Kansas, too, that the very breath of office turned men into thieves as by some talismanic touchstone. It was in Kansas where a whole legislature was convicted of bribery and perjury, and where Christian statesmanship in the person of Pomeroy was openly proved to be the cloak for unutterable corruption. It is in Kansas now that a curious spectacle edifies the thoughtful. Kalloch, the henchman of Pomeroy in his days of unchecked plunder, has deserted the stump for the pulpit. He has fallen into the ways of uselessness since his patron has been brought to the verge of the prison to which his crimes entitle him. In the heyday of Pomeroy's villanies Kalloch, ex-judge and ex-senator, was his close ally. It was he who was to have divided the spoil had Subsidy been reelected last winter. It was he who negotiated all the Indian and railroad steals; and it was he who "saw" the members and others the calling of which was to make Pomeroy's election sure. Pomeroy's exposure has turned Kalloch 's thoughts to the ways of the path of life, and with the gates of sin shut in his face he has deserted the broad road which leads to -- office -- and announces himself as wed in the future to the twin evangelisms -- the press and the pulpit. As editor of the Lawrence Tribune he will preach the gospel of political and social rectitude and as a minister in the First Baptist church of

Lawrence the immersion and cleansing of sinners. He began his twin ministration there the other night and the crowd was immense. His sermon was more definitive tan exhortatory. He renounced the world and the vileness thereof, and pledged himself to the double duty of editor and minister with his best energies. The people seem to accept the conversion and wait the result.

Following the hayseed soiree of the republicans, the New Hampshire democrats met the next day and decided to take timothy in their beverage. They nominated Ex-Gov. James Weston, a very honest and competent man, but not very likely to win, under the circumstances. Not likely, because, first, the democrats were indiscreet enough to repel the grange, or farmer sentiment, by taking no representative man on their ticket. Further, they will have the temperance folks arrayed against them, as the republicans made clear and outspoken concessions to that party. This looks very much as though the contest were a foregone conclusion, as the straight republican vote of the state is a good deal larger than the democratic, even when a temperance candidate has run. The democrats made a brief platform, readopting the resolutions of Cincinnati, and coming as far forward as the most progressive reformer could desire. Very much briefer in form and greatly more pithy in point their resolutions cover the ideas most in the public mind, and deal with them shrewdly and sensibly. They call for retrenchment and reform, and the candidate declares that his first work will be to reduce the state taxation at least one third. The resolutions condemn unequal taxation, tending to throw the burden upon any special class or exempt any special class. Repeat the stereotyped public domain protest; condemn railroad grants; denounce the interference policy of government, and espouse the farmers' grievances in two paragraphs, demanding better methods of transportation and a more rigorous treatment with corporations. Local option in temperance is favored, and a strong word said in behalf of more careful management of banks, making the depositor secure from loss, whether by carelessness or collusion of bank officials. If public sentiment grew with the same force and rapidity in New Hampshire that it does elsewhere, the contest would be more problematical, Governor Weston being a man of admirable character and his party unburdened by a bad record. But public opinion in the mountain region once fixed is difficult to move, and all the robberies and indecencies of the republican party will fail to repulse the voters up there, simply because they have never yet heard of them, and won't be apt to. In many parts of the state the peaceful patriots vote still for Abraham Lincoln, and dimly imagine the war still going on, hearing so much about "saving the country" and the like. So long as there is a public sentiment tacitly unprotesting against the carrying of weapons, we must be prepared for such tragedies as that at Anderson. So long as there is no law to compel, and no sentiment to condemn, men will go forth murderers in heart, because prepared to take life. There is no human provocation which can justify a man in lifting his hand in murder against his fellow. There is no instinct of manliness which does not revolt from a slaughter of this sort. There is no cause, or pretext or provocation which justifies a man in playing the part of executioner. If a man carries a deadly weapon he is a murderer in his heart. Of the poor, half crazed victim, lying in his gore in