Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 26, Indianapolis, Marion County, 13 January 1874 — Page 2

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, TUESDAY, JANUARY 13, 1874.

TUESDAY, JANUARY 13.

Judge Holman has put a check on the manifold rogueries of private claim jobs, by the introduction of a resolution, which will be adopted subjecting all claims to an open test and thorough ventilation. A curious enumeration in another column, prepared from Judge Denny's statistics, will be found of interest and use to the State. The statement gives a full showing of all legacies left in this State, for which no claimants have been found. In case the money is not claimed at the convening of the next legislature, it would be a good plan to use the sum total for the contemplated Harrison memorial at Tippecanoe. Last spring the Illinois legislature -- in its lower branch, at least -- passed a resolution condemning the salary grab. The senate this year takes up the minority document and changes it into a sweeping denunciation of the grab and all responsible for it and pass it with a rush -- no voice dissenting. As it stands now it agrees with the Ohio resolution, which holds the president guilty as well as congress. The strikes of the last week have attracted the attention of Congressmen to the old question of government control of the railroads. It is asserted that the Massachusetts delegation, who were instructed to that effect by the State convention, will bring in a bill for the subversion of all railroads to the authority of the government, under certain qualifications. It may be that the railroads will find the policy of driving their employes to strike, a poor one in more ways than have yet come to pass. There is hope in railroad war when the roads themselves fall out. Competition is more effectual than legislation when it can be brought to bear. The Baltimore and Ohio and the Pennsylvania Railroad Company are making a profitable fight for the public. By its effects the fare from Chicago to Cincinnati is now reduced from ten to eight dollars. Another element antagonistic to close combinations is found in the jealousy of St. Louis against Chicago. The roads and companies of the former city make a poor attempt at keeping faith with any of the other corporations. The complications of these great lines are so numerous and involved that the effect of a sharp contest extends in almost all directions. It is desired by western roads to confine the strife between the roads first mentioned to Ohio and Pennsylvania That is a very comprehensive canal scheme now before congress. A sketch of its route says that it begins at 'Jersey City, runs due west across New Jersey, crossing the Delaware at Belvidere, traverses Pennsylvania without deviating from a straight line, passing through Bloomsburg, Milton, and New Castle, enters Ohio near Youngstown, runs through Akron, London, and Lima, takes Fort Wayne in its route through Indiana, and at a point about half way across Illinois bends slightly to the northward, crossing the Mississippi at Muscatine, and reaching Omaha by a bee line across Iowa, between the lines of the Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific and the Chicago, Burlington and Missouri railroads.' There is a bad squint toward government aid which, under present circumstances, should kill it -- but there is no telling how far the lobby may carry the day under the sunshine of Tom Scott's helpful presence. The only strong claim for the line is its unswerving directness and the "lift" it would give to transportation. A republican member of the Ohio house of representatives offered a resolution on Monday, the first day of the new session, censuring congress for passing the salary grab act, which was referred to a committee. A republican offered the resolution, and the republicans supported it. All this was very virtuous and very manly, and clearly demonstrated that under similar circumstances, they, the Ohio legislators, wouldn't think of taking any back pay, The committe yesterday reported back the resolution, with an amendment censuring Grant, the chief grabber, for not vetoing the bill. And then took place a most amazing metamorphosis. The republicans voted solidly against the resolution, which, however, was adopted by a democratic vote. Bills have been introduced to repeal the Boesel railroad law, and to amend the Adair liquor law, similar in most respects to the Baxter law of this State, so that notice must be served upon dealers in liquors before they can be held amenable to the law. A special dispatch to the Cincinnati Commercial, touching the grab debate in the senate, says of Oliver's part in the discussion: "Mr. Morton unfolded his portfolio, and displayed fifty or sixty sheets of foolscap, and monotonously began reading them. The friends of prompt action lost confidence, and began a retreat to the smoking rooms." The friends of prompt action shouldn't be discouraged. Oliver went about the return of his swag in just the same way. He let six months slip by before he made up his states manlike mind, to return the swag. Meantime the little speech he delivered when the grab was under discussion last March, might do now. He said then that $7,500 wasn't enough of a raise for his purposes. He couldn't live on such a pittance as that, and if he was going to have the name of raising the salaries, he wanted it to be something worth while. Still it will be of interest to learn what Oliver has to say nos. Probably he can live more economically since the panic? Every phase of the Kansas business exposes a deeper villainy. Dispatches from Topeka show very clearly that others high in place are interested in having Pomeroy escape the penalty of his career of scandalous crimes. His failure to appear in court and forfeiture of $20,000 bail is explained by credible authority as a plan of those who dread his confessions to postpone his trial for perjury and bribery until new legisla-

