Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 25, Indianapolis, Marion County, 6 January 1874 — Page 4

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, TUESDAY, JANUARY 6, 1874.

TUESDAY, JANUARY 6.

Encouraged by the impunity with which Brother-in-law Casey has lorded it over Louisiana, it is now proposed to "loyalize" Texas, which elected a Conservative ticket a lew weeks ago. Gov. Davis is devising a scheme, based on Kellogg's plan, by which the election will be proven null and void, and he will proceed to count himself in, a Kellogg did. The organ-in-chief in New York guesses that the Louisiana outrage will be ended by ordering a new election. It learns that "a republican intimately connected" with existing complications in that State has given it as his opinion that a new election will be the only way to get out of the illegal usurpation of Durell, Grant, Williams and Casey. What a blessed notion of republican institution! The boon that a whole State craved and the president insolently denied, is accorded at the suggestion of a "republican" who happens to think it time to cut short an infamous conspiracy. An exhilarating Washington newsmonger who generally ferrets out the truth, avers that the president, in conversation with "a gentleman" Wednesday, expressed himself as quite shocked that any of the supreme judges should aspire to the chief place. He indignantly refused to nominate any of them for the vacant place in the event of Williams' rejection. Their present position the president thinks the highest in the land, and any ambition to change is highly indecorus. The scribe painfully adds: "This 'determination of the president, it is 'thought, will give judge Williams strength 'in the Senate, and induce some to vote for 'him in spite of the landaulet and Arkansas 'scandals. If the president will not appoint 'one of thie present judges, nor Mr. Evarts, 'nor Mr. Curtis, some of tlie Senators ask in 'despair, 'Who will he appoint, and will he 'not be a worse man than Williams?' In a short time the anti-pass system of the lllinois railroads will develop its effects. All the annual passes are now dead, und none will be renewed by thirteen of the leading companies in that State. Even the board of rairway commissioners, special offcers or the State, whose duty it is to inspect the reals and carry out the railroad law, will have to pay their fare like unofficial mortals. The blow is a heavy one upon the clergy, as each road running into Chicago issued about fifteen hundred half-fares to this class. The exchange passes between companies average only five officers: President, vice president, general superintendent, general freight agent and general ticket agent. It is said the Michigan roads are inclined to join the compact. St. Louis stands out. At all events the experiment will have a fair trial, and it only remains to wait and see how the plan works. The public debt statement of Monday morning presents quite a contrast with those roseate pictures put forth this time two year ago, when the present head of the machine was intent on "vindication" -- that is, reelection. Then we used to hear of reductions at the rate of five millions a month. These little drops in the bucket of the debt were at once held up by the prophets in organdom, and the generosity of the great Grant and the superhuman excellence of the party made known to the world. In the '72 contest weren't we all ordered to vote for Grant because he was paying the debt so rapidly, and reducing the taxes and things? But you shall hear none of this now. The grab has come and the Credit Mobilier has gone, and there is no chance to steal at large, and of course the taxes must go up to meet deficits. The figures of increase in the debt are eight and a half millions for this month. Beneifcent and frugal administration? While the investigation of the Ville du Havre disaster in England finds the captain and crew of the French steamer culpably careless and craven cowards, the French Admiralty Court finds nothing to censure in the management of the Vilea du Havre, and compliments Captain Surmont especially lor his cool courage and noble conduct in the ordeal. It censures the Loch Erne, moreover, for causing the calamity by criminal neglect of duty. The French verdict is certainly in accordance with all the facts so far brought to light. The captain of the Ville da Havre remained on duty until late in the morning, and only retired to rest a few minutes before the crash. He seems to have rushed to his post without delay, and certainly his going down with the vessel and rescue on a spar does not look like cowardice or negclect of duty. The neglect was on the part of the vessel which crushed into the Ville du Havre and on the captain who did not stop to rescue the passengers of the smitten vessel. The extent to which the "leaders'' and and "organs" will go in their attempts to defend the miserable appointments to office made by the Präsident, and