Anderson yonder, only the tenderest words can be spoken. He was mad when he did the fatal deed which brought swift and cruel destruction upon him. His soft heart had been wronged, his kind nature warped by the persistent cruel malignities of his calculating, vindictive enemy. Incapable of deceit as he was devoid of policy or constraint, he saw the fabric of his life work sapped at the root by the heartless, baseless calumnies of an unprincipled adventurer. He realised only that the good name which he had by continuous effort won in the world and the patrimony of honor that he had laid by for his family, were tainted by the fetid breath of envy and malice. He knew that his relentlees enemy had stabbed and cut the fine chords of a life's reputation, whose delicate tissue may be healed but never restored. He could only think of this and his ardent spirit, too quick to see the palpable conseqaences of even temporary disrepute, was not strong enough to carry him to that abiding trust, which strengthens the weak and comforts the afflicted. His only thought wan that His reputation once blemished by a charge so circumstantial could never be restored to its natural luster, even on the clearest attestation of probity and innocence. With a ferocity of hate which seems to have deepened in intensity with each shadow of vantage, his enemy pursued him. His most amiable weaknesses were tortured into sins; his lavish and elegant hospitality turned into a reproach; his constant charities and incessant efforts in the public behalf distorted, and his financial calamity magnified into peculation and ruin. Inmeshed in a network so diverse and impenetrable, only the coolest brain and most skilled worldling could have extricated himself from the entangling meshes. Alas, poor Tom Stilwell was not that. His brain was never cool. His hand and heart were ever ready for a generous deed; his tongue always first to record the the kindly sentiment. He was as incapable of malice as the tender child, and as deficient in craft Consider an ardent, impetuous, honest heart like this smitten with the palsy of undeserved reproach Think of the hot passionate protest, the impatient intolerence with the very thought of delay, the rash desire of instant reparation, the terrible craze of revenge. In this condition, worked up to a frenzy of protest and horror, he seeks the first means for redress that come to the blind, the unreasoning and the insane. It is hard in this world, for any of us to be brought face to face with the ruin of our life work -- to stand before the fragments reared in days and nights and

weeks, and months and years of toil and tears and blood -- crumbled by a stroke from a thoughtless or unfriendly hand. We are called upon in this life, some of us every day, to stand just there and wash the ruins with our tears; but would we not have more than tears, if in the crash of our life work there was also the destruction, humiliation, and shame of all we loved -- wife, children, kindred? For after all our fine moralizing and manliness -- all our piety and constancy, the bitterest fate that falls upon any of us is the end of endeavor, the clouding of life, the blotting out of our past and the blemish of our future. Yesterday afternoon the murdered man stood in that place. He was conscious of no crime. He couldn't understand how a man could be permitted to stab the vital part of this world's heritage and yet no means of redress. In this state of mind, when he should have been soothed by the tender voice of faithful friends, he dissembled his hot, unspeakable anger and breaking out from his home went out in a wild quest. He probably did not dream of seeking the wretched author of this tragic feud. He was guided mechanically to the place. He passed, paused, hesitated -- turned, and, having a murderous weapon with him, called upon his enemy to end the unendurable struggle then and there. Knowing what Corwin knew, knowing that his victim was incapable of premeditated malice, but irresponsible under such a craze of anger, this man Corwin had but one course to pursue. He should and could have disarmed his antagonist. He had the opportunity. His life was not in danger. He was ten fold in strength the superior of his antagonist. He seems to