ture can be chosen, which shall not be in the same sympathy as the present, before which his crimes were openly brought to light. It is feared by the rings which control the dominant party in the State, that the whole fabric of corruption will tumble about the republicans if Pomeroy is permitted a chance to testify as state's evidence. Pomeroy's sins are no secret. He was the embodiment of thieving in the senate so early as 1861, and Mr. Lincoln once made a joke to the effect that if "Subsidy were put in command in the lower Mississippi department, he would steal the rebel territory into the union."

If any evidence were needed to show that a progressive spirit possesses the state of Indiana, it would be abundantly supplied in the two assemblages in this city of last week and the present. The former represented the educational and the latter the productive forces of the State. The leading minds that give impetus to the onward movement in both these vast interests have been on the ground and disclosed their spirit. There is no need to enquire or say which is the more important subject of deliberation. Both are fundamental, and no intrinsic difference should be alleged. But it is not going beyond the mark to say that the combined meetings of the agricultural and horticultural societies have never compared with the present ones in lively interest. The scale of thought is elevated to a higher lovel than ever before; the views of the husbandmen are broader and far more enlightened. The state board seem to be inspired as they are, in fact with a new life and energy. They look forward to the meetings of the fall with decided purposes to work for the promotion of a higher and more profitable type of farming, stock and fruit raising. Space has not permitted full reports of the discussions and papers of the horticulturists. But they have been replete with sound ideas and rich experiences. Many of the papers will find the light in print. But the impromptu debates of such men as Weltz, of Ohio; Dr. Furnas, Messrs. Ferris, Mendenhall, Hampton, Hoffman, Ragan, Templin, and many others were of even greater value to those who were present. The State Board and Delegate board have been engaged more directly with the machinery of organization, but not less usefully, perhaps, in the end. Line upon line, sin upon sin, the vile record of the last campaign is coming to light. When the party thieves fall out we get glimpses of the ways of the managers. The nomination of Williams to the place of Chase, caused an instant revulsion against him instead of Grant, and the rogues who had heretofore shielded all the rascalities have made public some of the corruptions carried on constantly. For instance, the actual processes of '72 campaign are shown in the senate records. The senate chamber was turned into a bureau for the reception of political matter and its distribution over the country. Here the clerks paid by the government were kept at work from July sending out "speeches'' in the Grant interest. The Tribune's summary from Washington puts the odious business about as briefly and pointedly as it is possible to shape it: 'From the first of July to the first of November, 1872, when congress was not in session, there were purchased for the use of the senate folding-room 2,700,000 speech envelopes, at a cost of $6,090, and these were in addition to the 445,100 envelopes furnished to senators and committees. The number of ''speeches" for the folding of which the government paid during the same time, was 2,204,990, and the cost of this work was $2,283 05. The pay-roll of the folding-room during the same time was $2,905. The amount of salary paid to department clerks during the same time, of whom from twenty to thirty were detailed to direct documents, etc., is not given in the report from which these figures are taken. During the same time there were used in the folding-room 185 buckets of paste, costing $156 25; 1,437 5-6 pounds of twine, costing $449 85; 326 reams of wrapping paper, costing $1,223 18; and 22 pastebrushes, costing $4. To arrive at the exact cost to the government of this campaign docment distribution, the postage on the 3 000,000 documents ought to be added, and and it may be remarked that as the documents were not speeches made in congress, their franking was illegal and the franks nearly all forgeries.' The bankrupt law devised by Mr. Jenckes, which is just in the agonies of dissolution, was in certain features the most grotesque mingling of exquisite awkwardness and kindly support to the business community. During its reign on the statutes the perishing law was infinite in mischief, as well as prolific in good. It was a species of dragon to the evil doer, whose fangs pierced indiscriminately deserving and undeserving -- just as likely one as the other. Next to the problem of the currency, and closely allied to it as affecting the business of the country, the bankrupt law should command the earnest attention of congress. With a singular, a really inexplicable haste, the House passed a bill before the holidays repealing the existing law and leaving the country without any thing intended as a substitute. The senate judiciary committee have, however, employed the recess in study of the whole subject of insolvency, and have prepared a seres of amendments to the act equivalent to a new law. This amended bill comes over the wires in full, last night, but manifestly in so imperfect a condition that its printing would only mislead, and until the text comes, the abstract must serve instead. The most important of the amendments is the modification of the involuntary principle of the law. The report provides that it shall require the agreement of one-fourth of the debtor's creditors, representing one-third the amount of his debts to force him into bankruptcy, instead of a single creditor and $250 liability, as now required. The debts are also required to run longer. Sixty days instead of thirty as now provided. It is also provided in these amendments that a majority of the creditors by agreement may take a case out of bankruptcy. Also, any number of creditors may make a compo-

