Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 11, Number 40, Indianapolis, Marion County, 4 March 1852 — Page 2

mm.

m STATE SKNTIXKL K O 8SUTH . VISIT Of TH3 GEBjIASS. At 4 oVhtk. M Saturday, the German of tbi city waitei upon G .vrni'ir K- u'n fhrmtgh a commute. ) at the Capital II iise. Dr. Jv. U rahurg came forJ with a purse Containing SloO.and placing it in ihr lund rt K ssi.th, s..id, in Gorman: ''Tliere ia oar apogrh- we wiil oat tmnble you with word. You can givo u a reply in writing hereafter, or not, as you may titiuk bent." Guv. K. bowed, and tlic committer if tired.

VISIT OF THE FKATERNITY OF rBITOSS AND PEINTEES. At Ä '"cl"c'. 'ii'.'e nijtnter of grirlcmcn connected the Prt M of Indiana met in ib Rcadiiyg Room of tlio Capti tl II tike. There wore also a number of ladies, and several distiugunhed politicians present, mho bad been drawn timber to witness tbe interesting caremonies. Aftr watting a few moments. Gov. Kossuth made bis pM.ni ar, rtc'Tied hv M s-re. W. J. Brown, Douglas M tguiro, and A b.rt Wt, the eomm.Uee appointed ; ' ,r j t. w-iit upon bim. j Dr. E W. H Ellis, on behalf of the Press, then presnte G-.v. K. uiih a purse of $00, and addrcsed biro us follows : ADDRESS OF DU. ELLIS. Louts K 'Sscth. Gntruor vf Huigaiy: Aa the rep'eaentativea of the creat lever of Human F ee!' m. the Pre, we bid ya weroome in the name o ' r-r ilr. to t he Citl of the State. Years afo. when you and voiir hrave eompatr'ot were atrnsslmg nr the I i -dum of y..ur native land, as alternately defeat or vi -'oiv wa yours, the Amnein Pres. from the rude ti ff of r-e nor:bcat. to the hind of cold in the far vie-t. were as one man wa'chin; vtitb eas'e eya that nj- -luv coiifl e !iteninr in tent te catch your dratshoat of vicim v aad if thetf deep and fervent prayers could kaiir avni led jrow, I Ms moment down trodd. n Hunjjary wiuhl l O'-cupyi g her true position among tbe naiions of the earth. Thank Go tha American Preaa ia fre no imperial aVie cm mother its pulsations for Liherty no gent 4'armt standi at the olhowi of r;:r compositors, to prevent those mysterious typs. which associated the n me "f PVsaat with demonology, from arranging themselves to give expression to thaacMa tit breathe, and words that barn,' in lihnlf of the oppressed Through thi ins'nim MitnlitT yonr name, and those of your llant associates, heeame ;i familiar to cur peo pie as bonsebold words and onr children learned to lisp lh nam-.' Of KOSSUTH, a ti e WASHINGTON "f I ILiagary. To ttee medium are you indebted lor the t nes of welcome with wMca Vou are received in oni eommerciiil and polittenl einporiums, and in the far off I mils i:i the west. T!i6 press has caught up your speeches aa tney bavi fallen from your lips, and onr peo. pie have'rvondered on hearing from tbe tongue of a citizen of the old world, the sentimenti of their own hearts. !Viahin:f warm and fervent, such as they feel themselves T i -t" ha endeared you to us more than all otbeis, and hs establiihed your olaim to the title, a man and a brother. WhTeever von ro In onr broad NnJ. vou will find he Pi-s and wherever you And the Press, you will fin I a friend from the mm who gttidet and controls. who Miles and dictates to the humblest lov in the es- j Uldi-hrtient. yon will find f.ienda. They will hd yo G d p'-ed in vonr "luij.ius mission they will stand by y ei wl,il a despot rules, or a peasert elands up in the ; n i-Te of his M k r fltd asserts binsilf a man. If rou were an observer of the events in the campaign of M-xii-o. you saw Men by fep we protessed, the Ame.ican Press eta!it;r.'ied to diffuse among a benighted people the rays of libertv. We r lied not up n for-tiii-tion, upon rampirts, upon fortresses onr defence was a free P - ss. Ami so when the at. rms eome that hi i y rtK'k this nation to tbe centre the Gibraltar of te tea he Pallad'um cf onr Liberty the ark of our - ifety, will he a free press. Azaint this rock will the Ario'r of faction blow, but shall never prevail. Y 'it will go back to yuir own country you will tell fm p-nplo of this clorious land of a nation proud, prop"rous. and happy enjoy ing to their fullest extent the privileges of Fi eedom. and yon will tell them that of all the blessing attendant upon free, republican instit rinn, a Free Pres was the embodiment of them all. Tell them that tie hnd of Franklin, T:. i. d of ib free, tad the home of tha b svs," - ns to tne aentunent of Brutus, "Freedom and anabiaeiaent." ami that she looks to Hungary as tar of Lii-erty in Europe the Bethlehem over Urw it sball etile, and under whose roof shall yet be !k-n ilie ATe;,jer "f nations. K sntli our off rinir is humble such as we have we jive unto thee. lis moral iulluer.ee is its chief worth - in hutiible i fT-ring at the sluine of patriotism an earnest of the feeling in all our heart- such aa we hope mav forever actuate your people such as dropped from he ips of a d in Anerican patriot " Indeendence uuwr, and ladependence forever." COT. KOSSUTH'S REPLY. I need not dwell upon the statement that if any man ia deeply penetrated witb the sentiment of tbe value of the Free Pe;s, I am that man. It was shown practical; in mj liio. whsri many years ago I suffered somrwbrtt, because I was engaged to demand tbe justice of t'Uuu to my ii'oplc to be the advocate ol" democrat a Und of aristocracy. In conseqaence of my po- ! aea fully convinced that it is tbe first endeavor f i F es P' "S.s which gives a people h"pc, and which in ikes the peofle'e wishes as powerful aa the people's will. Wh t I suffered somewhat fur having dared to aasejr,( the right of a people to be free, I knew the nam ral power of the Press, and I foretold that out of my inssMSs-m-n -n wotsMürow the freedom of the Press. Sail vroi. TheieW. if any man can value the freedom ; of in.' Press, I am ia.it man Wnite I thank you warmly gentlemen, yon will not MJ oT-u led if 1 tei! you I am not surprised that gentlemen in imately connected with the free press show I sympathy with a just cane a cause it is the glory of a Iit! to -'inprt. It is the propensity of your hearts to symp itinsj with efforts for freedom. I have full rea- j fo to Ute that I am highly iudebtad to tho American ! Press, but vmir assertion that wherever I go in the Uni. el S'at-s I will and friends among ail ;hoa associated with the P-ess, I am sorry to say is not quite true J take this oppcrainity to say that there is a power on earth working e reily to break down every principle of Liberty, but first, tbe Liberty of tbe Press. Wherever theie is a triumph of absolutist ical powersit is achieved through the corruption of tbe Press. Better a people have no Press than a corrupted Press l. t .usi isiic applause. Because the Press is every. where powerful to speak a free word, wherever the wo-d or.. er. in its true sense, is not onnosed to ahaoln. ititistieai i nr. io uce, one part r - mmof tho rios is corruptIt is not because in A merica all the Press J-.es not support my principle my opinions that it has alu in.itfed mv character 1 say tins; but that in 'luiiean America, can be anywhere found a Press '.o employ e-ery means, with a pertinacity that would :onor a just cause, to support Russia and Austria, is wmm tiling beyond nil that I have been able to I nagine. But su-h is tue power of the Pr as tha'. like t e Unci cf Achill, it has the power to beal the a-oe.nds it make, f Applause 1 There ha.- t -n ti who have falsified history, ato. in the virtue of my nntt-n, and apeed mv character;! tiMf tbry La ve been on!y sorry, as 1 said on a previous oeea- ... - - ' n. in tt liiere is n t another Decalogue, that they nigut cnarge me too w itii tna violation ol all its emu. man I. Yet. notwithstanding ali, my principles have i spread a is natural to a just cause. N w. tent lent en. let me say. lo bestow sympathy not ! . I i i " ft I . 1 1 IT.tr. m . . Mil..!. , - nvv.i'j,'. ... 