to lessen tho effect upon the public of his constantly recurring blunders and stubborn adherence to proven public wrongs, seems to be beyond calculation. Public office has come to be recognized as the surest and quickest road to wealth-getting, party fealty and "work" the means of obtaining office, and strict party discipline the foundation upon which hopes of self-advancement and peculation are built. It is now proposed, in order to restore harmony, avert the wound which it is feared the decenter partisans may feel contrained to inflict upon the presidential feelings, and to dode the burden of a vote which a disgraceful nomination has made necessary, to dispense with a chief justice to be appointed as of old entirely, and to let the judges of the court hold the position in turn, as is the case In the Supreme Court of this state. It is unnecessary to argue the grave error of such a proceeding. It would perhaps not be claimed that a permanent Chief Justice is necessary, but the people have had one from the beginning of the government, and convenience and usage, if nothing else, should control now. It is a satisfaction to feel that in this

country, where public servants are constantly changing, there is one who holds the office to which highest dignity is attached, who is removable only for bad behavior. But it is the spirit of the proposition which is chiefly to be criticised just now. All respectable journals, and all self-respecting people who are familiar with the character and abilities of Mr. Williams, demand the withdrawal of his name from the Senate, or his speedy defeat in that body. If duty and honor and decency were influential in these days, one or the other would be done. Stubbornness in wrong, party discipline and weak-kneed fear of "party" censure are not what the people want or will have. There was a time in the history of the country when the Senate of the United States had the independence to reject a nomination to this very office made by Washington. And this is said to be a progressive age? Mr. Beecher refuses to be bullied out of fellowship with the other congregational societies of Brooklyn. He defines Plymouth Church as an independent organism, but at the same time entitled to participate in the general observances of the Brooklyn congregational churches. As to the points of objection raised against Plymouth's recent definition of church law and government, he dismisses that by the simple assertion of perfect independence in all internal policy. To this the church formally voted assent, and the Plymouth controversy may be considered at an end, so far at least as the church and its pastor are concerned. The Bowen case was settled in the same meeting by the adoption of the resolution submitted by Bowen a few weeks ago, to the effect that, as he was not guilty of certain scandalous charges against Mr. Beecher, that the pending resolution for his expulsion be dismissed. This ends, so far as Plymouth Church can take action, the Beecher-Bowen-Tilton

scandal. Details of the public robberies perpetrated in high quarters, have become so commonplace that the revelations of an ex-clerk of the Freedman's Bureau, will excite but a languid interest. This ex-clerk's story is interesting only as it reveals the depth and prevalence of the dry rot of corruption. He attests that it was his business to examine vouchers in the bureau, and passed upon hundreds covering the cost of carriages and horses for General Howard and his entire statf, and the traveling expenses of attaches off on summer vacations. That the wives of the staff of General Howard figure on a majority of the vouchers as clerks or paid attaches, and that this sort of thing was continuous and unchecked. The coachman of General Howard, and body servants of his chief officer were also paid by the government, and other pleasant lodes of the same kind practiced in the house of the christian soldier. But then what use to talk of these trifles? They are such things as come to pass in all departments of the national government, and in most of the State and county governments where partisanship has deep root and continuous sway. These practices go on under the sign and sanction of our home officials, from the lowest to the highest, excused by organs and ignored by those who should frown them down. Gen. Macauley's report, submitted to the Governor Saturday, covers the whole official action of the State and city authorities so far as intervention in the strike went. It is the judgment of the law-abiding and orderly citizens of the State, that a very threatening crisis was met, in a sensible, decent and dignified way, and any possibility that there might have been a lawless outbreak was quietly warded off by the careful action of the State and city authorities. To represent any actual purpose of bloodshed on the part of the striking engineers is manifestly to charge a law-abiding body of men with a criminality they could not be responsible for. It