sition of their claims. There is almost as great diversity of individual sentiment on the subject of the bankrupt law as of specie payments. Better than the currency controversy, however, there is one point on which there is general, if not entire, unanimity. That is to modify the sweeping provision for involuntary bankruptcy. The tremendous power which this places in the hands of unscrupulous men to injure or ruin a debtor excites surprise that it was ever enacted. The true principle of insolvency has been well stated to be that the debtor is in fact the trustee of his creditors for the obvious reason that his property was purchased with their money. If the creditors desire to make an ajreement to adjust the insolvent's estate for their equal benefit, they should be allowed to do so. The English law concedes this. But if they can not so agree the estate should be placed in some equitable control for proper adjustment and division. But to permit one creditor to stop a man's business and take away his ability to pay is presuming too much upon the judgment, discretion and honor of creditors. In point of fact merchants have beea shut up and thrown into Court with all its long and wasteful details of cost in money and time, where the receipts of a single day's trade would have paid the claimant off who brought action. In the light of experience under the law as it is, a great deal of high testimony could be brought in favor of no law rather than the existing one. The New York Bulletin has been to the trouble of collecting a mass of such evidence, some of which is from merchants of the widest experience with the credit system. H. B.Claflin, expressed himself in favor of a total repeal, the law is too radically bad to be mended. Mr. Geo. Opdyke, who bad been interested in scores of adjustments under the law, had not received any dividends at all. Several parties regarded the the process of settlement as too expensive. Of course business men place no value on a settlement which pans out nothing at all on their claim, and swallows up all assets in the costs of courts and officers. Still the prevailing doctrine of the people backed up by the English practice is in favor of a bankrupt law which will regard all the creditors and protect their interests alike in cases of insolvency. The objectors to any law on the subject are practically objectors also to any credit which throws their opinions out as valueless. Credit is a necessity of commerce and trade, and there is no doubt that a law can be framed just to honest debtors and creditors and also an efficacious check on frauds. But it must be based on the united action and voice of the creditors and not serve the caprices of an individual. Whatever form the law shall be left in, it will require experience to fully test its mersts and defects. It is one of those delicate complications that can not be certainly adjusted without trial.