have welcomed the opportunity. Instead of attempting to pacify the unfortunate man, he joined in the scuffle, whipped the pistol out of the nerveless hands of his opponent -- then, calmly seizing the lappels of the coat where they join the collar, adjusted them both in one hand, till the writhing victim seemed strangling, whirled the body around face from him, and deliberately fired twice in succession into the struggling body. A more devilish murder never outraged the bounds of a civilized community. Fancy the scene: a tall, athlete, cool and unimpassioned holding a man crazed into lifelessness out at arm's length and riddling his body with bullets. There is a good chance here for a stay in the tide of crime of this sort, and the sentiment of the community will demand that the murderer's money and attending influences shall not shield him from the penalty that would follow the crime if committed by less pretentious hands. And the end of that grab was like unto its beginning, conceived in sin, brought forth in iniquity and abolished in deceit and dissatisfaction. It was the final expression of the partyism which has been riding this unfortunate land to ruin for ten years past. It was brought about in the closing hours of the last session of congress, aided by two third of the republican and half the democrats, and met the unqualified approbation, as well as prompt signature of a republican president, by which it passed to the statutes as a law. Forced to its repeal by the thundering disapprobation of the people, an imbecile congress has wasted five weeks in bringing it to the verge of repeal, and even then does not wholly lop off its evils. The increase of $2,500 has been cut down, making the salaries stand now at $5,000, but to this is added the mileage, amounting to scarcely less than the extra salary. The debate from first to last has been a sham. Not half those opposing by speech were in earnest, and the amendments put forth were in every instance calculated to confirm the worst features rather than release the measure of its burden upon the people. The final repeal Tuesday found an assemblage reluctant to undo the evil, yet unwilling to risk open opposition in the face of the people. There were a few, however, dissatisfied with the restoration of the mileage theft who voted nay, in order to have the nasty business cleaned out root and branch. Among these was Mr. Cox, who has been the persistent foe of the grab in all its phases. There were others opposing, however who did it consistently with their previous purpose to grab all they could out of the public treasury. Among these brazen plunderers are some Indiana names which will be read with some surprise. Conspicuously prominent are those of Williams and Shanks. The list published in full should be remembered, and here it is: Of the Illinois delegation, Messrs, Robinson, Barrere, Knapp and Ray were absent. Those present voted aye. Of the Minnesota delegation, Gen. Averill voted no, Messrs. Dunnell and Strait voting aye. All the representatives from Iowa voted aye; so, also, did the Michigan members. The Kentucky members voted aye, except Samuel Adams, who was absent, and Crossland and Standford, who voted aye. The Wisconsin delegation, with the exception of Eldridge, absent by order of the house, voted aye. The Missouri delegation voted solidly for the bill. The Indiana delegation were divided -- Shanks and Williams voting no, Wilson being absent by order of the house, and the rest voting aye. As Williams has no hope of ever coming to congress again, and intends to live In Washington, it is presumed that he did not care much what effect his vote might have at home. Six of the 26 votes In the negative were cast by the Pennsylvania representatives -- Messrs. Heister Clymer, who opposed the bill because it revived the old mileage system, William D. Kelley. Gen. Negley, Samuel J. Randall. John B. Storm and Lemuel Todd. Thirteen of the negatives were cast by republicans from the south. viz. : Albert, of Maryland; Barry, of Mississippi; Cobb, of North Carolina; Crossland and Stanford, of Kentucky; Hayes, of Alabama; Hynes, of Arkansas; Morey, of Louisiana; Platt, of Virginia; Sloss, of Alabama; Stowell,of Mirginia; Waddell, of North Carolina, and White, of Alabama. Of the 13, 6 were carpet-baggers. Even Benj. Butler voted in favor of its passage, for the purpose, it was stated, of moving a reconsideration, but in that he failed. The scene is described as very melancholy, when the vote came on. Before the bill was sent to the president a senator is said to have brought word that his excellency had announced his purpose of sending the bill back in order that his own part of the swag might be stricken out -- he waving all rights under the constitution. It is doubtful if the thing can be done in this way, but if it can't the president needn't despair, there are other ways of restoring the unlawful gain. Congress reports make mention of a memorial from the "Indianapolis woman's suffrage association." By a singular chance it was presented by that rank foe of civil

