Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 26, Indianapolis, Marion County, 13 January 1874 — Page 1

It .

i r . ( vr?

i

VOL. XXIII-NO. 2(i.

NEW YORK. GOTHAM GOSSIP. THE REIGN OF JUPITER PLUVIUS -- THE MEMORY OF THE OLDEST INHABITANT AT FAULT -- THE EPIDEMIC OF MASKED ROBBERIES -- STORY OF A DARLING BURGLAR AND A PLUCKY OLD GENTLEMAN -- THE TWO FRIENDS, OR THE FREAKS OF A FORTUNE. [From a Regular Correspondent of the Sentinel.] New York, Dec. 8. --Something has certainly happened to Jupiter Pluvius himself; no mere signal officer, even though he be Jupiter's rigtht hand man, could manufacture such weather as that of the past week. Apprehensive and practical people have recommended the study of naval architecture, with a view to the probable revival of the ark building interest; sentimental people have talked vaguely about some probable and severe afiliction in the family of the aforesaid god, and have hinted that 'twere a nobler fale to drown in the tears of a god than even in a "butt of Malmsey." We do not, however, care about drowning at all, and neither do we wish to live in the second story of an ark during the remainder of the winter. No doubt the ordeal by water is better than that by fire, but we greatly prefer to have our elements doled out to us in the usual way, about "'arf and 'arf." But there is one thing in which we are gainers from the torrents of rain that have fallen lately ; they have done what our street commissioners seem never to do, they have thoroughly cleaned the streets of the city, north and south, east and west, and if the sun should ever happen to shine again walking in Broadway will be a greater delight than ever. At present, however, the pavements are deserted except by those who are forced to brave the pitiless weather, and the gay metropolis, literally under a cloud, is like a mourner clad in sackcloth and ashes. The oldest inhabitant (Mrs. Annie Leary, aged 100 years, who was turned out into the storm by her heartless relations to perish) is said to have remarked that she couldn't remember ever having seen anything like it, and we believe her, for she could't even remember the number of her son's house or her own name. One curious effect of the prolonged afflictiou is the tendency of the sufferers to find relief in doggerel like the following: "Heart and throat and lungs of leather May withstand this odious weather, But the question now is whether Life's worth living altogether, When, will deep, pathetic sorrow, We are sure 'twill rain to-morrow." Crimes of all kinds occur in strata, it is well known, and the layer to which our attention is called at present is that of MASKED ROBBERIES. A few years ago it was garroting, which was overlaid in its turn by air-gun shooting, and that again by some other variety of crime, and now we have as "the newest thing out," burglary made easy by the use of masks for the robbers, and handcuffs and gags for the victims. But police and people have risen in their might and declared that these things shall not be. Already three of the worst villains have been apprehended, and there is reason to hope that they will pay the price of a life time for their dark night's work. All sorts of wild stories are told concerning the burglars and their wonderful deeds; everybody is reminded of the way his own or his friend's house was entered by masked men, probably the very ones, only a short time ago. In connection with these reminiscences, the following remarkable story of a burglary which took place quite recently in a neighboring town, is not without interest. A lady waking suddenly at midnight, saw a man standing at the side of her bed, and instantly gave the alarm to her husband, who, although he was past middle age and unarmed, sprang upon the robber's back as he was about to leave the room in his flight, and thus prevented him from using knife or pistol. Down stairs in pitch darkness the two men rolled together, yet the "plucky" old gentleman would not relax his hold, and the accomplice at the foot of the stairs dared not fire lest he should hit the wrong one, and seeing no chance of freeing his comrade, as the neighbors had been summoned by this time, be fled, and the police were obliged to content themselves with the arrest of robber number one. Very short work was made of his trial, and he was soon in prison, where it was exjected he would spend the next ten years of his life. But fortune seems to favor even the brave burglar, and this burglar had a friend who, like Silas Wegg, was a "man with a wooden leg." Wooden Ieg set his wits to work to release his "pall" and accomplished his purpose within the year, in this manner: He first had his artificial limb hollowed out and then tilled the cavity with all necessary burglarious implements. When all preparations were made he committed some trifling crime and was sent to the prison where his friend was confined. This was his hour of triumph, for in less than three months, by the diligent use of the successfully smuggled tools, both men had cut their way to freedom, and at this moment they may be meditating some other burglary; unless, indeed, they really are identical with the two chief villians concerned in these more recent events. Now you have the story, which is true in every particular, and romantic enough even for the days of truly romantic crime. As for Kelley and Conroy, if they are not the heroes of it, their exploits are sufficiently striking, and we all breathe more freely since the police indulged in their late masker-raid. I have several times adverted to the fact that the panic left so few visible marks on the city's outward presentment; that it caused little apparent change in our manner of living. Now, however, we are beginning to find EVIDENCES OF ITS EFFECT Everywhere. Dressmakers say that never hare they been called upon to alter and remodel dresses and suits so frequently as at the present time, and a general determination seems to have been made to wear out clothing which would once have been cast off, or bestowed on some worthy object. This laudable economy, but we fear the promenade will assume a somewhat dull appearance in consequence of it. Quite recently I overheard a conversation on a ferry boat between two loud talking dry goods men and the whole burden of it was, "no business, no business." "There ia no use in talking about business," said one of them, because there isn't any. Everybody wants to buy on long time, and nobody will sell, and so every thing is at a stand still." An interesting case of "see-saw" between riches and poverty, during these times of fortune making and warring, has been reported to me by a friend, and I give it as an illustration of panic effects. A broker residing in one of the suburbs had accumulated a goodly sum of money, and believing that "as we journey through life we should live by the way," he set up a fine carriage, and every morning might have been seen driving to the ferry in good style. But suddenly, like the Graphic balloon, his fortune collapsed; carriage and horses were sold, and he began over again. Fortunate, however, was he in the possesslon of a friend who kept a carriage, and who now volunteered to call for him each morning and drive him