was not to meet the action of the strikers that the Logansport authorities called tor State aid. It was to hold in check that lawless element which abounds in all communities, waiting to take advantage of opportunities to depredate and pillage public and private property. The report of Gen. Macauley is brief, pointed and sufficient. It explains very accurately the part taken by the governor in the premises, and vindicates, if there were need of vindication, the judgment displayed throughout. Called upon by the sheriff of the county, the governor put at his disposal the most effective materlal at his command in charge of an officer of tried capacity, courage and address. There has been a disposition in certain disreputable quarters to annoy the authorities by small beer fabrications and imbecile lampoons, but such stuff rarely serves even the ignoble purpose intended. The strike was a protest on the part of decent, intelligent citizens, against what they conceived to be a gross injustice. It was not their fault that the occasion was seized by a few criminals to waylay the trains or revile tho railroad managers. It was still less the business of the State authorities to attempt to overawe the engineers into forced submission. The authorities can only deal with criminals when overt acts are committed. There is no warrant in the terms of Gov. Hendricks' powr to summon the militia, or throw any community in a state of siege unless actual hostilities have been begun and a determination evinced to carry them on. It is very greatly to the credit ot Gov. Hendricks and the fair fame of the State, that everything was managed rather to allay public excitement than to incite disturbances, as the croaking blatherskites would have had. Although this city was the centre ot disaffection, and afforded a better field than anywhere else for a preconcerted outbreak, there was none. Beyond a few skirmishes and one personal attack no blood was shed and no property endangered. It was the purpose of Mayor Mitchell rather to dissuade the evil disposed from violence than to arouse the apprehensions of the community by warlike proclamations and threatening parades of force. He exerted every energy to make the engineers understand the necessity ol discountenancing all violence, and his success Is attested by the fact that the striking brotherhood were eager

to join hands with his forces to protect the railroad property. It is easy for irresponsible blatherskites to lampoon their betters and fill the air with imbecile ribaldry concerning the ways and means of meeting a crisis, but the thoughtful who realize the difficulty of upholding the law and guarding the public interest, will approve such sensible, conservative and safe action as that of our city and State authorities. A strike is a difficult thing to deal with, and that the present one has been ended without serious mischief is due as much to the prudence and tact of the responsible authorities as to the good will of the strikers themselves. The various appropriation committees have been at work diligently during the holidays, and they begin to see their way ahead through the appropriations. It is announced, apparently from accurate sources, that the expenditures will be cut down. Economy will be carried into various unaccustomed corners, and the Administration will have a chance to show how much frugality it can bear for the sake of the tax-payers. General cutting down in the various appropriations has lopped off over $20,000,000, and it is certain that a rigid search into the executive branches of the Government will discover at least half as much more that can be saved to the treasury. It is now proposed by the majority to stop the wholesale swindling going on in the great departments, wherein horses and carriages are supplied public functionaries at the public expense. This is considered a great hardship by those superior mortals who were born to rule and live at the national cost. If, as the Cabinet officers claim, they may keep up great establishments at public expense, why shall not the same rule hold good with all officials? Why shall not the Mayor of the city and the Governor of the State and all the officials buy and pay for carriages and horses at public expense! A great many public officials do -- but then they discreetly cover their tracks and make