A Washington telegram declares that the congressmen who claim to represent tbe Grangers, have decided upon a series of measures to be introduced in their interest during the pending session. Among other things to be thrown as a sop to this growing power, is a fixed scale of rates on live stock from West to East. This point, these representative congressmen declare to be the only ones that the Grangers demand interference in, so far as the transportation problem goes. Outside of a permanent scale, they will legislate on freight rates on railways west of the Mississippi, preventing the roads from discriminating against local customers and tending to cut off the use that might be made of the rivers for cheap navigation. That is to say the roads at present arrange the schedules to discourage farmers west of the Mississippi from shipping to the river, and then making use of the cheaper water lines North and South. Finally, congress to provide for rendering the Mississippi navigable through its whole length and commodious at its mouth. Possibly these things are only assumed by self constituted representatives of the Grangers. Certainly their platforms give no indication of satisfaction with mere make shifts of this sort. It is not improbable that the Administration folks are throwing sprats to catch mackerel in these specious promises. To those who have watched the course of things in Iowa and California and the West generally, there is a deeper ground of dissatisfaction than the redress of mere superficial grievances. The aspiration of the banded farmers is for a purer system of government, a better class of men in control of affairs, -- the end of the despotism of monopoly and the cessation of personal government. Wherever the casual glance falls on Williams' record, something dubious obtrudes. In the Louisiana business he acted wholly as the flunkey of the president and tool of his relations, rather than the law ofiicer of a great country. When the combined best element of Louisiana respectfully memorialized the president that a delegation of their foremost men was about to go on to Washington to state tbe facts of the usurpation and conspiracy, it was the obsequious Williams who insolently telegraphed back; -- "It is useless to come; the president has made up his, mind." But worse than this preeminently disgraceful prostitution of his office was his conduct in the Oregon district attorney removal business, where an honest man was displaced to make way for some ring project and the whitewashing of Hipple-Mitchell. Recent developments in Arkansas show a still more characteristic case of Mr. Williams' scrupulousness in public office. In one of those masterful efforts which Oliver made in Ohio last summer and which did so much to elect Gov. Allen, he produced some documents from Attorney-General Williams, denying certain specific allegations of Senator Thurman relating to gross squandering of money in Arkansas. The records,' on the other hand, show that Williams added falsehood to bad practice. For six months before his telegraphed denial to Oliver, he had received reports from a special agent of the government, showing directly that the attorney general's appointees in that State were making the public service a cesspool ot corruption. The armies

of deputies organized by the district attorneys and marshals, cost as much almost as the state government, when properly administered. The marshal, for instance, kept an army of 140 deputies, whose principal business seems to have been to worry the citizens by false warrants. To drag in thousands of innocent people, and charge expenses, fees, and all the amounts that usually accrue to the legitimate performanceof these operations. These deputies the government

inspector ascertained, were in a majority of cases thieve and outlaws, who not only robbed the government by pretended service, but still more heinous, were not in sympathy with the great republican party? That seemed to be the rub. Had they robbed in the name of the republican party, as we see them do in these more civilized regions, there would have been no fault found, but the idea of gangs of from 150 to 200 men retained by the marshal, and making continuous fees by false arrests and pretended journeys of hundreds of miles, for which they drew full mileage -- this was too much to permit disloyal children of sin to carry on. But the government detective was not apprised of the reasons moving the attorney general to keep these things dark, and he sent his reports on with rapid and wrathful zeal, only to have them buried in the convenient pigeon holes of the department of justice. Indeed, this Arkansas business is unique in its way. Without the imposing proportions of credit mobilier or the Tweed robberies, it illustrates the tendencies of that "great party" which