down town so that he should not feel the change so keenly. For a time things went on thus, till one day when "the party of the second part" awoke to the fact that he was ruined in turn; so his carriage and horses were sold, and now comes the most remarkable part of the story. Just where the average true story would show some weak point is where this episode in real life comes to a fitting climax. For when the "party of the first part" found that his devoted friend had suffered in like manner with himself, he had the joy ot informing hhn that he had recovered his former status, and in future would call for him each morning with a carriage! Only old mother goose can do justice to this case: "Here we go up, up, up, And here we go down, down, downey." All the time which well educated gothamites can spare from the eager hunt after food and raiment, by which I mean dinners at Delmonico's and suits made by G. D. Happy, tailor to the beau monde, is supposed to be devoted to reading the literature of the day, with occasional treats (?) like attending a lecture by Eli Perkins. As to what the aforesaid gothamites read, I can only say that if they confine themselves entirely to the periodicals issued in their own hamlet they might do much worse. Only men of leisure can hope to do more than take a very cursory glance at the literature of their time; and, therefore, people of little leisure ought to be sincerely thankful for good magazines and papers, those epitomes of the age. Children, too, of whose mental tastes, if they had any, not much account was formerly taken, should THANK THEIR LUCKY LITTLE STARS That they were born at a time when such a magazine as "St. Nicholas, published by Scribner & Co., is prepared for their especial delectation. Who is there among grown up folks who doesn't feel like heaving a retrospective sigh over the pages of the beautiful "juvenile," when he thinks of the days of his youth, and the crude specimens of bookmaking for children which he calls to mind. The holiday number of "St. Nicholas" is a delight all the way through, from cover to cover, and the cover, by the way, is not the least of its beauties, with its cheerful mingling of scarlet and soft grey, with a dash ot black; its handsome lettering in the illuminated style, and graceful arebisqne figures. Having absorbed "Our Young Folks," as it will still continue to do, it now gives a reproduction of the coyer of that popular periodical on the back of its own cover, and also adds all the best features of "Our Young Folks'' to its own original excellence. Space would fail me were I to attempt even a glance at its whole contents, but I can not help calling attention to some of its more striking novelties. First and foremost is the introduction of a short, simple French or German story in each number, for the instruction and convenience of beginners in those languages; these little stories are usually accompanied by characteristic illustrations. But the delicious little bits of nursery jingle especially fascinate me, such for instance as the following: "If blue birds bloomed like flowers in a row, And never could make a sound, How would the daisies and violet know When to come out of the ground? They would wait and wait the seasons round; Never a flower could on earth be found. And what would birds and butterflies do If the flowers had wings to fly? Why, birds and blossoms and butterflies, too, Would stay far up In the sky; And then the people would droop and sigh, And all the children on earth wouId cry." The picture accompanying this is charming, and is done by Miss Ledyard : it shows three little ones crying within a circle ot blue birds on stems, while the flowers have taken wing and are flying away. The tastes of all sizes of children are catered for by "St. Nicholas," and it is not too much to say that we have never looked upon its like before. The January number of Scribner's Monthly is also tine and fully sustains its high reputation. The longest Illustrated article, "A visit to San Antonio," is the first of a series to be entitled "Glimpses of Texas," it gives a very interesting account of the town in question, and almost makes us feel as if so picturesque a place must be foreign. A striking poem by Stoddard, contributions by John Hay, Bret Hart, Charles Dudley Warner and others too numerous to mention, fill the measure of this excellent magazine, which to be appreciated "needs but to be