their larcenies seem presents or speculations. This, however, is pretty small work for such dignified old duffers as Fish and Richardson and the Cabinet officers generally. The President, by some slovenly construction of the law, is allowed to draw $50,000 a year as salary, and at the same time deplete the public purse to the extent of twice that sum for "expenses" in maintaining the White House? The ordinary citizen sees no good reason why the president should have his board, and lodging and extras paid tor in this lavish way. If a man can't live on $25,000 a year as Mr. Lincoln did, he has the ineffable privilege of resigning. There are a great many very honest and capable men who would perform the functions of president for $25,000 a year and with considerable more satisfaction to the people generally than the present distinguished incumbent. For although the American people are sometimes represented as coarse and uncultured, there are few who agree with General Grant's singular theory of official conduct. It is well known that General Grant holds office to be a place bestowed by certain combinations known as parties, for the personal and peculiar advantage of -- first, the office holder, and second, the family, and third, his friends. It is in short the "make" theory which General Grant holds and which the party behind him indorses. Of course, while public place is recognized as a money making operation for the incumbent and his friends, the better class of people are not going to subject themselves to the ignoble imputation by accepting office, and this to a certain extent explains the uniform mediocrity of the men who surround the present administration. A mediocrity which is illustrated perhaps as pointedly in the Senate as elsewhere. Here, there is but one man of the first class constant to the fortunes of the President -- Senator Conkling. All the rest are second rate -- Carpenter,Morton, Sherman, Edmunds, Frelinghuysen and that sort of conspicuous emptiness. In writing the history of England, there are certain epochs which project perfect blanks between illustrious reigns. In these the throne was filled by an imbecile Hanover or an infatuated Stuart, and the men assembled about them reflected the shallowness and sordidness of the monarch. The terms of General Grant will fill a not dissimilar page in American annals, and serve to throw out more boldly the preceding and succeeding administrations, and as to the preceding, not much can be said for that save by way of contrast. The engineers' strike has brought out some of the war demagoguery on both sides. Certain monopolist partisans affect to hold the engineers guilty of recklessness and wrong in the whole business. They can see no cause for these men making such protest as remains to them against the aggressions and arrogant oppressions of banded monopoly. For ten years the country has been given up more and more to the extortionate and inordinate demands of the monopolists. Vast railroad interests have joined hands in packing the legislatures, packing or buying congress, controlling courts and concentrating all law and power in their own relentlessly unscrupulous hands. It is very moderate to say that we have an oligarchy in this country more powerful in controlling its destinies, than the absolutism ot the Napoleons. The concentrating of power has been accomplished In many ways. Congress for years answered the beck and call of vast corporations, formed with ostensibly open purposes. Gaining their charters, they nave proceeded to envelope the West in a net work of roads, and with them they have built up and absorbed the prospering industries ot a dozen States. With every grant obtained from the government, they have exacted tenfold in supplemental concessions, until it came to be a question whether several of the States were owned by railroad corporations, ore were responsible for their own destinies. During all this time a party has stood as the exponent and defender of these exactions. The people have been voiceless and helpless. Monopoly stood with its paid representatives in congress and in the legislatures, and the rights of the middling or what may be called the productive classes have been ignored. It is useless to assert

that the remedy lies and has lain in the hands of the people themselves. It has not. When a time for redress comes the organs of a party becloud the issues and make trustful followers believe that other issues confront the people. The men who strike, failing to accomplish any check on monopoly, resort to the only remedy left them. It is a cruel resort -- one that injures both alike, but is the direct result of such legislation as the countyv has witnessed for the last lew years. There is much demogogic twaddle about a conflict between capital and labor, encouraged by partisan rogues on one hand to mislead working men and carried on by workmen in some cases who mistakenly believe the falsehood. With properly adjusted mechanism, there need be no interruption in the inter-dependent relations between labor and capital. Labor is capital, as much as the ore is gold -- and its process may be