1 1 uo . ii' mi lite iw r u stain mv Bss-.i s . f v. ur own hiatorv. Hol. tl. aoonle to rememtr wuen A met tea raised the ste.ndard ol Liberty. Even in tne time of Washington there were de . . . . . r - r - ; - ., . Himt wiiiiwrui. tt iiKi sat i no prospect hen! What i. thepro,,H.Ct now? Were ibe men of ! America made of another stamp were their arms of hcr nerves than those of men wbo would rathar die I then le oppr sa- l more? U who teil, you we will not .ncceed. what tells be, other word than that despot f ar the mighty blow. Gir my cause, moral, material net political snpUeref'ire prevent th t blow. Is it written in the pot iio of Humanity ibat ihe Houae of Austria has power t'tornsb Lbtrtyi What is the House of Au-triaT I r.e had it m mv ban t. Tha House of Austria stands i ' Meh a conditio, Lt such resolutions as in Indiana, 0 1. All Pennsylvania, have ben passed, become pro. oci-rcea t h public opinion, and yon take the only pr p tK0 nppnrt of Russia, (without which I believe we will only have a single battle,) fron the House of Arnum, aa i it baa no beste. T -re e th ttavlsin the Aaatriaaanaw wbo will fight tor liberty and hnndveds of my countrymen who have alread fought, and they only wait tbe hour which draws very near, to strike the Mow f Applaoae To despair, is to do rnptstioe to Divine Prondenoe. No Christian oan elieve God will forsake a jnt cause. The ways of P-ov Jea-e ere mrteriooei and it mav be onr first strnffg'e was not eueMeil.il. to show that there shmld be no fremie with df spotisto Applaase We would ,

have taken it as a great gift for tbe Emperor to hare secured ou coastit.ni.iial rights. Would the ueiion again rotMfirouiiat I It was uo more .t i ! . Tbe gentlemen know, m Iii B k of Samuel. I d not reno in bei bat chapter, it a told 11001 il.e Land, ibat he who i biatat a a king choose to be a slave. How uur l.nl .re may have b n t-e.-..ue we n.ii:bt have Iteen satisfied not to have been decided y Kcpt.bluan. A 1 aabl before, ii.e ways ul P.uvid.me are mystenou-. S i much 1 know die true Christiau will uot despair of t e ii imaie triumph of our cuUse, or be make out that G h! baa given governraenis to be oppressive, f Applause B cause one m ill part of the Ameiican Piea anppon ibe despera'e it nation of Europa, no gteater MO icc an beconfeired upon the cause 1 plead than lor tie powerful influence of the majority of I lie Pnaa fwhn b ia laifbfal to its high position) to truly represent

. the free sentiment of the e- pie. H arty applause. J I will follow your advice when I gvt home. I will 'tell he people MM tale I meet hare. But the tale I have vet to learn. Many things are begun, hut m any - i V - . I are not yet achieved, t remember it' inomiene, neu once pleading against lb' despotism of Alexander, to a n-iV crowd, (and it ia the nature of a crowd iilwaya to he n'.uy) laughieil told the tale of a man who sat down in Has shadow of an as. H wa not tbe ownar of the animal, hut the owner waa along, and a dispute aroe between them as to who had the right tu be shielded fr-m the auu'a burning raya hy the haio w . , ih - Tlia owner contended that when he hired 1 ag no nnt ,i .hadow; but the other said if he b'rrd the ass he hired the shadow also. When Demo.theae. spoke of Freedom, the crowd was roisy, hut when ha told the tale of the aas, every man Uns' silent ; and when they were tranquil, they wanted t know the isje, hut Demosthenes aid he eould not tv th iaaue he only began tbe story t- get a tranquil iii lent o I am like Demosthenes I cannot tell the whole tale ; I do not know the issue : and mv people are like (hat orowd where Demosthenes spoke they want to know the issue. Applauae. Hunuarv ia resolute to try acin to make herself free. Xnions of combined activity have self enscious pow-r, but they want prcparati a to exeit that power. We h.tve no free press tber- not a word can reach the people. I am not a skilful man. but everywhere I am greeted hv every class of people, because there ia a chord in j the people's hearts which responds tu every breeze of i liberty. Tyrants fear not me, hut that I may touch that i chord. Preparations are not allowed in Europe, therei fore we eome here to America. Our auceeaa is sore, if j the people only give their support to secure us a lair I Held. There is no topic, than this, more worthy of the I consideration of the free press ' Gentlemen, ponder the I consequences. There have been sreater nations than j America. Where are they ftawl Refleot. gentlemen. ! what may come should absiilatiitical power, bu permit1 tnl to concentrate. You told me, sir, that the Gihrnltar of America was the pr sa. You are perfect It rijhi, sir. Bw it is only j the Gibraltar while it remains free. Now let me tell Von a tale (.tnd it will be a finished tale, not like Demosi theueh' tale) almnt the condition of the press in France. Laiiühter When some friendf of Louis Napoleon wen,7o him, and profeaaed aitaehnient to him. and asked that he would a little trust them that he would not an mcn crn,rra$i the press by sending gent d a me to the Printing OTice, to stand at the elbow of the compositor t ike the manuscript, and say 'ynu can no mere print this." What did he tell them? " Gertleroen, three gov mments have fallen by the power of iho press. I may ftll, but mv word for it, I will cot fell by tbe power of the pre.' Gentlemen, the Prers of America can remain its Gibraltar if frte. hot if by secret means it be corrupted, it will not remain free and then, if a Gihrnltar, will be a takt'i Gibraltar. I hope, gentlemen, by giving aid to mv cause, the Free Press of America not influenced bv Russian diplomacy , will encage the people for it (and a tliA nennt, irt i th nsttnnt iKmii in. I, r.l T mav i ft ,ln.,v it wj ,w.t R hy wW$ 0, . ..ij not ? in the United StatVs. bnt in all civilz d lands, will be riven reason to say, the American Press is the impregnable fortress of froedof. After Gov. Kossuth had concluded his remarks, three 1 erty oheers for Hungary were civen, and tbe Printers tispoTsed eil satisfied with their interview. In the evening he visited the T( r'ge of Free and Aceepted Masons, at Mnsonio Hall. He became a Mason at Cincinnati, during bis recent visit to that city. On Sabbath Gov. Kossuth, in company with Gov. Wright, visited Roberts Chapel in the morning, where an eloquent sermon was preached by Rev. Win. Wilson. In the afternoon he visited, in company wi'h Gov. Wright, the Roberta Chapel, first Presbyterian, and second Presbyterian Sunday Schools. He remained hv' a short time at each of these schools. Had it been possible ha would have visited all the Kabbath Schools in tbe city. THE LADIES Of Indianapolis assembled at Gov. Wright's Mansion, at 4 o'clock P. M., on Monday, expecting to meet Gov. K"Ssuth, and present him with a purse. This purse was collected through the eff irfs of Mrs. S. T. Bolton, Mrs. MeClure, Mr. Gov. Wright, Mrs Maguire, Mrs. W. J. Brown, Mrs. Alexander, and Miss M. J mison. Mr. Pclszky appeared, with Mesdarais Koastth and Pulszky. Mr. Pulszky then came forward and stated that Guv. Kossuth begged that tbe Ladies of Indianapolis would excuse his inability to meet them at this moment, and return his thanks for their sympathy in behalf of Hungarian Liberty. Ho wis unahle to do so now, but would he pleased to meet them and address them at Masonic Hall, after his Address to the Association of the Friends of Hungary. Upon that occasion ho uould re0eiv- their Bnaroua proffer Mr. P. hoped that this arrangement would meet tbe approbation of the Ladies. After Mr. PuUzky had concluded, the Ladies were 'ntroduced to Mesdames Kossuth and Pulszkv. Rev. Tho n is H. Lynch then came ibrward with the pupils of the Indiana Female College 116 in number and after presenting him with a purse of $26, addiessed Mr. Pulszky as follows: 1 Ma. Pdlszkt: In behalf of the Young Ladies of the Indiana Female College, I have tbe honor to present you this puis of twenty-six dollars, as a contribution to the cause of Hungarian Freedom and Independence. This small donation is accompanied with the most ardent prayers of I the contributors for the speedy and complete triumph of j tbe noble enterprise of Kossuth and his compatriots. Mr. PuUzky, ia reply, said: Allow roe, in behalf of Gov. Kossuth, to return his j warmest thanks for your contribution. Believe me. j that tha efforts in favor of Freedom and Justice will not j suffer if left in the hands of the nobie youth of yonr couni try; for what their fathers have done, they are willing ; to do. What I have here witnessed is an ev.dcnce of the tr 'th of this remark. Permit me again to thank you far your sympathy in lichalfof the cause. The pupils were then respectively introduced to Mr. P., and Mesdames Krtsüt!i and Pulszky. After which the Lsdies and Children withdrew, well pleased ilh ,wi 111CO kICll bill - . their interview. STATE ASSOCIATION OF FRIEXDS OF HUNGARY. This Association met at Masonic Hall Monday evening. The vast Hall was crowded by ladies and gentle. men. almost to "cess. Hon. John Law was tempora rily called to the Chair. The committee appointed to report the regular offi. - r . . Ä - . - . 