seen." C. S. N. LAID IN ASHES. HELENA, MONTANA, ALMOST DESTROYED BY FIRE -- LOSS NEARLY A MILLION. Helena, Montana, Jan. 10. -- A fire broke out about seven A. M. yesterday in the upper part of Chinatown. A heavy wind was blowing at the time directly toward the heart of the city. The flames soon spread over the whole of Chinatown, and despite the heroic efforts of the firemen and citizens, jumped Bridge street, thence down both sides of Main street, entirely destroying every building, except Kessler & Miller's saloon, until stopped by Miller & Rosecrans' store and Bohm's old banking house. The east side of Clover street, and the buildings between it and Main were also destroyed. Everything on Jackson street to the rear of the St. Louis hotel was burned up. Both sides of Wood and Bridge streets to the first cross street east of Main. Among the buildings destroyed were the International and Cosmopolitan hotel, Travis' livery stable, the First National and Peoples' bank. The contents of their fire proof vaults are all safe. Gans & Klein, Goldberry Brothers, Liverberg, Loeb Brothers, dry goods; Western Union telegraph office; Gazette printing establishment, and Painter, drugs. The fire jumped to Fifth avenue, entirely destroying Surveyor General Blaine's residence and the dwelling adjoining, occupied by the Hon. Daniel Searls. Besides the losses from the fire, a great many suffer heavily by moving, etc., as at one time it was thought the whole town would be laid in ashes. The total loss is estimated at $850,000; insurance light. AN ATROCIOUS CRIME. A GIRL DESTROYED BY HER FATHER AND MURDERED TO CONCEAL THE ATROCITY. 0ne of the most revolting disclosures in the annals of criminal history has lately come to light in Monticello, White county, this state. The facts are circumstantially given in a late number of the Logansport Pharos, but they are too hideous for reproduction here. It is difficult indeed to tell this terrible story in language fit for ears polite, but the facts are nearly as follows: A man named Wiley, about thirty-four years old, is charged with the commission of a nameless crime. The victim is his daughter, a child fifteen years of age. When concealment was no longer possible, a physician was called, who at once divined the dreadful secret. He questioned the girl closely in regard to her condition and elicited from her replies, though cautiously given, sufficient to warrant him in suspecting, her father of the crime. Subsequently Wiley called another physician, who found the girl suffering intensely. An abortion had already been procured, and a post mortem examination proved that this had been accomplished with some very rudely extemporized instruments, as the victim was lacerated shockingly. A woman named Wheaton is charged with being an accomplice in this dark tragedy.

INDIANAPOLIS, TUESDAY, JANUARY 13, 1874.