claims the divine right to rule the American nation because of its "moral ideas and progressive platforms." A decision from the highest authority, the Supreme Court of the United States, puts an end to whipping the devil round the stump by the stock holders in a corporation. The case in point was upon an action with the Lumberman's Insurance Company, of Chicago, which went into insolvency after the great fire, and was placed in the hands of T.C. Hoag, as assignee. Mr. C.B.Sawyer, the appellaht, was a stockholder and claimed to have paid up his $5,000 subscription of stock, when in fact he had paid only fifteen per cent of it. The fiction was achieved in this way. He gave his check to the company for the $5,000 and then turned round and loaned of the company $4,250, for which their check was given. No evidence is shown from bank or otherwise that either of the checks was ever, cashed, as they were not, of course. Now, when the company goes into insolvency and the creditors come in tor a distribution of the assets, which consist in part of unpaid stock, Mr. Sawyer's little arrangement comes exactly in play. He owes the company for money loaned, his his note at seven percent, interest, having been given for the $4,250 check, but not for stock. He claims his stock as an offset to his note. Such is a simple and plain statement of the facts. To tricksters it look3 like a very neat way to escape responsibility in case of disaster to the corporation which often, and as it would seem in this case, is not unexpected nor unprovided for. In this situation Mr. Sawyer expects to reap the advantages, if any accrue, of holding stock, but not to expose himself to liability as a stockholder if, through bad management, dishonesty or calamity, misfortune comes. It is a representative case, one of ten thousand, and of great concern to the public. Mr. Sawyer's game, aided by the company of which he is a part, does not win. The court of last resort confirms the uniform holdings of two courts' below, that the ruse does not relieve him from liability to creditors of the company for stock, which was in realty not paid. As between himself and the company the court hold that the arrangement might stand. The company could not call on him for the payment of his stock nor refuse dividends, if any, on the whole amount. But the point decided is that the assignee is not the representative of the company alone, as claimed, but the representative of both the company and its creditors. As such he can not recognize the fraud, for such it really is, between the company and one of Its stockholders. The Supreme Court say with great pertinency: Though it be a doctrine of modern date, we think it now well established that the capital stock of a corporation, especially its unpaid subscriptions, is a trust and for the benefit of the general creditors of the corporation. And when we consider the rapid development of corporations as instrumentalities of the commercial and business world in the last few years, with the corresponding necessity of adapting legal principles to the new and varying exigencies of this business, it is no solid objection to such principle that it is modern, for the occasion for it could not sooner have arisen. That is the important aspect of the case. The prevalence of corporate bodies requires that all these dodges and tricks by which parties acquire the benefits of the business without actually and truly paying their money as stockholders, the fictitious capital schemes need all to be smoked out. This point is well settled now, and the decision will have a wide application and wholesome effect on the business of the country. A point of very great interest to Indianapolis came before the State board of agriculture Wednesday, and the Sentinel asks the gentlemen concerned to act wisely, as they hope for harmony in their dealings with the city and state. A good share of the business interests of this city and Marion county for that matter is represented in the guarantors to the exposition fund and it is essential to the interests of Indianapolis that a representative of the guarantors and incidentally of the city be given a place on the board. Any extended argument for this would be out of place. Those who have the nomination and election of the new board to-day need not be expected to concede a point recognized as soon as stated. The peculiar position in which the guarantors are placed and the impossibility of securing a non resident sufficiently acquainted with the needs of the situation to give satisfaction to the complicated wants of this city and county render it imperative to have some, citizen selected from among the guarantors, who will by his character and innfluence strengthen the hands of the board in carrying on the difficult work of the exposition next year. It is impossi-