0" of lba AssociaUon, reported the following t fleers: James Blake, President; Ovid Buller, Julius Nicolai, Horatio C. Newcomh, A. F. Morrison, and Nathan B . , ... , . , P,mr,.y'? PreMdu' Fletche'. Tre.ur.r , Anittn H. UrowD, KeOordiDJ !crettry; Cbtr.ei W . Cady, Corresponding Secretary; and Wm. C. Thomp son, Valentine Butsch, William Robson, Themas F. Purnell, and A. Fran-o, as the Central Committee. . About half past seven o'oloek Gov. Kossuth, accompanied by bis suite and Gov. Wright, made bis appearance amidst great applause. After being introduced to the assembly, Gov Koesutb prooeeded to deliver tbe following address KOSSUTH'S ADDRESS. Ma. President: It is witb particular pleasure and sincere gratitude that I address tbe Indiana State Association of the Friends of Hungary, the very formation of which I aae attended with circumstances affording tbe hope that its activity will prove alike frnctuous by ita energy, as its formation waa conspicuous, by spontaneon readiness, harmonious concurrence, end unottentatioat generetity

Seeing this Association spontaneously engaged is that course which I oo due refleciioa, consider the truly practical, in supporting tbe cause ol my couu'ry , and t' pettier with i ihr- cause of N. nion.il Fitedoro lu Europe, win'u in it own turn is again lutiMMHcli connected v Ith tbeundisiiiibe! luiure ecinitv nl ihis Union, and the uniiiten upiel pogrea in tbe development of its pro pcrity , I have the consciousness that il Ista.t a due ti il'Ute lo he praetieal t haracier of this assembly thai 1 lake vet the platoimof may ex. iiinjr eloquence, the Hopicsaian of which might be siiriinu, imt neiibci Inaiing uur deep, and I will raihei confine myself to the statement ol some historical facts, which may, perhaps, aiwd some raw materials for the further operation of this AsscM-i-tnn; which I enntidently Itelieve to have been formed not out of whntever momentary impiilso of a passing emotion, but with the intention of cariying to full extent that aim, for which it has ass"ciaicd ibat i, to make the sympatby of the Slate of Indiana alike practical, as it had the character of hariiianious univeisality in is manifestation. It would lie a very interesting object for oltaervaiton to investigate the diilercnce in the character of populations, and to analyse the sources of this difference. I ooufess that in what I have seen of Indiana, there, is marked difference in the temper of the people fmm what I have seen In-fore in the United States. Do not expect any compliments at the cost of your i-ter States. I state simply a fact, which may prove a souice of high prosperity , but also cause something akin to stagnation in its yet unborn effects, according as it developes hv importance into that unalterable nature of a historical character, which, of course, your State is yet too young to have, but winch it will have, when the conglomeration of individualities melts together through the cru

cible of history, into a distinct race, as by the power j of time every nation does, however heterogeneous be its j 0' i"in. The character of the people of Indiana, so far as I have seeu it, has not only the stamp of particular soberness and temperance, but if I be not mistaken, even I some germs of earnest rigidity ever in itaelt. Now as in soberness and temperance, these are not only highly . honorable qualities, but als' the most solid foundat.Ofl of family virtue, of public wellare, and private happiness, provided that they take hold of the People's mind, by moral conviction, and mix. aa it weie.with its vety I heart's blood, so as to become a second nature to whiou we adhere as if it were by inclination and by instinct, ! which we follow because it is a necessity of our nature to follow, and provided that the good men who took the lead in this salutary movement, take care.well not tu allow it to sink to the level of fashion, which nover lasts, and of show, which often leads to secret hypocrisy; but j aa to the germs of earnest rigidity, that is it thing whfos my in future generations develope into a character of 1 indomitable energy, the mother ol united progress, and of invincible heioism. but which also can cause stagnation, should it by and by take an ascetic direction, and decenerate into a moral gloominess, which bane of the ' poetry of lite, and of that spark of memoes which the j Lord has imparted to the heart of man, likes tu mtiMand stay, rather than to act and progress. But these are empty contemplations for our age. and ' belong to the mysteries of future times. To mc, ii ' is enough to know that th"! is a spiri' of ParuvstrlC j spread over the ncwland of Indiana, wl ich powei fully reminds me of my own home. On, how elad I whs to ! have met that sincere sympathy, without the addition of insatiable curiosity jnst as I was wont to meet it once at home. Let me hope that this earnet sympathy will he equally distinguished by energy as that of my own j m I veil people s ia. And whence this earnestness in tbe People of Indianiit Is it a result of history f No, your people in its naiional capatity is too young to have a history yet. Happily you have no past, overcasting a gloomy shadow into your present sunny day. Y"U havo but a piescut vet. God grant a gforioiis future to it. But so much is sure. lbtt there is no history to account for tbe earnestness of your people's character; or is it in the j blood in the rat e. No, your people is neither of the j same origin, nor has it yet gone through that process of j amalgamation, which in mat great ci ucitiie e.iileti time, melts individuals of diffeient origin into a race. Where then is the key to the mystery of that charade ? The key is that you are an agricultural reople, which doe not like lo crowd in great cities whence narute is exiled and its inspirations substituted by artificial excite ments, blazing like a fire-work and dying away like the i fire-work. Agriculture requires free air and a broad ' field, where man by the character of his occupation stands often alone nothing around him but nature in its j calm majesty. That loveliness makes man earnest, i while the constant iniercourse with nature makes him -generous, and the vai iely oi daily difficulties, which an 1 agriculturist has to meet, makes him peisc.erunt and energ 'tic. Let me hope, gentlemen, that these three qualiiics, j peculiar to an agricultural people, will unite in practically supporting that cause to which the claim of the j People of Indiana, in it. national capacity as a Slate, j was the first amongst all the States of the Union to pledge its national sympathy, by bestowing upon the humble advocate of that cause the honor and benefit ol , a national welcome. It may lie that when, by the mcdiun of that organization, for the development of which you were pleased to form this Association, he people j of Indiana learns from you, that the people cf Hungary i j much tho same in character as it has the same occupa- j tion. with the People of Indian.. that will ia? a word J in re, which will speak to its heart, and will