THE MINERS REVOLT. NINE THOUSAND MEN PROTEST AGAINST THE MONOPOLISTS. THE DEMANDS OF THE OPERATORS. New York, Jan. 10. A Pottsville, Pennsylvania, special says that the miners have rejected the proposition of operators to reduce their wages on a sliding scale, going as low as $2 25, and 9,000 miners in that region are idle, and all the great coal operators of the section have stopped. The miners will not under any circumstances submit to the proposition of the operators. Unless the latter recede, then will be a struggle. The miners of the Columbia and Northumberland companies are affected by the action of the Schuylkill men, and all the region indirectly. They will be heard from Monday, and then the whole region will suspend within a few days. REOPENING OF THE WAR. THE PRELIMINARY STEP -- HOW THE COMPANIES TREATED WITH THE MINERS -- THE WHOLE DISCUSSION. The strike of 9,000 miners here announced has been apprehended for some time. The causes are summed up in a recent correspondence from Pottsville under date of January 8. It was thought that the question of the miners' wages for the year 1874, in the Schuylkill region, would be settled at the meeting to-day of the committees of the Anthracite Board of Trade, the Organization of Operators, and the Miners and Workingmen's Benevolent Association -- the trade union of the miners. But after the submission of a proposition from Franklin B. Gowen, the leading operator, as president of the Reading Coal and Iron company, and its acceptance by the other operators, the delegates of the miners refused to assume the responsibility of accepting or rejecting the terms of the capitalists -- terms which modify the wages of last year in so far as they contemplate a fall in the price of coal below $2 50 per ton at Port Carbon. When such shall be the case the operators demand that the same concession of a proportionate reduction in wages be made to them as they themseives make to the miners when coal rises above that figure. The other demand by the workmen -- that the prices of coal at Port Carbon be fixed by the circulars of the Reading Coal and Iron company, instead of by the returns of individual operators -- was negatively rejected, inasmuch as the proposition of the operators contemplates the latter mode ol ascertaining prices. Though the answer of the committee of workingmen is non-committal, conversations with individual members lead to the belief that there will be a decided difference of opinion among the whole body of miners when they come to vote on the question, and it is by no means certain that they will accede to the proposition. If they do not, there will undoubtedly be a strike in this whole Schylkill region. THE CORPORATION'S TERMS. The following is the proposition of Mr. Gowen on behalf of the operators: To the Committee of the Workingmen of the Coal Operators: Gentlemen: I would suggest the following as a fair method of adjusting wages for the year 1874: 1. The basis to be exactly the same in all respects as that of 1873, with this exception, that when the price of coal at Port Carbon shall be less than $2 50 per ton the rate of wages shall decline at the rate of 1 per cent for every three cents decline in price below $2 50, until $2 25 is reached, which sum of $2 25 shall be the minimum for the year 1874. 2 The monthly prices at Port Carbon to be ascertained in the same manner as they were in 1873. It it possible, and I trust probable, that there may be no decline in prices below $2 50 per ton at Port Carbon during 1874, in which event the miners and laborers will get exactly the same wages they got last year, and will be the only class of workingmen that will suffer no redaction in wages in consequence of the panic of last fall. I believe that there is a great disproportion in the rates paid for contract work in the different districts, which is unjust and should be remedied; and while I also believe there should be some general reduction in the wages paid for contract work, which are higher in Schuylkill than in other regions, there is certainly force in the argument of the men that if coal brings the same price as it brought hist year their wages should not be reduced. Hence I would advise the operators to abandon any claim for a general reduction of wage at this time. But in view of the crippled condition of many manufacturing interests, the stoppage of new railway construction, the general shrinkage of values resulting from the financial panic of 1873, and the exceptionally mild weather of the present winter, all of which will exert some influence upon the coal trade, it seems no more than common prudence to provide for the possible contingency of lower prices for next year. And should such lower prices obtain, it would not only be manifestly unjust for the workingmen to expect the same rate of wages as was paid when coal brought better prices, but it would be utterly Impossible for the coal operators to pay it. Therefore I have suggested that as coal recedes below $2 50, wages shall decline exactly in the same proportion as they advance when coal rises above $2 50. I regret very much that I have been drawn into this discussion, as I would much prefer that the question of wages should be adjusted by the operators and the workingmen among themselves, without the intervention of the company or myself. All parties must now be willing to admit that the new policy inaugurated by the company has resulted greatly to the benefit of the region, and not only given to the workingmen better wages and more general employment than they could possibly have obtained in any other manner. The vital question now at issue is whether the Schuylkill region can continue to command its proper share of markets for 1874 -- to secure which it is essential that all interests, including the carrying company, the operator and the worklngman, should act in perfect harmony and good will. The proposition which I have herein submitted I believe to be greatly to the advantage of the workingmen, and I think it should be cheerfully and riromptly agreed to by them, and accepted by the operators in the same spirit. Very respectfully, Franklin B. Gowen. The above proposition was accepted by the operators at once in the following note: To the Committee of the Miners and Laborers: GENTLEMEN; The committee of the coal operators instruct me to say that they will, on behalf of the coal operators, accept the proposition this day submitted by Mr Gowen, and adopt it as their own proposition to the men for the year 1874. Very truly, George W. Cole, Chairman, PROTEST OE THE MINERS. The following is the manifesto of the miners' committee addressed to the men whom they represent: To the Officers and Members of the M. & L. B. A. Gentlemen: Your committee appointed to wait upon the operators with your proposition regarding the basis for 1874, would respectfully ifnorm you that they have attended to that duty. We met a full committee of the Anthracite Board of Trade this morning, and immediately after organizing in joint committee, the following letters, which fully explain themselves, were read by the secretary. [Here follow the letters of Mr. Gowen and the operators.] Feeling that we possess no power to go farther in this matter than simply to acquaint the operators with your decision, and offer in argument in its behalf your reasons for having come to that decision, we herein lay the whole matter before you just as it comes to us, for your consideration and final verdict. We request that you meet in your several districts as soon as possible, take a vote upon the above proposition, and immediately forward the result under your respective seals to the address of John Smey, chairman of the committee, St. Clair, Penn. We have not called a meeting of the Executive committee, to announce your verdict, as we desire to avoid the expense that such a meeting would Involve, and we regard it our bounden duty at this juncture to lay up every penny we can against the possibility of a suspension. It is understood that you need not cease work until the 17th inst., up to and including which date the basis will be that of 1873. Fellow workmen, you are now called upon to

render a decision in a matter of most vital importance, and we therefore advise you in approaching the duty to keep well in mind every attendant consideration; the requirement of your families, the condition of general business, the workings of last year's basis, the prospects of the coming year, and everything else that in any