governed by the same reasonable laws of mutation. There is not and never need be a resort to a strike with proper conduct on the part of great interests, and that the engineers should be forced to a temporary suspension of labor is a final stigma upon the grasping and imbecile management of the great corporations by the reckless people who have hold of them. The very fact that a few only of the railroads have been put to the disturbance of their relations and loss of traffic is conclusive evidence that the roads in trouble have acted without faith both to the public and their employes. Apropos of Miss Bates' handsome bequest to the poor of this city, the will of the Baltimore millionaire, is a striking illustration of the good that may be done by thoughtful givers. Mr. Hopkins, whose life was a lesson of fair dealing and philanthropic generosity, leaves in his will bequests which will hold his name in the minds of his fellow citizens, so long as the city lasts. He was not a formal member of a church, but in his daily life carrying out the principles of christianity, in his death he followed the same broad scheme, and made the poor, the sick, the ignorant and helpless of the city his heirs. His estate is valued at nearly $10,000,000. His magnificent home of Clifton, containing 400 acres near the city, is to be the site of a university, with a law, medical, classical and agricultural school, endowed with about $3,000,000. Thirteen acres of land in the city is devoted to a free hospital for 400 patients, complete in all it appointments for the sick of the city, and in some cases of the State, without respect to age, sex or color. The endowment is $1,000,000, and the work is to be legun immediately. In its design it will compare favorably with the celebrated hospitals of England and France. Under the same trust; but with buildings to be placed on other ground, is embraced a colored orphan asylum for the maintenance and education of colored orphan children. For the support of this Mr. Hopkins left property valued at $2,000,000 from which an income of $120,000 is derived. Another trust is a convalescent hospital in the country, whence the patients may be moved from the free hospital in the city as soon as relieved from their maladies, where they may recruit their strength before returning to their accustomed labors. In connection with the hospital a training school for nurses will le established according to the plans of Florence Nightingale. Such nurses are to be paid out of the trust funds, and when skilled in their duties are free to exercise their professions wherever their services may be engaged by the general community. Near the hospital in the city is an enclosure of thirteen acres, for a free park to all who choose to enter, the grounds to be finished with walks, fountains and seats and cared for by a fund devoted to it. Mr. Hopkins never married, but to his relatives he left generous portions of his fortune. The bulk of it, however, was distributed in the manner described, and one item of his will is to the effect that if any of his heirs dispute the will or are dissatisfied with it, that the portion conveyed to such one who shall raise the dispute is to be taken from him and revert to the "John Hopkins University," which received a major portion of the estate. The news from Spain means more than the bare details indicate. Castelar has been deprived of control. The discordant elements in the cortes have shifted again, and having shown their incompetency to appreciate a wise, capable and tyrant ruler, the deputies have been dispersed at the point of the bayonet. Gen. Pavia, who is represented as the friend of Castelar, plays the leading part in this coup d'etat, and it remains to be seen whether he does it in the interest of himself, his friend, or a faction. Friends of self-government will see nothing hopeful in this result of a great promise. Had the republicans of Spain acted with moderation and consistency Spain could have been rescued permanently from the degradation of kingcraft. The popular mind seemed ripe for the endowment of liberty, and the edifice was begun with all the arguries of success. With the death of Prim and the abdication of the young Italian king, the prospects of the republic seemed secure. The turbulent element, as in all social upheaval came to the front and obtaining a working majority in the cortes, they have reared and razed a dozen governments within the year. Castelar has held place longer than any of his predecessors, and has held it solely because of his surpassing fitness for the position. The meager sketch of yesterday's results is not sufficient to base much comment on. Of Pavi, it is only known that he has been in the confidence of the republican leaders. He served with Prim in the campaign against the Carlists, and had command of a division in the Mexican contingent in 1861. The Virginia City Enterprise Rays: Mrs. Van Colt, the fat., fair and powerful preacher, has been reviving the Methodists of Nevada, and many who were not,Mothodlts. She goes around among ifrw-TOngregatiouujging all who have fiof-done stytoj r nniv camp. iii.3"tia4 preached a corpto -: mich imprest Shoulder said in the vineyard . . , be replied look Ins upVv "1 ty.wGrkln in c Stj