ble for a non-resident to devote the time and attention to the multiplicity of details involved in the proper conduct of this place, and which will be looked for by the citizens and guarantors. A citizen acquainted with the varied industries of the city, familiar with the bulk of the business men, and grounded in the knowledge of what is needed, is absolutely essential in the board, to enable it to work with advantage in Indianapolis. Represented by some one from a distant point, the business interests of the city can not be expected to come forward with such alacrity as the occasion demands, when the work begins next season. The present board is made up of an honorable and able body of men, who have recommended themselves to the industrial and agricultural interests of the State by enlightened policy and progressive action. Add to them some energetic man selected from the guarantors, and the future work -- at least so far as the

exposition is concerned -- will be greatly simplified. Any other action will be misunderstood by the body of our best citizens. If the latest phase of the Spanish situation holds, the Serrano interregnun is simply intended as a prelude to a monarchial reestablishment, with either Don Carlos, the Duke de Montpensier or the young Prince of the Asturias, Isabella's son, on the throne. Castelar seems to have relinquished power and hope at the same time, and his friend. Gen. Pavia. is to suffer the penalty of treason for coercing the Cortes. Meantime Serrano holds supreme power. The Marshal -- Serrano, Duke of Dominquez -- is a veteran soldier and statesman of vast experience. He has ruled and fled his country repeatedly, and alternates between the supreme power and exile. Born of a warlike and dominant race, he began like all noble Spaniards, in the army, and soon rose to the highest grades of his profession. He served the cause of Ferdinand VII., and joined the forces of his widow, Queen Christina, on the king's death. He was regarded with jealousy and distrust by the counsellors of the regent, and in time overturned the cabal which was ruining the country. Up to this time Serrano was the exponent of monarchial opinions, but suddenly turned liberal, and was presently elected Captain General of Grenada. He was implicated in the rising of Saragossa, and banished, but when the O'Donnell-Esparter cabinet was formed, in 1856, he returned. In the coup d'etat which followed in l856, the ministerial coalition was dissolved, and Serrano attached himself to tho O'Donnell faction. In 1857 he was ambassador to Paris. Little more is seen of him until 1856, when he heads the opposition to the ministry of Narvaz, and presents a protest from both houses of deputies against the prorogation. He is prosecuted by the ministry for this officiousness, and confined in the prison of Alicante. The spirit of revolution was strong, and in 1868 he again comes to the front, and with Prim and Topete in the establishment of a republic. He was made President of the Councii by the Junta, and nominated as commander-in-chief of the army. Prim took the portfolio of war, and Topete that of the marine. When the monarchial form of government was decided on in 1869, Serrano was elected regent, and acted in this capacity until the arrival of Amadeo. Since then he has been actively engaged in the suppression of the Carlist revolts. His known predilection is for the Montpensier dynasty, that is to say the Spanish branch of the Bourbons -- and about the only respectable member of that family since the Conde. He is a man of courage, cultnre and liberality, and if Spain must be king ridden, he will do fully as well as any one that could be secured. New Yolk revels in cash and the bulls are on the rampage. Not less than $75,000,000 is to be paid out for the January interest on securities of various kinds, mostly government and railroad. Nearly $40,000,000 is disbursed from the national treasury, and the railroads contribute all along from $100,000 to $2,500,000 interest on bonds. The latter enormous sum is paid by the Reading railroad. The outpouring of these funds amounts to inflation in New York, and under the stimulus of investments sought, stocks have taken an upward movement all round. January is set down for a lively month on Wall street, and all the speculators are bulls. But a feature that is in reality encouraging pertains to the railroads. They are coming to the scratch with their January interest much more generally than was feared and expected. Some who can not pay gave previous notice of the fact and made provision to sustain their credit. Of seventeen companies whose coupons were redeemable at one office, the Farmers' Loan and Trust Company, only two failed to meet the issue with cash. One of these, partly an Indiana road, the Fort Wayne, Jackson and Saginaw, has made arrangements to fund its coupons in a satisfactory way. Some roads fail to come to time only because of the panic and money stringency. Altogether, about 115 roads are in default of their interest, many of which are good and will be sure to redeem themselves hereafter. Among these is the Detroit and Eel River road in this state, which has but just got into complete operation. It is a line of eighty-three miles, connecting Logansport and Butler, DeKalb county, and one of the most useful roads of the state, in direct competition with a great corporation. Present aspects give assurance that railroad credit has reached the lowest point and will pick up directly. The disbursemenfs of funds in New York will be felt also outside. CURRENT COMMENT. Weary of waiting, the Cleveland Leader exclaims: The confirmation of Williams hangs like Mohammed's coffin, midway between the heaven of his aspirations and the earth of rejection. We wish we could complete this forced imile by adding that the coffin contained his political corpse. Never has the power of journalism been wielded with such good effect. It has broken down party walls and upturned deep rooted prejudices; it has driven into obscurity men who thought themselves strong in undeserved strength, and compelled the "leaders" to obey the popular will: it has exposed long-hidden crimes and corruption, detected

and defeated schemes against the public safety, and in numberless cases has frustrated the designs of dangerous men, and accomplished measures of reform against the opposition of those who had been accustomed to regard themselves as invincible. In a word, the independent newspapers of the country have shown themselves the true champions of the people, and the people have recognized them as such. -- Germantown (Pa.) Chronicle. The Albany, New York, Argus, brings itself to say: The success of the Independents in California seals the doom of the Republican party in that State, and on the Pacific coast. The people have risen in rebellion against administration, dictators. It is impossible to defeat the administration within the Republican party in this or any other State. But is is entirely possible to do it outside of party lines. The fate of the Republican party is in the hands of the Ways and Means and Appropriation Committees of Congress. If they fail to do their duty, and Congress makes appropriations to cover the estimated expenditures next year, the party might as well inscribe "Ichabod" on its banners, and retire upon its past laurels. -- Evansville, Ind., Journal. The Miners Journal, of Pottsville, Pennsylvania, says with some quaintness and a good deal of force: We never knew a thief in Congress or out of it that had a very good opinion of newspapers.