way affects the justice, necessity, or advisability of your accepting or rejecting the within proposition. The present is a time that imperatively demands of you calm, deliberate, and decisive action. John Siney, John E. Brennan,. Thomas Taylor, Jeremiah Curran, William Morgan. WASHINGTON. THE APPROPRIATIONS TO BE CURTAILED TEN MILLIONS DOLLAR -- CALEB CUSHING NOMINATED FOR CHIEF JUSTICE -- THE M'ENERY LEGISLATURE APPEALS TO CONGRESS FOR FAIR PLAY -- THE UNFINISHED MONUMENT -- AS TO THE REDUCTION OF THE ARMY. Washington, Jan. 9. In the senate yesterday, the chair laid before the senate the following telegram from a committee of the McEnery legislature of Louisiana: "To Hon. M. C. Carpenter, President of the Senate, and Hon. J. G. Blaine, Speaker of the House of Representatives: "The legal legislature of this state assembled to-day, in obedience to our organic law. We beg of you to lay before your respective bodies the circumstances under which we meet. The orders of the general commanding this department a statement of which we transmit herewith, who is acting under instructions from the federal government, are of such character as to prevent a large portion of our body taking part in this assemblage. Were these orders withdwn, and our people assured that no interference would be made, we would be at once placed in a condition to discharge the duties resting upon us. We earnestly beg that congress, in the exercise of its constitutional powers, will afford us such relief as the nature of the case may require. We are victims of a dreadful oppression. The powers of the government here have been taken from the representatives elected by the people and given to a body of men who can not even pretend to have been elected. We make this appeal not only in the interests of our own people, but in the interest of the people of all states and in the interest of public liberty. Our liberties have been destroyed by the action of a federal court, supported by the army of the United States. Will not the guarantee article in the constitution enable you to protect us? Judge Storey has predicted that the erection of a despotism in one or the states will bring on the destruction of the whole republic. "On behalf of 44 representatives and 20 senators of the Louisiana general assembly, Edward Booth, Robert Worrell, of the senate: James L. Lobdell, M. J. Foster, F. C. Searcheri, of the house. Mr. Hamilton, of Maryland, moved that it be referred to the committee on privileges and elections. Mr. Morton opposed that reference, and said it was not the first time that men in New Orleans had sent telegrams here. He moved that it be laid on the table. Adopted, 36 to 26. The house committee on post roads and canals, this morning further considered McCrary's bill to regulate commerce by railroads among States, and favorably disposed of five of its fourteen sections. The fourth section, prescribing the powers of the board of nine commissioners, was amended to amplify their powers and prescribe a longer term for holding office than four years. The secretary of war was again before the house military committee this morning, in further explanation of his views on the proposed reduction of the rank and file of the army. He agrees with General Sherman and other high military authorities in deeming any such reduction unwise, and contrary to the interests of true economy. The trustees of the Washington national monument fund, at a meeting yesterday, appointed a committee to take charge of the interests of the association before congress, with a view of immediate action on the house report of 1872, in which an appropriation of $20,000 to aid in completing the monument was recommended. Several members of the appropriation committee think tha estimates will be cut down about $10,000,000. This will not be sufficient to bring the expenditures within the receipts for the next fiscal year only. Therefore some measures of treasury relief will be necessary. The commissioner of internal revenue is much encouraged by the receipts of his bureau so far, for this month. They are $3,000,000 and the prospect is that they will soon be restored to what they were before the late panic. The nomination of Caleb Cushing to be chlet justice occasioned much surprise in all quarters to-day, and was a matter of astonishment to himself, as he had made arrangements to leave this country on the 24th for Madrid. When Gen. Babcock appeared at the main door of the senate this afternoon announcing a message from the president in writing, every eye was turned upon him, as it was generally believed the package he held in his hand contained a nomination for chief justice. Senator Conkling who sits near the middle aisle intercepted the messenger on his way to the desk, and taking the list of nominations from him hurriedly glanced over them, exclaiming in a tone loud enough to be heard in the galleries -- "Chief justice." At this, a large number of senators jumped from their seats and gathered about him, and in a moment the name of Caleb Cushing was audibly whispered from senator to senator on the floor. Senator Thurman remained in animated conversation with Conkling for some time. Senators Sumner and Boutwell had their heads together, and the unusual hum of conversation on the floor indicated that the nomination caused quite a sensation, in view of the reports heretofore prevalent as to the nomination of Senator Morton for thv chief justiceship. It is proper to say that he was neither consulted nor tendered the appointment. TEXAS. A MEETING OF THE DEMOCRATIC MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATURE TO DEVISE A SOLUTION OF THE PRESENT DIFFICULTY -- GOV. DAVIS REFUSES TO RECOGNIZE THE NEW LEGISLATURE. Galveston, Jan. 12. -- A News special from Austin says an informal meeting was held to-day at the city hall of democratic senators, representatives and state officers. None others were admitted. A full membership was present. John Ireland presided, and T. J. Bell was secretary. They determined to proceed with the organization to-morrow, and then await developments unless a different course of action is determined upon to-night, when each house meets separately. Gov. Throckmorton, before leaving this morning, visited Gov. Davis, and ssys that Davis positively will not recongnize the fourteenth legislature. Radical members of the thirteenth legislature say that they will meet to-morrow and send for absentees. A cable dispatch says that Peter Raymond, the fugitive forger of New York Central railroad bond notoriety, hag been arrested in London and is held for extradition.