be a mo. live more to say Brother Majyar, hen i a brotker't j Aund to thee." Indeed, centlemen, there is a remarkable fact in that Agricultural character of ibe people of IIungav highly instructive in its psychological mid even political con- j sequences. We are an earnest people, gentlemen, and onr hist'try is indeed more than earnest. It i sad. but illuminated by many a bright lustre of glorious patriotism. Situated as we are, by our very geographical position, we were the bulwark of Europe for many centuries. First, w protected it against the countless hordes of wandering Tartars and Mungol .ften against pestilence and locusts; then we protected Christianity from Mohammedanism. We were the Ufa gMMJ "I Luiber and Calvin. Had my nation, at the very time ol the Reformation, not fought and bled to defend Christianity, the Mabomets, Amurats, and Solyroatis bad soon nothing left "or Christianity to reform. Then again thrice we fought and bled for Protestantism when its inexorable enemy, the House of Austria, (ol yore, as also to day, always a ready tool to insolence of Jesuitism,) had drowned in hre and blood Protestantism in Bohemia; and in Austria, even to day, has not so much right as to t ing a bell to call its adherents to the house of prayer, and in the Metropolis (Vienna) to loim an Association for the distribution of the Bible, would be punished as a crime, while Associations against Protestantism ei joy the privilege of imperial protection. The very Consul of the United States ia a member of its dire committee. And at last, when it was not the Turk who threatened European civilization, but the Cossack, led by the Czar, who has sworn to stifle the spirit of Liberty on earth, it was again we who had to drink the cup of martyrdom for all Europe. It ia upon the ruins of our national existence that Russian ambition went on to rule, as it rules now, on the European continent. It is again we M ho have to rise from our fall through centuries, with that ; indomitable energy which no power on earth could bend 1 and with that unextinguishable vitality which no adver- j sitiee eould quench it is again we w ho have to rise, and , are resolved to rise, out of the ruins with renewed strength, and form a break-water to the ambition of Russia, and by sending the outworn, but bloody Hapsburgs, to their long deserved place of inexorable doom, booome the corner-stone of the freedom of Italy, Austria, and Germany. That sad history of ours full of sufferings and of woes would stell account for tie habitual earnestness of our j national character, and still the real key of it is notour i history but that fact that we are an agricultural people ! like yours a people which does not much liko to par with nature and to crowd in large cities so much ao I that though we count a thousand years in our history j though our country is btess-d with naiurr's richest gilt though we have a pt,)ulation of fifteen millions, and though the more I sec of tbe world with the more t-er- . tainty can I say that my people is not second to any in the world in good sense, intelligence and moral dignity, still we have not and never had in our whole country a city as large as even young but gigantic Cincinnati. We don't like to crowd in immense cities, because we are agriculturalists. And o H of this circumstance arose our attachment to the principle of municipal selfgovernment, which attachment again explains, why though often vanquished when we fought with too great odds, we were never subdued , and we will never be subdued so long as there is a people of Magyars. Buda, our metropolis, was taken by the Turks, who, together with half of our country, possessed it for more than one and a half centuries. We re-took it and asserted our independence. In our late struggle, alao, with perjured Austria, we lost in the first weeks of the Austrian invasion, our metropolis, because we were not prepared for a war had no army ready no ready money and no arms, and to create all this some time was required ofeonrse. Other nations hy losing their metropolis wool have lieen subdued .Look at Frame. Paris set up and upset kings. A foreign enemy has taken Paris, anci France was vanquished. Louis Napoleon trmmpked at Paris not so with us. The life of my nation is not concentrated in one place in one city, therefore it cansot be subdued. The loss af our metropolis was almost the beginning of onr victories. Be pleased to mark this well, gentlemen. That peeoliarity of our oharacter, which explains while we never have been permanently subdued, which explains how it was possible, that situated as we were, a handfull of men, between immense despotic powers, we were never conquered, nor absorbed, and conserved not only onr national existence, but also constitutional life when all around as was absolutism and a rar of libertv no-. where that peculiarity of oar national character, con-' firmed in its tficacy by a history of a thousand years, '

must forcibly impurt to your mind the conviction that we certainly will not perish, under the pteseut lyranny of Austria that we have a fgture t!;i our success la certain, elm fly when you consider that the very mode by w he Ii Aus;ria succeeded to tread at down lor a mo. ment. is iu i;sell an augury of our rtsurcilioo, because the very laci ol how we lei! provee the outwurn weaklicss of !e.-potK: Austria and proves our vitality and our strength. With your permission. I will give in a few outli ica, a skrtoh "I .,m couutrx ' political oruauiaatioii a history in a nut shell if you please. It will pem 'ps be not quite supei Uncus, cliielly as by the ereveiiug falsehood if onr enemies, taere are still kept up some misrepresentations in that respect, which find their way even into compilations written with friendly intention, but not well digesi ed by criticism. The Hungarians are a people of Asiatic origin, which the last swarm out of that great besbtve, Asia, in the time of the r.'igration f nations, came over lo Eurupe in ihe (Mh cemuiy, conuered our pi esent country, ancient Panouia and Dacia, and sett ed there a ibonsand years ago. Scarcely settled, ibe ftisl de d ol our lorelitthers was to frame, in a national convention, a constitution for the government nf their new home. It is a highly interesting fact of which wo Magyars may well be proud that theie is no nation on earth could show a bis-lory of a thousnnd years existence, and glory in the statement that, from ibe riist moment of its exist enee, through all thechanges of time, amidst all tbe difficulties, all tbe visashltes of centuries, never submitted to absolutismnever sanctioned an illimited government was rather alwxys a constitutional country so lively pervaded by the spirit of constitutional freedom that whntever may have been the inducements of danger, or of gratitude, it nevei surrendered its constitutional tights never edured oppression for one single man's age without leasserting its constitutional life, and accepted rather tbe lot to fight against a whole world than to redeem life and tranquility by submission to servitude. N i natu n on earth can boast of such a glory. Why! have we not sufficiently shown, in our late struggle, that that indomitable spirit of a thousand years is yet alive that we are true offsprings of our forefathers? Whv' have we not redeemed, by a heroic defence, more gluri. ous than tbe most glorious day of our long past, our national reputation? Stoial ever the name of Hungaiy higher in the esteem and opinion ol the whole world, inundating with its fame the must distant climates of t lie earth? Who. endowed with a most emit on sense, could lor a moment doubt that if there Ire one single nation on eanh which has a future yet. Hungary has ill It has it tre more because that future is a necessity of tbe whole Chrjsiion world. Ii has it because we were nevtr yet so strong as we now are, and our enemy was never so weak as it is now, having lost in its late struggle all its vitality, pot being able t live a single moment wii hout loreign