THE STRIKE. ASPECT OF AFFAIRS FRIDAY. EXGINEERS NOT A WHIT SHAKEN -- THEY SEE DISCORD IN THE PAN HANDLE RANKS -- THE NEW GENERAL MANAGER -- NEWS FROM OTHER POINTS -- ENTHUSIASTIC MEETING YESTERDAY AFTERMOON -- THE RAILROAD COMPANY COMPLACENT. The strike, so far as this city is concerned, continues in a passive state, the strikers maintaining their fixedness of purpose, and the railroad company bending every energy to carry on their business with whatever "scabs" they can pick up to run their engines, without receiving from or making any concessions to their former engineers. The engineers, however, represent their cause as assuming a more hopeful aspect than at any previous time, The reported appointment of Judge Jewet as Geneal Manager, in place of McCullough, has had the tendency to raise their spirits to a considerable extent, as they seem to think it is an evident indication that one result of the strike is a breach in the workings of the company. Besides this the Brotherhood insist that there will be a general strike on other roads soon. It is a fact conceded by even the company's employers at this point that there is a universal sympathy among all the unions, and especially among the brotherhood of other roads, for the strikers. The engineers claim that the interests of the traveling public require the operations of these lines of railroad, and the safety of the public demands that they be operated by responsible and efficient engineers; that it is impossible to acacede to these requirements without the employment of the strikers, and upon this rests the ultimate success of their cause. The engineers have had messengers from Cincinnati, Bradford and Logansport, who report everything favorable for the cause at those points. These men tell the same story that has already been related by the engineers here, that the company are running what trains they do at those places, with a class of men that are totally unfit to. serve as engineers, and as a result there is a destruction of engines and property which is scarcely equalled by the value of the freight they carry. Five engines are reported by these men to have been destroyed or burnt out on the Logansport division within the last three days. A meeting was held by the Brotherhood at the Machinists' and Blacksmiths' Hall in the afternoon and was addressed by Mr. Fehrenbach, Gen. Macauley, Judge Elliott, the Messrs. Kahn and Pressley, of the City Council, and Mr. John Wallace. They all extended their sympathy to the engineers in their present strike, encouraging them in their efforts to break up the monopoly which has been oppressing them. Mr. Fehrenbach and Judge Elliott told them that the existing trouble ought not to be considered as due alone to the reduction of wages; but that a greater grievance was the treatment of their committee by the company when they went to lay their grievances before them. The meetiug was a very enthusiastic one and gave great encouragement to the engineers to persist in their purposes. Last evening Mr. John Lester, an engineer from Logansport, made a few remarks to his brethren. He said that the engineers and firemen at Logansport were as solid as the rock of Gibraltar in their purpose to hold

out, and would not give up, if need be, until from starvation they were hauled out of town; and then it would be said of them: "Good and faithful servant, thou hast done well," etc. But there was no question as to their success, which sooner or later would come to them, and crown their efforts. A NEW YEAR'S SERMON. SOME THOUGHTS WORTH THINKING AND ACTING UPON. Says the New York Tribune: It is hardly our province to add to the sermons which the season calls out. But if politics are banished from the pulpit and religion from secular newspapers, where is the relationship between them to be made good? How can two be agreed unless they sometimes walk together? Or will our readers tell us there is and ought to be no kinship between them? That is the creed upon which the great mass of our religious population act. Our neighbor Johnston is not only an honest but a devout man. He brings up his children in the fear and admonition of the Lord. He carries the principles of justice. which the Savior taught, into his minutest dealings with his customers, and His mercy into every dole or kindly word he gives to the poor. Into his share of social lite, and study of science or literature, even into his recreation, he takes these great truths, and orders his beliefs and actions by them. But the moment he approaches his duty as a citizen, Christian principles are thrown aside as effete and impracticable. Either he votes or engineers his party tactics according to the expediency of the present moment, or else he washes his hands of the whole unclean business. He will sit by the hour bemoaning that "politics are hopelessly corrupt ;" that the city, State or National Government is in the hands of men ready and willing to be bought to favor any iniquitons scheme of peculation; that the elections in the cities are carried by fraud, and are virtually controlled by the basest class of politicians and the element