service reform J. P. C. etc, Shanks, of the Fort Wayne district, instead of the gallant ; and brilliant Gen. Coburn. The ladies protest against the repeal of the right of suffrage by women, in the territories. In the argument the ladies become quite stirring. They denounce a repeal as a step backward in the progress which this nation lias for 'nearly a century been making toward the ideal of a just government, whose powers are derived from the consent of tbe governed, as foreshadowed ju the declaration of independence, because it .will be an act of 'gross injury to nearly one-half of the pio'neers of civilization who have braved the hardships and dangers of frontier life, and 'who Justly claim a voice in the government which may dispose ot their lives, their liberty and property, and because such a re4pel proposes a return to the barbarous 'usages ot tho dark ages, a step wholly un'worthy the intelligence and refinement of the nineteenth century." ' SPECIE, RESUMPTION. SYNOPSIS OK A SPEKCfl IlKLIVEUEl) r!Y KKNATOn SCHURZ LS THE VMTKD STATE. SKNATE, TUESDAY, ANCARY 13, lS7o. The morning hour having expired, the senate proceeded to the consideration of the resolutions from the finauce committee, and Mr. Schurz, of Missouri, addressed the senate. He said the issue now seemed to be betwoeu resumption and inflation. He thought the doctrine of procrastination in redeeming legal tendcrs'an alarming and dangerous one, and was surprised to hear the statement of the senator from Massachusetts, Boutwell, a few tlaya Kineo, that the credit of the country had not been Impaired. He, Schurzj thought the public credit would be seriously impaired when the government adopted the doctrine of the 'gentleman, that a .government redeems its promises to Day only when it nleasea to do

so. Mr. Schurz expressed his disapproval of the reissue or any portion of the ?ll,CYMi,000 reserve, and went on to give his views as t the causes of the recent panic and continued: We have neither a foreign war, no domestic rebellion at our gates today, nor any other disaster upon us to cause an increase in our currency. ThU projo sftion to invest the government with such power means that it should exercise the tower at its discretion, t issue any amount of irredeemable legal tender paper money ,or in other words it placed all the private iortunes in the country at tbe mercy of the federal government. Did the senators think me American people would, ever invest any branch of the gov eminent with this great power? None out despotic governments ever claimed such power. It was virtually debasing the coin or tue realm, ana ne nopea that congress would consider well before it adopted any such measure. If the currency should be expanded to ten thousand millions, the people would complain of au insufficiency. Why? Because an excessive issue generally effected a rise in prices of the commodities Ot livlnor. while the return to snecie nav i i j nients decreased the prices of those articles. An irredeemable currency always diverted capital from legitimate business enter prises, hence the continued and in satiable demand for more. AS TO WESTER X BA"KS, The more currency is expanded, the greater will this evil become, lie didn't agree with his colleague, Bogy, that the new national banks snould be started in the west or that the Issue of these should be increas cd, as he did not believe the money issued by them would stay there and benefit that region. He argned that the relief sought by the inflation of the currency would be a mere illusion. Let it do supposed that 'every individual in the country could wake up ih the morning and find $10 in his pocket or Rate in the place or i the dav before. What a jubilee therevould bo among fools. Did any sane man suppose the wealth of the country would bo increased by it? Not the least. Or the wealth of the citizen any greater? Not a particle. For on going to market next morning he would hsrve to pay $10 for what 1 would have purchaser! the day previous. 1 'very consideration yfgood faith and sound policy urges us to put an end to the inHjitous system. Irl regard to the return to specie pH3'tnents he said he desired to euter his protest against tho two plans, that presented by the senator from Michigan, Ferry, to lirst expand the curreucy and revive'the prosperity of the country", and second, that proposed by the S3nator from Massachusetts, Boutwell, to do nothing but let things remain as they are now. The return to specie payment must be preceded bv severe retrenchment in our public and private expenditures; by prudence In our business enterprises: bv a recognition of the truth that honest and productive labor is the true source of wealth. He thought if the resolution of the Senator from Michigan should prevail, it would be good-bye retrenchment, good-bve economy. Let iutlation prevail. As to the plan of the gentleman from Massachusetts, Boutwell. he said it was a do-nothing policy, and the country had already seen the evils of it. The sent leman had adhered to that policy faithfully, while he was secretary of the treasury, and his successor bad followed the same course. He, Schurz, thought the country should understand these teachings and profit by the lesson. The plan of the senator from Massachusetts was the most dangerous, because it bore the same aspect of plausibility, and would present itself as feasible to a large