interference, and that foreign interference being in such a striking opposition to the common interest of all the Christian world, and also to the interest of Turkey. hnw very existences now a necessary condition to Eutope's freedom and security, that il is impos. ihlo silently to admit that foreign interference, by which aloiiu the House of Aes'ria eould sustain its curs-ed existence yet for a short while. Well, let me return to the outline of our history. Having established a thousand years ago our constitmional govei nui nt, econseived ii through nil the following centuries. First, we had constitutional kings out of the House of Arpad our great leader in the IX century. That dynasty being extinguished we elected our constitutional kings by fiee choice amongst foreign ptinces or our own fellow citizens from the 11th to the 16th century. One of these our kings, Louis tbe Second, bavi an fallen together w-itii the bloom of Hungary in the great battle of Mohais, fought on the Danube againt the immense forces of Turkey, we elected as our king. Feidinand of Austria, and after him to tbe first quarter of the 18th century, continued to elect members ol this fatal dynasty as our kings, but always upon tbe condition of being crowned by the cromn of St. Stephen, our first king, and by pledging their sacred honors, in a solemn oath and bv written covenant lhat they would govern Hungary and its admitted provinces as a fre and independent country, according to its own constitution and lo its own laws and customs, which they would have no power to alter and not even to interpr t without flic consent of the nation, having equal share in tbe Legislative power. Tims it went on t the first quarter of th XlXih century, when royalty was vested heieditariiy in the House of Austria, and the rules of succession ail.tpdd as they were fixd !or the hereditary dominions of that dynasty; so that lo the kindly throne of Hungaiy, always the same Prince should succeed who bad alo to succeed in Austria. But beyond this single excep. lion, namely that instead of elective Kings, our forefathers consented to have hereditnry Kings, no alteration was made in the Political Constitution of Hungary. It was rather explicitly stipulated by coronation, bv covenant, and enacted repeatedly into the Statute Book of our country, as a fundamental law, that Hungary and its appurtenances arc and have to remain a free and in. dependent country, not belonging lo any other country or nation not bound to any duty towards Austria, but to the duty of good neighborhood, and to be governed

by the heriditary kings according o its own constitution and its own laws as they wete, and should be enacted, with the consent of the nation assembled in the Parlia. ment, and according to these hiws and to that Constitution, had to be governed hy itt own National Constitution and responsiide authorities, and not by whatso ever foreign Austrian government, so much that a foreigner of whatever tongue or race, who was neither born a Hungarian citizen, nor naturalized in due form, bad not even a right to bold public office of a political or judiciary oha acter. You see by ibis, gentlemen, what a foul misrepresentation it is to say that Hungary was a part of ihe Austrian Empire. Those who disseminate this foul misrepresentation, display, besides ill will, also the most striking ignorance. They do not even know what sort of a thing the Austrian Empire is, else they would not be babbling such nonsense; which is quite such an annchronism as if some body would say that Indiana belungs of right to Iowa, whereas Iowa did not even exist when Indiana was already a Mate. What is the Austrian Empire? Well, it is a complex of province.t but 47 tears old. The Archdukes of Austria were also Kmgs of Bohemia, of Maikgravcs, of Moravia, etc.; but no Austrian Empiro existed before lMio. They were often elected Emperors of Germany and tbev bad provinces appertaining to Germany, but nob aly in the world has yet dared to assert tlint Hungary has'lx longed to Germany. Now in the begining of this centurv, the German Empire dissolved ; and its last Emperor, Franci. Archduke of Autii and also con.-tit utional King of Hungary, having been forced to abdicate his German Emperorship, be issued a proclamation by which be united those of his dominions which belonged to Germany with tbe addition of Gallacia iuto our Empire, called tbe Empire of Austria, but in that very proclamation he explicitly declined that Hungary and all the dominions belonging to the crown of Hungary (namely, Croatia, Sclavonic, Transylvania) being liee, independent and consti' utional, shall lie for ail the future, also considered to Ire such and not belonging to the newly consiituted Empire of Austria. Thus ii was again recognised in the European Congress at Vienna in 1815; and when at that very Congress, the German confederation was established, and the Austrian Emp.ie was entered into it, again it was diplomatically guarantied that Hungary and its appurtenances as well as ihe kingdom of Venice and Lombardy, do not belong to it ; and so scrupulously was in every respect, conserved this independent and distinct national independence of Hungary, that np to 1851, we were always seperated bv distinct custom, barriers even in a commercial respect fiom the Austrian Empi.e. Yon see. gentlemen, that Hungary was never in that relation to Austria in which the United States were formerly to England, not even in such as England, Scotland and Ireland are reciprocally, and by no mesns in the relation your States aie to your Union, but simply in tbe relation Hanover was to England, or Norway is to Sweden, having the same sovereignty, but a distinct, free and iadependeut national existence. So it was in 1S4S. What did we then do, whieh eonld have authorized the Austrian despot, to attack us hy conspiracy and by armed invasion? Why, the only difference which we introduced into the government und mark well, gentlemen, wc introduced it by the enactment of a law with the consent and sworn sanction of the king the only difference is that before 1843 our national government consisted of a Council Board. We have seen that where many should he responsible, nobody is responsible entirely so, as for instance, when in the formation of an Association of friends of Hungary, the executive business is entrusted to a numerous committee, you can be sure that nobody will execute any thing. We therefore having seen that our Council Board government was not sufficiently effective to resist the constant tendency of the Austrian Court to centralize every power in the gloomy caverns of despotism in Vienna, established a responsible ministry instead of the former Council Board. To be sure, ibis was a new a real guarantyto our old independence, but it was not a newly acquired right, hut only a new guaranty to our !d right. But precisely there was the rnb. An the dominions of the Honse of Austria weie fni merly constitutional countries, but every one was absorbed by the centralis ing despotism of the dynasty. We were only hated for it because our very existence was a hope of freedom to the Anstrians. So long as we conserved a constitutional soverament, the work of despotic centralization was neither complete nor mre. And seeing that m 1S43 we not only did not yield to centralizing incitements, but rather added a new security to our independence and self-government ; and first this independence and self-government under tbe guaranty of all the fifteen millions who inhabit our country, by encompassing them all into the circle of equal duties and equal rights, and to the whole people the political, eivil and re!;gioris libertv of a truly Democratic Consti

tution. Tbe tyrannical dynasty resolved rather to ruk all ratht r to sell its honor, h lutuie, ai d iisJigii, and to acc. jit a m l ater ia the person of its protector. Ihe Cxar, l bau see n centralizing tem.enci. s stopped, and uur uniton stuudiug a rock of nutiunal i..depehui.ce and of Democratic sell government.