of ruffianism which they bring to bear on the ballot-box. Yet he and thousands of his kind decline to interfere. They are content to sit tranquilly groaning, day after day, over their newspaper and the depravity of their fellow men. Sheer indolence is the motive power with most of them in their inaction. They dread the shame, the bruit of unearthing corruption. "Stir not up muddy water," is their favorite maxim. But with many the deterrent cause is the weight of an office held by themselves or their friends. Whoever knew the holder of an office to turn against the party which had given it to him, however corrupt? Why should we oust any bribe-taker or heap reproach on him, when he "spoke a kind word to get Bill "IN THE CUSTOM HOUSE," Or to "send Dave as consul to the South Seas?" Honesty has weight in public men, doubtless, yet our own bread and butter on the other scale make it kick the beam. This sort of reasoning may do for the poor mortals who profess no religion. But is it sufficient for those who ostensibly follow the example of Him whose actions will to-morrow be expounded in countless pulpits throughout the land? Now if Christianity means anything at all it means honesty. It means clean hands. It means fearlessness in duty. And if a Christian owes any duty to his neighbor, it is that he shall choose men to make the laws and execute them who have at least not been branded as thieves, liars and perjurers. It is that he shall use what little strength and influence he has to keep our elections from becoming an exhibition of the powers of the most brutal mobocracy; our judiciary clear of at least open bribery, and Congress from such disclosures as those of the last and present sessions. The devout man who keeps himself aloof from politics and politicians, inwardly thanking God he is not as these men, is in his place cleary derelict in duty. Eighteen hundred years ago this very question was tried before the Jewish public Their suffrages were asked, as now, whether to choose as their ruler the embodiment of justice, honesty and the highest law of humanity. or to sacrifice Him for a man publicly branded as a felon. Jesus, as king of the Jews, would have been just as inconvenient, just as antagonistic to old precedents and old prejudices, as Jesus controling in spirit our [illegible] ballot boxes, our courts or congress. The

Jews had his office to lose, his warm little income to sacrifice before he could subscribe to the faith of a teacher who bade him sell all that he had and give to the poor. Consequently he preferred that matters should continue comfortably as they were. Let Jesus be crucified out of the way, and Barabbas, whose habita had grown into one of the institutions of the country, be released. Now, as then, the old question is asked, "Will you have this Man to rule over you?'' And we, like the Jews, reply, "Not this man, but Barabbas." What does it matter to us that "Barabbas is a robber?"

WASHINGTON WASTE. A SUGGESTIVE EXHIBIT OF EXTRAVAGANCE -- A PRODIGIOUS NUMBER OF SMALL ARTICLES PAID FOR. A Washington correspondent of the Tribunes writes: While some of the Senators and Representatives who are spending the recess of Congress in Washington are mousing about in the departments and suggesting reductions in the annual estimates, or inquiring into the expenditure of the contingent funds, some of those at the other end of the avenue are reciprocating by overhauling the contingent accounts of the legislatve branch of the government to see if a little of the economy which members preach to the departments can not be exercised at the capitol. Beginning with the Senate, they find that the estimates for the contingent expenses of that body, exclusive of expenditures for fuel, clerks and capitol police, amount to $71,140. Of this, the estimate for stationery for committees and officers of the Senate is $5,000; that for horses and carryalls, $9,000; folding documents and materials, $8,000; labor, $16,000; furniture and repairs, $12,000. and for miscellaneous items, exclusive of labor, $40,800. Of this $40,000 there was nominally spent during the last fiscal year, when the Senate was in actual session less than four months, for stationery and newspapers furnished to Senators personally, $9,047 42, or $122 27 for each Senator. It would naturally be supposed that such a sum as this would pay for all the stationery and newspapers that each Senator desired, and this supposition is strengthened by the fact that almost every one commuted a part of his stationery allowance and received on this account cash varying in amount from a few cents to $150. But an examination of the stationery account of the committees show that a great many articles were furnished to the committees for which Senators, in their official capacity as members of those committees, could have no use, and that of other articles the amount far exceeded what could legitimately be used in transacting common business. He are some of the most striking items in the two accounts: Number of envelopes furnished to Senators on account of personal stationery... $18,900 Number furnished committees .............. $96,200 ............ Total ...........................................$115,100 Or 6,014 for each Senator. If the Government paid for an equal number or envelopes for each member of the House, the aggregate number was so great as to make it unnecessary for the Republican Campaign Committee to have purchased any envelopes for the documents they sent out of Washington in the fall of 1872. This single item may help to explain the surplus fund which, the National Republican Committee found in its hands after the election -- the Government paid for the envelopes as well as for the folding and postage of the Presidential campaign documents. The envelopes must have been used in this way or they were stolen, for not one-half of 445,1 wero used for the public and private business of seventy-four Senators. Of writing paper there was furnished to Senators for their personal use 296 reams, and to committees 440 1/2 reams, making in all 736 1/2 reams, or 14,730 quires. This would give to each Senator about 200 quires of writing paper. There were charged to the Senate committees 270 pocket knives and 156 pair of shears and scissors, or two pocket kuives and one pair of scissors to each Senator and committee clerk, besides sixty-four knives and fifty-three pairs of scissors for distribution among the officers of the Senate. The number of metallic pens furnished the Senate committees was 39,360, or 328 metallic pens for each Senator and committee clerk. Besides these the committees had 240 boxes of quill pens, and a number of gold and rubber pens, a few thousands of lead pencils, and and gold toothpicks. Among other articles furnished the Senate committees were the following: Thirteen visiting card plates engraved, 157 packs printed visiting cards, 147 packs plain visiting cards, 127 pocketbooks and 219 ink stands. Committees have no use for visiting cards, or plates engraved to print them from, and the honest way for Senators would be to pay for those they have out of their personal stationery allowance. Two hundred and nineteen inkstands would furnish every Senator and committee clerk with two and leave enough to supply the officers of the Senate. When all are supplied once with inkstand it is hard to see why an equal number has to be bought during the succeeding year. And yet the Government pays every year for them 200 to 300 inkstans for the use of the Senate committees. What becomes of them all? It is becoming the settled conviction of all those who honestly desire to reduce the expenses of the "Government," that while the big "jobs" and "steals" must be watched and promptly defeated, the little leaks, both at the capitol and in the departments, must alao be stopped. The Springfield Republican gives a sketch of the Chinese working in a shoe shop in that city: Watching them at work they seemed not greatly unlike American shoemakers, though appearing more quick and deft of hand. A glance at their quarters, however, marks them of a different race. The sleeping bunks, ranged in tiers on all sides of a half dozen rooms, remind one of chicken coops at a country fair. Rude attempts at papering with picture papers indicate a slight inculation of American ideas. but the sleepng rooms look more like a collection of dog kennels or overgrown dove cotes than places for human habitations. In the kitcten the visitor may find half a dozen "Chinee" cooks, perhaps just serving up the dinner of central dishes of meat, vegetables and potato made into one grand potpourri, and a large bowl of rice on every table, with side disles of fish at every plate, set out on plain board tables, without a suspicion of table cloths or napkins, nothing beside the dishes and food, in fact, except the inevitable chop sticks. Mrs. Lucy D. Fisk, the widw and executrix of the notorious Jim Fisk, the "Gramd Duke" of New York, has filed a petition in the United States Circuit Court in Cincinnati, says the Commercial, against the Farmers' Merchant's and Manufacturers Joint Stock Fire Insurance Company of Miami Valley, of Hamilton, Ohio, to recover the sum of twelve thousand and fifty dollars, upon a policy of insurance upon a lot of opera house fixtures destroyed by the fire in the brick and marble building on the south side of Twenty-fourth street, New York, adjoining but not connecting with the Fifth Avenur hotel. A. Bower, Esq., is the attorney for Mrs. Fisk The Pope's encyclical was read in all the Roman Catholic churches of London on a recent Sunday, and by desire of Archbishop Manning the faithful were at the same time formaIly warned that those who dispute or deny the definition of the infallibility of the Roman Pontiff or impugn the decrees and dogmatical constitutions of the late Vatican Council incur the penalties attaching to tne sin of heresy, and are in danger of being ex-communicated.