class of the people who did riot study deeply questions of finance. It was not proper for eongrss to stand still and let tbe disease work its own cure. We would present a sorry spectacle to the world by hiding oar heads In the sand an J saving we are afraid to move lest we break something, whe the break down had already occurred. H9 declared it to be his candid opinion that the present time is the most opportune since the close of the war to return to specie payment. If this time be lost, we would have to wait auother financial eriws, and overcome greater evils. Many of difficulties in the way of specie resumption had been surmounted by the crisis. Let it be understood that we are to return to specie payment and every sensible man will take care not to run in debt more than absolutely necessary, wh?n he knows that with which be is to pay such debt will daily appreciate in value. He argued that the west and south had never been benefitted by inflation, but those sections would be greatly benefitted by resumption. Another difficulty which presented itself against specie resumption arose from the sinking of prices which would accompany such resumption. AS TO PRICES. That difHeulty is less than ever now, the crisis having brought down prices, and for months past merchants have bought carefully, and losses from shrinkage in prices would now bo lighter than ever could be expected. The resumption policy was opposed by three classes: first, the honest Man who had formed erroneous opinions; second, meu who think every move to increase the currency popular, and Join In it:- aud third, a set o' thoroughly reckless gamblers and speculators, who wanted inflation without end, that they mUbt settle p old scores and set out again in full sail. The first class could be convinced by sound argument ; the second by ft new i e'. z? of public i pirdob. and the third to-day were fort u nately In attripplod condition, and would give b'ts trouble than ever. In conclusion he arguott that tbo gorernmout is iu lavs

bound to redeem its nromises as soon as noa-

sible; tbat the crisis was not produced by any insufficiency of currency ; that tbe sudden scare might be checked by an increase of currency, boi a panic brought about by over speculation could not be remedied by expansion ; that an expansion of currency would divert capital from the legitimate channels of business, and demoralize tke commercial fts well as social life; tbat any further expansion Jwould increase the diilfculty of resumption ; that any addition to me currency wouia not satisly, but excite the demand for more money, and put the country still further on the road to bank ruptcy. Resumption now would lay a basis for our new prosperity, and a sound one could not be laid unless irredeemable paper currency be done away with. The nation bad suffered the ills of the crisis, now let it reap tho benefits. He intended to vote for the resolution of the minoritv,nn"Vred by the senator from Delaware, and if tliat failed, he would support that reported by the chairman as the next best. He hoped a bill would soon be reported providing for a return lo specie payments. Tbe senators all said they were ready to return to specie payments. Let there be a little less protestation and more action. Where there is a will there is a way, and he hoped that it would be said when the way was found the will was not wanting. When Mr. Schurz closed, Mr. Lewis moved that the senate proceed to the consideration of executive business. The motion prevailed: At half-past fur the doors reopened and the senate adjourned. . HOMES FOR THE HOMELESS. A PETITION TO ItK SENT TO XNGREXS, PRAYING Eon TH K APPORTIONMENT OF LANDS TO ACTCAI. SETTLERS THE POINTS INVOLVED. The Sentinel made comments the other day on a petition sent by tbe organized workingmen of New York, to General Butler, urging the speedy passage of a bill introduced at tbe last session, looking to the bestowal of public land upon unemployed workmen and the furnishing of certain "implements to begin the work of a home. In furtherance of this a home petition in regard to the disposition of what remains of the public domain has been drawn up and it is to be circulated in the city and state for signatures. To the Honorable .Stwie' and Jfoute of precnlativfx of the United Slates in Cngre-. aswuUctl; The petition of the undersigned, citizens actual and prospective of the country , respectfully showeth: That in our opinion, tho true interest and policy ot our government forbid the sale or alienation of any portion of our remaining domain to corporations or individual for speculating purposes, but that said domain should lw held as a sacred trust for the purpose of lurnishing homes ot limited extent to the bona fide citizens of the country, so that all may, if they choose, become freeholders interested in the soil of their fathers' land; that all monopoly of the soil by corporations