There were chiefly two things which the Austrian' Des pi t . . oh! nl bear; Fiistly, that they con tl n-l '. have tu ir bands in our pockets, and mi tiny lov uur army to be an instrument of oppression. F' lu.er.v we piovidcd fur the expenditure of ttur artuv by a war tax, and fur the expenditure of our civil government. Nmei - . uns millions yei remained out of the rieh rcsouicc ol our pablic revenues, but never a single shilling was cmployed to t:lc la-netit of our coeutry, either lu public edueducation, "t to whatever d'-mestic improvement. Our Buaid of Council sht.4 its eye- all w andered in- j to the bottomless bay of the court of Vienna, to be spent try abominable coin tiers and fur the put pose of t urnipHon and o oppiession. But in our pai liaiuent of 184$, ' with lavish generosity, we determined to give the king and his court -.e and a half millious of dollais a year. ! (a costly cXj T;r.uiturt indeed for such a merchandise as an imported k hoe best possible quality was tu do j not bhrg at all; ..-. I , being entrusted w n I, ibe chnrge of a ; minister of ibe ticasmydid not, of course under any j pretext , give him ami I is prodigal cum t a single shilling more however, aitificially they contrived to get me inHI a snare. This was a sad grievance which they could not i.ear. And as to our army, formerly, by the inadvertency f onr Council Boaid. the Hungarian Regiments (a conStaat army of 60,000 men) were set.tahioad tokep the German. Italian, and Polish Provinces in oppression. But the rc--nsihle Ministry once cMablij-bed in OS4, of ionise Stmt the foreign regiment h me, and oideied ' cur nalienal army to mc home It is heart-revolting to remember bow the Austrian Ministry at ted in that r. sped luwards us. Wc sent 2.000 brave Hungarians to guard our maratime post, Fuima. T have a shorter way. we sent them hy Ilaiiroad through Austria, with i the con&ent ol the Austnan Mmtsiiy, but when our brave men touched the Austrian soil they weie bv force carried to Italy to fight against our brethren, the 11 ians; and when we complained, we were answered, that it was done by mistake but the regiments were kept Two other regiments haJ, with wiiMcn consei.t of ihej King, to come home Item Gallacia ihnxigh Vienna; but w !,en they came to Vienna were also sent to Italy let be ! led to slaughter, by that Marshal Radctzky. who within ; the short period of three yeais. sacrificed the lives ofl 3.742 Italian patriots on the sciifTdd, and w hen w e complained, the answer was, a mistake. Jellacbich revolt ed not to assart the independence of Croatia, as our enemies basely report, bnt with the avowed purpose to crush down tbe liberty which we had achieved, and the independence w bieh we bad secured equally fur Hungary and Croatia. He revolted with the avowed purpose to establish Austrian centralization in Hungary. The King himself declared him a robed, an outlaw swore to God that In had nothing to do with htm; but while be ihusswure, hu and hi camarilla stnf money, aims, cnnti -ii and an. uni. ions to the rebel. We complained, and , . t the answer that it was done by mistake. Thus it went on, and Mill the people of Hungary adhered to its allegiance. Wh' n the Emperwr fled from Vienna, and had not a sure place to rest his head. Hungary offered him generously its allegiance. In the meanwhile treachery succeeded to make the AiistrtMsi victorious over Iialy, end then the mask of foul hypocrisy fell The Austrian Ministry wrote a cmmunicato our Government, that it desired tho public treasury, the management of our commercial relations, and the disposition of our army to be surrendered to the Austrian Ministry. We, of course, did not comply, but answered act ording to our rights and laws. Upon this the perjured dynasty knowing that we bad no army at home but foreign troops, who upon command would side against us, and brlieving that in nsjr unpic pared condition any country might lie taken by assault ordered that Jcllaehich. whom a few days before the king had proclaimed a traitor, to proceed with his troop from Croatia which we did not attack, tSMangh it mnde an open si-cession from Hungary, and order him to establish the unlimited authority of an absolute sovereign in Hungary, and as be pioceedcd, (because we bad no army to oppose him.) the tyrannical dynasty issued a ptoclaniHtion by which it declared our constitution abolished, our parliament dissolved, our municipal institution and our tribunals suhtnuted by martiuls court.-, and soon afterw ards lhat very Jellacbich. the man declared a traitor, bv tbe very king wbo invaded Hungary wiih armed force, was nominated Dictator in the name o the king, to govern and .-way with unlimited power, and j ttith fire and the sword over my betrayed fatherland. Would von have borne such a foul indignity? The j nation which would have submitted to this would have i merited to be stigmatiznl with the burning mark ofetcr. nal shame We did no bear it. We appeale! to God. to justice, and to humanity, and rose and onr unarmed neonle drove bv a single battle the invader and all bis proud honst out of rur land. He availed himselfof j truce which we magnanimously granted him, tu break bis woid and to escape in tbe dead of night. S'on afterwards a family revolution took place in the j walls ol the Im perial residence ibe Emperor forced to incis Joseph, the bloody, beardless Nero, re-ign. and Fra though it Tas not bis turn to succeed to. k the scat, as a tool for the ambition of bis moth r. Sophia, the uio-t wicked of all women on earth. We protested against u constitutional family arrangement, and never legarded him a our King. Some weeks later it was rot only j Jellacbich. the traitr, it was all the immense army of the youn Usurper, called Emperor, which invaded our unhappy fatheiland and upon a false report of a -uppoed victory, issued a proclamation declaring that Hungaiy existed no more ; that it was blotted from the list ol living nations our Constitution abolished our Government : abolished our law, our institution abolished BSSr j very existence altolished ; and our dear country that bulwark of Christian Civilization and of Freedom, watered by torrents of martyr h ... ; reduced to the degraded situation of a Province having lo make an integral part of the Austrian Empire, melted in the common crucible of centralized despotism. Have vou ever heard recorded such a foul deed of perjury in the living history nf mankind f Never, never was j such a foul deed. Wc kept silence and answered w ith blows; and ten weeks after that arrogant proclamation there was, up to Presburg. not a single Austriun soldier more in open field witLin the boundaries of Hungary and Transylvania. In 14 pitched battles we had beuten them all and driven them from our sacred ground, together with ten thousand Russians wbo enme over from Wallacia to their aid with the design to feel tbe ground and to see what would England, what would