XLIII CONGRESS. SENATE. Washington, Jan. 6. Mr. Scott, from the Committee on Finance, reported, with amendments, Mr. Morton's bill authorizing national banks that have decided to reduce their capital stock, to withdraw a pro rata proportion of the bonds upon retiring their own circulating notes, or depositing the same money of the United States and the proportion provided by law. The only material amendment recommended is one requiring that whenever such reduction shall be authorized under the thirteenth section of the national currency act, any notes of such bank thereafter coming into the United States Treasury shall be cancelled, together with such as shall be redeemed, which shall equal the amount of the reduction authorized. The salary bill was then taken up. Mr. Stewart, of Nevada, desired to further amend the bill to compel the refunding of all back pav received. Mr. Wright, of Iowa, raised the point of order that two amendments were already pending. He thought to encumber the biil with all these amendments would dedeat it. He favored a square repeal of the bill. Mr. Flanagan, of Texas, thought $7,500 not an exclusive salary, and had remarked when the bill passed that it should have been ten thousand. Since then he had not changed his opinion. He has drawn the money, (producing greenbacks from his pocket). Here they are, sir; this is my pay. l am going to fight for it till the last. [Laughter.] I have not stolen that pay. I have nothing that preys upon my conscience. I have endeavored to earn it. [Renewed laughter.] After the adjournment of the Senate he returned to Texas and was received by the legislature of that State, and not having been condemned by that body he felt easy. It was not so much the salary bill the people objected to as the Credit Mobilier bill, but he did not think that such an odious measure. He thought Oakes Ames one of the best men he ever knew, and believed it was the demagogues of the country who preferred this indictment. HOUSE. Mr. Sypher, of Louisiana, asked leave to introduce a joint resolution, which, he said, had the approval of the President. The resolution recites that well authenticated reports say that in certain localities of the

South the people are in a condition of starvation, owing to the failure of the crops, and directs the Secretary of War to issue army rations in such quantities as may be required. Mr. Willard, of Vermont, moved its reference to the Committee on Education and Labor, with leave to report at any time. It was so ordered. Mr. Bowen, of Virginia, presented the resolution of the Virginia Legislature protesting against the passage of the supplementary Civil Rights bill. It was referred. On motion of Mr. Lamar, of Mississippi, the Committee on Elections was discharged from the further consideration of the supplementary Civil Rights Rill. Mr. Beck, of Kentucky, gave notice of an amendment providing that the law shall not be so construed as to require hotel keepers to put whites and blacks into the same rooms or beds, or to feed them at the same table, or require that whites and blacks shall be put into tho same room and classes at school, or in box seats in theaters, or in the same births on steamboats or other vessels, or in cemeteries. Mr. Durham, of Kentucky, protested against the bill as an attack on State rights and sovereignity, as calculated to embitter the Anglo-Saxon race against the African race: as calculated to destroy the whole common school system of the South; as retarding the education of blacks; and as likely to provoke a war of races that would result in the extermination of the black race in America. Mr. Elliott (colored), of South Carolina, addressed the House in advocating the bill, reading his speech from manuscript with a very fine delivery. He referred to services of men of his race on the battlefields of the country in the late war and in the war of 1812. He reminded the gentleman lrom Kentucky -- Mr. Beck -- who was always so active against the negro in 1861, that the negro was true to that patriotism and love to the country which had ever characterized and marked his history on this continent. He came to the aid of the government in its efforts to maintain the constitution, and to that government the negro now appealed, and that constiution he now invoked for protection against the outrageous and unjust prejudices founded on caste. Replying to the argument of Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, yesterday, Mr. Elliott contended that Congress had, under the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the constitution, complete power to pass this law, and to protect all citizens of the country in all their rights. He discussed the doctrines of the decision of the Supreme court in the New Orleans slaughter cases, and asked the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Stevens) whether they gave color even to the claim that Congress can not legislate against plain discriminations in State laws, and State customs against that very race for whose complete freedom and protection those great amendments to the constitution were elaborated and adopted. It would not be pretended that the evils of which the colored people complained, their exclusion from the public inn, from the sleeping car on the railroads, and from the right of sepulture, were the exercise of the police powers of the State. These, he thinks, are a denial of the equal protection of the laws which those constitutional amendments were formed to guard against. He shared those feelings of high personal regard which pervaded the House in respect to the gentleman from Georgia (Stephens), but when that gentleman lent his voice and influence to defeat this measure, be (Elliott) would not shrink from saying that it was not from him (Stephens) that an American House of Representatives would take lessons in matters touching human rights. No consideration should restrain him from saying that that gentleman now offered to the government, which he had done his utmost to destroy, a very poor return for its magnanimity in coming here and seeking to continue, by association of doctrines obnoxious to the true principles of government, the burdens of oppression which rested on those who had never failed to pray for the success of the government which that gentleman had sought to blot out from the galaxy of nations. [Applause from the floor and in the galleries, which were filled with colored people.] After further discussion the House adjourned. SENATE. WASHINGTON, Jan. 8. In presenting petitions relating to the bankrupcy law, Mr. Conking, of New York, said that he had received with the petition against a repeal a circular; which, it seemed, had been sent over the country, asking those to whom the blank petitions had been sent to circulate them and procure signatures, and also called for contributions to send persons to Washington to work against the repeal of the law. These circulars were not part of the petition, but he de8ired to call the attention of the Senate to the manner in which they were gotten up. Mr. Logan, of Illinois, said he had received similar circulars signed by various persons in New York and others interested in the maintenance of the bankrupt law. The circulars spoke of powerful lobbying being at work in