or individuals should be discouraged, while the ownership in 1 fee simple, by actual settlers, who propose to cultivate their land by their own labor, should be favored and promoted; that with this view, not only should homesteails be granted to the latter class, but in case of inability to reach and subdne the lands to cultivation, the government should extend its aid by furnishing free transportation to emigrants and their families, with implements of husbandry, a limited supply of domestic anima's. seeds, roots and slips of fruit trees, adapted to the location, and to enable the poor settlers to obtain a start, and get fairly under way in their new homes. This policy, if faithfully and honestly carried out, would people our western wilils with a h-irdy, industrious and patriotic population, unsurpassed in the world, would remove from party politics tbo question connected with oux publio . lands, which lands are now too often a bone of contention or means of corruption, and yould sro far by way of a safety valve to relieve th business of the country of those antagonisms, between capital and labor, no so troublesom and ominous." To a largeXJoportion of the individuals and families througbout the country, desirous of availing themselves of the existing homestead law, its provisions arc but a mockery or dead letter, for want of means to reach any unappropriated land, or to prepare it for cultivation when there. Your petitioners think that such out lay would be quite as profitable to tbe country as if devoted to the civilization and improvement ot the savage tribes, whose very natnre forbids their cultivation and reuuement. Should congress pass laws favoring the policy herein lore shadowed, it would do no more than is proposed to be done by other nations on this continent, both north ami south of us. All of which is respectfully submitted. TIIK TEXAS OUTLOOK. PRO! LAM AT ION Ol HOVEP.NOK DAVIS Til K LATE ELECTION PUOXOt'NCKP INVALID ANI THE I.EfilSI.ATl KK ANNULLED. Galveston, Jan. 12. The News has the the following special from Austin: Tbe following telegram was received this evening: Washington, Jan. 12. Col. Swift, Austin ; Your dispatch received. The. President recomtueuds that (.ov. Ihivis Khali yield Hfur makitjjc u nice unuir tue um. pisuwi.i J. W. Flanagan. Tbe following is Governor Davis' proclamation: Austin, Texas, Jan. 12. Proclamation in the name and by the authority of the state of Texas, to all to whom tbe prexenU shallcome greeting, WHtiiK is. The supreme court of the state h&s In a recent decision declared the election held on the neoond day of December, 1S73, tn substance to be invalid, by reason of the unconstitutionality of tbe law ander which salt! election was held, and Whereas great public Injury and further dangeroiii eoinpliciU Ions of public affairs are likely to renn It from any attempt on the prt of Ibow claiming to have been chosen as member of tbe legislature, and other officers at said ejection, to assume the positions they claim, therefore for these and o there reaaou 'which it is not oeoesfcarx to incorporate berein.lt lsdeemed advisable, and It is so ordered, that those who have been chosen tu legislators and other officers Bhalll not attempt to iisMume tbe positions they claim iDlma by flirt her action of adequate authority. 8uch election may hereafter oe validated. All go1 citizens are advised to abide tbe decision of the competent tribunal, and aid in maintaining public orjer ami moderate counsels, lx Testimonv Wheukof, I have hereunto signed rnv hand and caused the great seal of the sa"tt to le affixed, at tbe city of Austin, this 12th day of January, A. 1. . 1S74- .Msjued, J. DAVIS, Governor. A correspondent writing from London says that the French and Americans think that tbe English pass their winters in almost total darkness occasioned by tho foj. This view has almost tuen juftifiad fry the unprecedented fosis of this winter. "In the theaters the fog tilled tbe space between the audience and the actors, and neither coold see the other, while the number ot lives lost is at present incalculable, but is said to be verv great. In fact, all the miseries so wonderfully set forth m the late Thomas Uood's 4OJe to a Fog' were perfectly realized. Of course, the town is ringing with the stories cf the adventures which have happened during the darkness, one of which is ncrth quoting. An old gentleman w ho had soma business at Charing Cross made bis way as far as the Strand, bat there completely'lost himself. He crept slowly on am! on without the least idea ot where be was going until he found himself descending some steps. On. these steps na plum pea against a man who was coming up them. 'Hallo,' said the old gentleman. Hallo.' said tho rmn.' 'Can. you tell me, said tho old gentleman, 'where I am going to?' 'Yes,' said tbe man, Mf vou go straiirht on yon will walk into tha river, for I've just come out of it.'"