America say should Russia dare to violate the law of nations by an open, armed interference. Alas, bolh remained silent and worse. Only the Sultan of Turkey started, alarmed, and was checked by a word of disapprobation from St. James. Alas, that silence of yours and of England opened the door to the all-overwhelming progress of absolutism, ! threatening the very existence of freedom in its last strong holds on earth. Oh, we will stand in our place in the great battle of freedom against despotism. Be sure of it. And conscious of my country's merit, of the resolution by which my people and myself are animated, ' and conscious that my country's independence is mastoid- . ably necessary to the freedom of the Christian world, I trust that many of those who are present now here w ill yet see that my country that ttone tehieh the buildert rejected, will become the chief fene of the corner. But should I have the hope as well as tbe resolution of this future, still a mournful sigh heaves my breast, when I think what torrents of blood, what nameless sufferings, could have been prevented should England and America i then have spoken a word in time against that violation of the h ws of nature and of nature's God. Well, what is passed is passed. Forward, to tbe future let us look. I have told how we beat Austria. We acted silently. It was but after action that we spoke. Alter having n fact established our independence, we proeaim-d tba'. ' independence. We did as your forefat' crs did in '76, with the only difference that they first spoke, then acted we first fought and triumphed, and then spoke. And why did we thus? It was not my merit, but my desting that it was I who bad to direct tho helm in those great events. It was I who proposed that declaration of independence having leen, as the consequences proved, I in this also, as I dare say, in everything else, but the interpreter of my people's sentiments ; therefore I can tell you the tale why we first acted and then spoke. The recognition of our independence by one of tbe great powers on earth would have been decisive for our future. I was therefore anxious not to proclaim it earlier, bnt only when we had already proved that we were able to main tain our independence. By doing thus, I hoped that at least America would not hesitate to greet us in the fam ily of independent nations, and I knew that the example of America would be instantly followed by England, and thus acknowledged in an independent position, no foreign interference would have dared to violate to our wrong, ihe law of nations; or if so, at least our resourees would have increased bv a free commercial ia- J tercourse witb those nations which had recognized our j independence, knowing, on the one side what forces 1 Russia could employ in a foreign war know ing on the other side what forces we could develop in our defence ! at horr" knowing what moral weight sneb a recognition would have npon tbe eoneomitating diplomatic po- j sition and npon the spirit of my victorious countrymen, I was entirely sure that with ttiese atitiuionai resource, we would match Russia, were it even twice as powerful as it now is nay. bring freedom home to it. and shake the impious seat of its tyranny in its very foundation at home, should it dare to attack the recognized independence of Hungary. Therefore did we declare onr independence only ther when it was already achieved; consequently when I had a right to hope that America, true not only to ;tprinciples, bat to its avowed policy, to recognize eveiy de facto government, would not hesitate to aokncHedgs

our independence. My hope ptoved to be a fallacy. The U tilled Slates seal but ecitiy io n. vertikale Isvw muter st-oil, and Low sale we Wtfvj aad but evosf that m i-iei agt-ai appeared tu Hungary. The matter, w as considered a 11 St bloody si wit a child's play, wbicb can be looked at to-u.m row, or after to-a. or -ruw, or tbe next aevk,- .tm later, il j u pi e, it looked quite clear w,- vuuid be nc-gni.td so s- on as we had beaten Russia also. Tnauk f -r the bun hi! Had we once benti-a Ru a we would not have cared abuut tbe iecot;niiiua ul Wualevet puwor on em lb. Will, my calculation proved false. But I bope neither y U nur history will charge me taM 1 asked wai.twaly wlun I thus i lusted lu tbe lundamcntal pi incip aa ef avowed policy ol R publican Amern a. And still here 1 stand again ou the same grr und cf trusting to American principles. Gud sees mv heart. I fMart pait With that laiih. What will be the issue of ib'.smy second iiustf 1 have met many a calumny. I have bad to drink many a cup of worn.-wood, but I have also met many a juyiul day , full ot bright hope, by the peoples sincere ami gene ous sympathy ; tbe pi esent is one of these bright days. W will sie bat the future bring. I am in tbe hands of God, and He, he A ghiy father ul humanity, still in all venis, h d nie in all humility, leilbfuJ lo iny duties as a mas atd a Patriot. But so much let me tell. Should the question w hieb I present once mure, be treated with that i asim ss with which we treat a pany question ul scat ty patinuLr in. ten st. Should the sui,B ol times be dtsi eg aided, wbicb so clearly show tbe winde lamily ul christun mankind has ur rived at the elevei.th hour f an alien ante dtstiny. Should it be forgotten that there are im nier.t- in the lile o' Italians alike as in ibe file of men, tbe op, r tunny of which bsi. not tbe tans aid son um ol an e: unity can rede, ro ; then indeed 1 have but tu n peat the gloomy woid that Vou who sie pccnt bcie.wil ei e e the danger come home to i ourselves and vonr freedom, youi Republican institutions, together v i h your gbuioiis Uni n be shaken to ne very l undaii n. I must diaw to a cljse. I have already spoken too I -ng. 1 begun by stating the character of the people of Indiaua : being tbat ul an Agricultural pe. pb m t r .w ded in large eine but -pr. ad thnatgli a broad territory. The reason why I alluded to tbat cl mm pi is, that llda vety cote n ion ja iuts oui ibe n. ce.-siiy ol a quuc ditier. ent priH-eednio to me, as well as lon.y genei. ... fru nds,