It must be comfortable to administration politicians and rural crank turners to hear the doleful utterances of the Alta, of San Francisco, the accepted organ of the administration in California. It says: The Republicans of California, trusted as confidently to their cause and their number as they ever had done when election day was sure to bring them victory. But a man ( Booth) a short time ago honored, nominated, and ellected (Governor) by the Republicans, led the revolt against them, and as far as in him lay, has destroyed the Republican party in this State. We minlit ask, Has the Republican party a future? If the raid made upon it in this State during the last lew month is to be continued, it has no future but dissolution. Would it be any comfort for the Alta to know that some of the organs of this and adjacent States, declare in double leads that Governor Booth is a most consitent Republican? THE SENATE. ITS CAST AND CHARACTER -- WHAT MANNER OF MEN THEY ARE. A Washington correspondent gives this interesting sketch of the Senate: Sixteen of the present Senators have been Governors of their respective States, several of them serving two or three terms. Seventeen Senators have served in the House of Representatives one twelve and two others ten years each; three have served eight years each, two six years, and two others four years each. Four have been elected Presidential Electors; several others ran for the same honor. Three have been Lieutenant-Governors, one VicePresident, two in the Cabinet. Three have been foreign ministers, one a Commissioner of Internal Revenue, and another of Indian Affairs. One has been Surveyor-General, four have been Chief Justice in their respective States, while nine have held judicial positions. Five have been Attomey-Generals, or in their States as District Attorneys. There are thirty-nine who are designated as lawyers, and three others who have studied law but do not practice. Twenty-four Senators claim a collegiate education; nineteen what they term "academic;" two went to West Point, and sixteen speak of going to the common or public schools as their educational preparation. Of occupations and professions, besides the law, there are six who write themselves as painters, one as a miner, another as coal miner and banker; three claim to have been printers and editors, one is put down as editor, two as manufacterers, two as physicians, five as merchants, one as a lumber merchant; two speak ot themselves as having learned the carpenter's trade; two have had the right to add "reverend" to their names, though neither are very reverend in character. (I refer to Brownlow and Tipton)$ one other has been a teacher, college professor, lawyer, major general, Washington correspondent, minister resident, editor, and now United States Senator. I refer to Carl Schurz. As to military service it appears there are five major generals who served in the Union army and two who served in that of the Confederacy. On the whole the Senate grows more diversified in the occupations, ages, and experieuces of its members, more fully representative of American character and interest. Newton Booth's election from California grinds quite hard on some of the lobby, but as a rule Republican leaders especially express themselves pleased withhis triumph. He is looked upon as one of the most rapidly RISING MEN OF THE LAND. And his course here will be watched with interest. His colleague (Sargent) will be sure to cross swords with him at the flrst opportunity, and as sure, I Suppose to get the worst of it. Sarcent thinks himself a large pattern of a man, whereas he is only sharp, acute and industrious. The Oregon Senator (Mitchell) about whom so much has been said, is a man to hear from. He has suffered, and grown strong withal; is a man of merit and modesty, and will be sure to get the measure of his colleagues before be is heard from. The younger Senators include some of marked ability. Ingalls, of Kansas, an atrabillious and narrower sort of Carl Scharz, will make himself felt in the Senate Chamber. He is restless, ambitious, and vain, wlih acnta mental capacity. a forked tongue, bitter and ironical speech, and a considerable degree of assurance. Kansas has not improved her opportunities in sending this gentleman here, though after his "comb is cut" he will make a brilliant light weight in this legislative ring. Ingalls has talent, if not conscience: assurance as well as ability; courage, if not convictions; and with his satirical tongue and audacity is a colleague to look after, perhaps fear, if not trust. Another of the younger Senators is Ferry, of Michigan -- a man or decided talent for practical legislation. Governor Boutwell is a young Senator, if not young as a man or in public life. He is sure to be felt and appreciated, even when sending balloons, as Wendell Phillips suggests he does, to see which way the currents blow. Ransom and Merrimon among Democratic Senators, the latter especially, are sure to be felt in the Chamber. Mr. Merrimon made a brief speech some days since on the financial proposition, which caused him to be regarded with respect by the older Senators. He evidently showed pover. There is no place in the world where real practical ability is so readily recognized as in the United States Senate. Another Senator irom whom usefulness at least is expected is Mr. Wadleigh, of New Hampshire. He is reported to be an eloquent and well informed man. Mr. Allison, of Iowa, must not be overlooked. He comes ripe for and au fait with the work of legislation. The Senate Chamber does not yield readily to popular impulses. But already those from the West are being heard. Wright, of Iowa, has to some degree voiced the Grangers' complaints. Jones, of Nevada, is expected to seriously open up tbe railroad question, and there are others who, because it will serve them, or they begin to see the purpose, will be sure to go for making the majority race to the people's wants.