WHOLE NUMBER 1,735.

Washinton to urge the repeal of the bill, which was untrue. Those blackmailing in circulars should be understood. The petitions gotten up and sent hear as showing the public sentiment against the repeal really did not represent such sentiment. Mr. Thurman, of Ohio, did not wonder at the registers in bankruptcy getting up petitions against the repeal, when the example had been given them by a member of the cabinet, who sent out 30,000 petitions for the repeal of the franking privilege. The consideration of the bill to repeal the act of March 3, increasing the salaries, was then resumed, and the question recurred on Pratt's amendment, which provides that the pay balance of this Congress shall be such an amount as to make the total, with that already received, $10,000, $5,000 for each year. The amendment was rejected by 45 nays to 14 years, as follows: Bogy, Conklin, Cragin, Fenton, Ferry, Hamlin, Norton, Oglesby, Pratt, Sargent, Schurz, Thurman, Wadleigh and Windom. -- 14. Nays -- Allison, Bayard, Boreman, Boutwell, Brownlow, Buckingham, Cameron, Carpenter, Clayton, Conover, Cooper, Crozier, Davis, Dennis, Dorsey, Ferry of Connecticut, Flanagan, Frelinghuysen, Gilbert, Goldthwait, Hamilton of Maryland, Hamilton of Texas, Hitchcock, Howe, Ingalls, Kelly, Lewis, Logan, McCreery, Merryman, Mitchell, Morrill of Maine, Morril of Vermont, Norwell, Ramsey, Saulsbury, Ransom, Scott, Sherman, Spencer, Stevenson, Stewart, Sumner, Tlipton and Wright. -- 45. Mr. Pratt submitted another amendment providing that the amount of compensation to Senators, members and delegates for the year ending March 3, 1874, shall be $7,500, and for the year ending March 3, 1875, $2,500, exclusive of mileage and allowances. Mr. Frelinghuysen, of New York, opposed the amendments. Mr. Scott, of Pennsylvania, thought it would be unjust to the new Senators coming in. Mr. Morton, of Indiaua, said that of the two amendments of his colleague, Pratt, he thought the one just voted down to be the fairest, and one that save equal and constitutional justice to all. The objection urged against it he regarded as having no weight whatever. He did not doubt that Congress could pay the members such salaries as it pleased. Mr. Pratt said, to avoid doing any injustice to the new Senators, he would modify his amendment by inserting a provision that the bill should apply only to the members elected and serving prior to December 1, 1873. Mr. Tuurtnan, of Ohio, said he would vote for the amendment so modified. The compensation must be uniform, and under this amendment it would be uniform. Washington, D. C, Jan. 9. Mr. Wright said the senator from Califomia (Sargent) had intimated that by voting for the amendment he had sought out the president as the only one of the administration to receive the increased salary. The salaries of the assistant secretaries and others were increased by the bill as well as that of the president. The repeal didn't affect them. The amendment of Mr. Edmunds, offered last evening, that the reduction of salaries should take effect from March 4, 1873, and that the accounting officers of the treasury shall compute the same accordingly, and make a ratable monthly reduction from said salaries at a rate necessary to effect this provision withen the nine months next hereafter was rejected -- 20 yeas, 29 nays. Mr. Boreman, West Virginia, moved to amend so that the salary of the president, after March 4, 1874, should $35,000 per annum. Lost. Mr. Clayton, of Arkansas, moved to recommit the bill, pendlng the amendments, to the committee on civil service and retrenchment, with instructions to report a bill looking to a general reduction of the salaries of government officers, both civil and military, as far as it could be done, and that the salaries be equalized according to the nature of the services rendered. Mr. Clayton's motion was lost -- nays, 41; yeas, 19. The question being on concurring in the senate substitute for the house bill, Mr. Hamilton, pending the vote, moved to amend the bill by fixing the salary of senators, members and delegates at $5,500 per annum instead of $6,000. Mr. Edmunds, to amend the amendment by inserting $5,000 instead $5,500. Agreed to, yeas, 3; nays 28. Mr. Edmunds moved to strike out in house bill the words 'actual individual expenses of each senator, representative and delegate," and insert the the words, "mileage allowed by Iaw prior to the passage of the act of March 