limn hat 1 have luiowd till n-w. liapp.ly , be e at least. I am not and cannot be claimed io -pe..k Iron place to place every day . as 1 ua- bated to do in la.ee lilies. I repeat dly said that by ibis.t laiiu ol el n.l speeches, my cause wou'd Im? wer. d, because the movement gets into that track that I. mi I ut hope aid and sympathy upon tbe condition ol bting present i. lid making speeches eveiyw here ; and. as accoidmg to ex. (eriem e, 1. in the best case, can but meet a small MV lion nf Toill millions of people, the very irat-lk-al mpatby will be r.stilc ed to tbat small pot lion; aid yet the cause is too groat to need Irs tb .u ihe support of lie whole peopia, as well in a )oliiical a iu a material respect. Iu vain I humbly asked to Jet me go where my pres. ence is wanted the m si. In vain 1 feiveunv a-kid to start Hal organizations of Ii lern! ' I Huigary. iiulcp hd. cntly ol my picscili-e, ibis lalig ihe uuly lie ans to . ech be people at large, and th is ei hei Oai v UMt lhat fl rC. which I confident I v sav would insure tic- Mai c.-s ! the impending si niggle in Europe, of which Hungaiy is tbe corner-.-tone, or at least would nsct ituin b w lai v e can rvly upon the sympathy ol Am rtca, and reducing to their practical vluc the expectations we aie encouraged to ctiteit.iin, ii ln ve us Iroui ti e n.oial duty of employ, ing our time and enemy in an unstu-ci ssiul dinctaaa. whereas every moment is turning with au clen.itj of iinpoi tance. Now here, at last. I stand upon the long desired piacHeal gi ootid. Tbe agri. ul'araJ chanK In ot ihe e ple, ibe absence of large cities, puis b itscll tbe luaitei in lue course. Here the going In m place to place in n y condition is impossible. Heie cither rait Mag will l-c done at large, ot it can only be done by tbe development of tbat organization which you so gei cio. sly and under so happy a duection have be. n pleased to imitate Thu Indiana will be become a test for the efficacy, "i want ol tfl cacy, of ibat organization. 1 consider that the Ex. ecutiie C'-niii.it tee of this State organization will, aeaaasjpat other mcnes, perhas leu row some u t .,,, for Holding utforualion abcie it shimid he required in the State. Il is therefore I on tbe present occasion dwelt upon some historical particulars, which may (arri.aps some, what contribute tu tbe coi rect und islanding ol ibe justice of onr cause and of the tiue nature oi our sn uggle, which is not ended yet. but nuinlerrnptasl omy and the war is still pending in its ultimate issue, while both parries streng then their position and recruit their strength. On future opportunities I will equally treat oiber foul misrepresentations, sUtb as the vilt and foolisb thaic,e that ihn Magyar races dominating tne other races ol presenting om siiu-le for ii.dept-n Dee ai.d ct minuO, civil and religious liberty in the laise lieht f snug, b f nationalities, etc. , 1 w ill not fail tu furiosi, yonr Association by and by also those other m-teriuls. ... . 1 .. ; e you will excuse ice lor humbly ruinating your aiud a -"tent ion lo the lollowing public addrtssca. Firstly, my speech at the Cor tu at ion Bai.qnct f New York, w hei e I explained my luie ain. nisi view. Second, mv speech in Jackson jktiialil Banquet at Washington, about the position ol your country . with some remarks ala.ut the relation lo England, w hi. h I nm clad to see conveniently appieviaicd iu Indiana. Thirdly, my speech at the Pennsylvania Legislative BaSaWet, at Harrisburgh. alaiut ihe unavoidable certainty of the impending siru'jgle. und our prosjects of success; and loin 1 1 ly. my addrt-.s to the joint Association of Friends of Hungary in Cincinnati on tbe 25th of Fcbtuary. about the present condition of Europe, alajut the importance of '.be impending struggle to America itsell. and almut the question nf t.me. These, together with my Birmingham speech in England, if tead in meetings of the county Associaiions, wouid. 1 suppose, somewhat contribute to ibe correct undcisiautiiug of the CtCAud as there are certain o'asses who felt disinclined to countenance tbe present movement in Europe, out of fear for those doctrines which are consul- i cd subversive to the gnat principle of security ol property. I bey leave to quote seme word fiom a letter wbicb aa American gentleman in a public position in England wrote three weeks ago to an English Sintoman af high position. Thus he wrote. Much of tbe Red Reildi. canism of the present age. is to le asciiled to tbe want of aid from free and established governments, neglected to be given in propi r time to tbe eflorts of true men." Sir, I hope to have often the opponunity t" answ er the kind communications of this Association. I humbly recommend the political as well as tbe material point pointed out by the present urgent circumstances, lo your generous activity ; and humbly thanking yon for all the kindness of your sympathy, confidently trusting to your congenial enygy and generosity: and recommending the cause of my down-trodden latberland and of Freedom, I bid yon all, Ladies and Gentlemen, from the very heart of my plain bnt honest heart, a sincere, cordial, and affectionate farewell. After Governor Kossuth had concluded his Address, Mrs. Sarah T. Bolton, deputed by the ladies of thi city, to present to him a purse contributed by them and containing a hundred anJ fifty dollars, addressed Governor Kossuth as follows: MRS. BOLTON'S ADDRESS. GoTEBNoa Kosscth: We beard of tbe struggles of yonr beloved country for libertv. aud our hearts sympathized in the glorious cause. We watched the course of your conquering armies, until Hungaiy was Iree. Thea we joyfully extended to a sister nation, victor in the causa of humanity and independence, our hands, m welcome. Alas! our giatulations were nrematuie. A traitor sold his country. The summer skv of freedom was datkly overcast ; "the shadow of the Russian banner had holen on MNM homes and your bearlh-stones ; tbe hoile of Cossack hotses trampled your fair plains. The arms and the gold of Russia and Austria, combined in unholy league, had triumphed ; and your bravest followers wer outlaws on a foreign shore. Then we prayed to God, the God of righteousness, that he would save you ftcm those who sought your life; and it bss pleased Him, in his providence, lo grant that praver, going up from the hearts ol millions of freemen. Our nation received you as iu hono-ed guest; honored for your noble deeds; honored fr your high and sacred niiioa. May tbat mission call forth, throughout thi land of liberty, more than a barren welcome, a practical response in tha shape of that aid. without which brute tore saust trinmph, for ages yet perhaps, over free principles Now in the day of our national happiness and prosperily, rosy we call to mind the hnur when we were weok , wbea we. too. asked for foreign aid; wbea it was granted; And saved us. Sir, the ladif of Indianapolis, deeply impressed with th bolt- character of the cause of which vou are the ex ponent and the champion, have delrgatcd me to present in their name, io Hungary, this purse, pmulv furnished, indeed ; little in itself, like to the widow's mite; a slender rill; but of such, mighty stream are composed. Would to God it were a sum sufficient to enable vou to achieve, and to maintain, the independence of your downtrodden but glorious country ! To this Gov. Kossuth made the following REPLY. I thawk you. madam. I thank tbe ladies of Indianapolis, and particularly yourself, for your rneros sympathy in behalf of my cau-e You say that you bava prayed lor the success of freedom ia my native land, and that you have also prayed for my own preservation, f know, for yourself, you have done more than this. Ton have contributed te that rtttxa year genius a go-