30, 1873. Mr. Morrill moved to insert before the word "mileage" the word "one-half." Mr. Lewis moved that the senate go into executive session. Lost. A discussion ensued relative to the system of mileage, after which Morrill's amendment was rejected. Mr. Cragin, of New Hampshire, offered an amendment that no mileage be allowed for the first session of the forty-third congress. Mr. Edmunds' amendment was agreed to, yeas 35, nays 25. Mr. Merriman, of North Carolina, moved to insert after the word "mileage," "and other allowance." Agreed to. Mr. Gordon, of Georgia, offered an amendment to reduce the salaries of all army and navy officers 25 per cent, whose pay exceeds $2,000 per annum, and of all heads of departments and other officers of the government whose pay exceeds that and is not fixed by the constitution of the United states. Mr. Wright, of Iowa, hoped the gentleman would not press the amendment now, as he did not desire to endanger the passage of this. Any other time he would join the gentleman to effect this reduction. Mr. Gordon hoped there would be a vote upon it. The people of the country demand practical economy, and they did not want the military elevated at the expense of the civil branch. Mr. Edmunds moved to strike out that part of the amendment relative to army and navy officers. Mr. Morton, of Indiana, hoped the bill to repeal the act of March 3, would not be embarassed with this amendment which undertook to make a general salary law. Mr. Edmunds said he was ready to inquire into the compensation of all officers of the government, but would not favor a reduction of salary of men who have served their country faithfully. HOUSE. The House then went into a committee of the whole on the naval appropriation. The bill appropriates $1,605,856. Mr. Hale, of Maine, who had charge of the bill, opened the discussion, He stated in what particulars the expenditures had been cut down. The amount appropriated in the bill was only about half a million more than was appropriated for the navy in 1958, and all the reducions were made with the assent of the Secretary of the Navy, who had contributed to forward the offers of the committee in that direction. Mr. Beck, of Kentucky, declared his belief that the efficiency of the navy could not be kept up for the amount appropriated in the bill. He had seen laws of appropriation before, but they had always been followed by deficiency bills. That had been done particularly in the year preceding the first election of General Grant, but the next year Congress had to supply deficiencies to the amount of $28,000,000. The same thing occurred in connection with the second election of General Grant. having shown no appreciation of the difficulty of the foreign relations of the country. The difficulties with Spain had not passed by. There had been a probability that the relations with Spain might remain peaceful while Castelar was at the head of the Spanish Government, for Castelar was known to be a friend of the American republic, but that very friendship had caused his deposition, and in his place was now the bloody Serrano, who had nothing but hatred and dislike toward the United States, and the proposition is that the Navy should not stand in the usual place but one-fourth below it. No greater mistake could be made than in cutting down the Navy in the cry of economy. True economy was to keep up a strong Navy in order that war may be avoided. Do not be economical until war comes and then launch out into wild expenditure. The discussion was further coutinued by Messrs. Scofield, Cox and Wood. The latter contended that the American navy was ample, and even too large, if the people were to be taxed any further to maintain it. He thought the appropriation should be still further reduced. All the expenditures of the Government were profligately extravagant, and should be cut down. Mr. Hale hoped that the Republican side of the House would sustain the bid in the interest of economy. The committee rose and the House adjourned. A GRAVE CHARGE. COL. THOMAS STILLWELL ARRESTED FOR EMBEZZLEMENT. Cincinnati, Jan. 12 -- T. N.Stillwell, president of the First National bank of Anderson, Indiana, was arrested Saturday for the embezzlement of the funds of the bank. A. B. Kline, cashier, has decamped. St Clair, the man supposed to have set Portland, Oregon, on fire last August, was arrested Wednesday. He was attempting to burn the remaining portion of the city.