Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 10, Number 5, Indianapolis, Marion County, 4 July 1850 — Page 1

INDIANAPOLIS. JULY 4, 1830.

1 lie Uditor. The editor La been confined to Lis room for lome time by a tevere attack of illness. By the following paragraph which we clip from the Union f the 21et, we perceive he is again able to attend to his duties in the House : We were glad to perceive Mr. W- J. B.-own, of Indiana, in his seat yesterday, after baring teea confined for a week to his lodgings. Health of Cincinnati. The Board of health reported a few cases of cholera in Cincinsti on Sunday last since which time no new cases have bten reported. The Cincinnati Gazette of Thursday, the latest dale received, says 'We made diligent enquiry yesterday, op t a late hour in the afternoon, but heard of 1io cases of cholera, old or new, in the rity. In 1331 this myeieriou8 disease appeared in our michst, for about 21 hour, truck down a few victims, and disappeared. The city appears very healthy, but the weather is hot and we should avoid exposure and all imprudence in diet and clothing." The Southern Press. This is the title of a new daily paper which, has recently been issued at Washington City under the editorial supervision of Elwood Fisher, late of Indiana, and Edwin Ds Leo of Charleston, S. C. It is to be devoted to Southern interests and Southern institutions, without regard to pnrty. It opposes all compromises, all concession, and, in tint, is a coworker with the National Era, the Abolition paper so abiy conducted by Dr. Bailey. If quiet and harmony should be restored, these men's occupation would be gone. They will therefore, jointly, contribute to keep the cauldron boiling, and when they hall have ripened the "apple J discord, they hops to pluck and divide it. The one to be the organ of a Northern, and the other a Southern confederacy. Fisher (we won't say Mr., because that would be an insult to Lis religion) is an able man, a fine writer, stronger for the South, than the South is itself. He will show them right where they never dreamed they had anv: and. besides he is irreat on statistics. He j , , . can prove by statistics, by figures, that won't lie, that the only happy, enlightened and prosperous country on this continent is where slavery exists. He can prove that Wilberforce was a madman, and that Cowper, when he said "I would not have a slave to fan me" Was only fit for a lunatic asylum. We have fallen upon strange times, and not the least strange sight is to see a meek and lowly Quawcr, in the plain garb, and plain language of William Penn and George Fox, writing of the beauty and holiness of slavery. But this is the age of improvement! The paper has been gotten up at the expense of a few of the southern hotspurs. They are bound to keep it up. They will be made to bleed freely in the pocket. May "friend Elwood" gel his share. That is the best wish we have for him. The Lafayette Journal is coming into the support of slavery with great rapidity. The daily of the 25th inst. is out in defence of General Taylor's lato purchase, and more than intimates that three hundred slaves are essential to the old gentleman's comfort in his declining years. We made no objections to this, and should not be brought to task for repeating the language of the Washington clergyman who ca'.'ed on Gen. Taylor for a subscription, and was informed, that, unlike Madison and Jtfferson, he did not intend to m out of office bankrupt, and therefore could irive noihinrr. The editor of the Journal must certainly be scared about the Post Office printing, for a free soil editor would never abuse a United States' Senator, like a pickpocket, for voting for the Wilmot proviso, and admit that three hundred negro slaves were essential to the comfort of a retired President, without some most cogent and powerful reason fur such a sudden change of opinion. The Post office printing, at Lafayette, we suppose to be worth some fifteen dollars a year. This, perhaps, may be the full value of the editor's support of the administration; but in these days of Galphanism we should suppose that more might be offered. We will leave it to Bailsman. Burns is after you ! Death or James II. Henry, Esq. The Ter re Haute Express of the 26th inst. contains the fdlowing account of the death of Mr. Henry. He was quite a young n an for the station he occupied in the Legislature; but none stood higher in a moral. social or political point of view. The Express says: A letter ha been received in town from James M. Riddle, statin thit Mr. Henry died at Phillips burgh. Beaver county, Penn.. on the 17th inst., of in flimation of the stomach. Mr. Henry and Mr. Rid die were on their road to a water cure establishment further cast, but Mr. H. cot tno'unwell on the road to travel, and they stopped at the water cure establish ment in Beaver county. Mr. Henry served one term in the State Senate from the counties of Vijjo, Clay, and Sullivan, in which station he acquitted himself very creditably. and to the satisfaction of a large majority of his con etituents. In the social relations of lift, he had many warm friends, as he never shrank from his duties as a neighbor or citizen. He requested Mr. Riddle to take his body to New York for interment, and he met the "erim king with the resignation of a Christian and the courage of a true sold. er, who feared not the result. He was a valued member of the order of Otid Fellows at this pl-ce. IVcw .Mexico. It is stated in the St. Louis Republican cf the 22d inst., on the authority of news from the plains, that the story of Col. Monroe having issued a proclamation authorizing the calling of av Convention to form a Stae Government, is not at all reliable. An extra received by the Republican sayt: The only additional item of intelligence brought by these gentlemen, at all important, it, that Major Neighbors, the Texan Commissioner, having entirely failed in his mission, had returned to Texas the peo ple of New Mexico having refused to acknowledge his authority, or the authority of Texas. They had had a Convention at San a Fe, and instructed their Representative at Washington, Huh N. Smith, Esq., as to what they wanted Congress to do for them. Mr Ar dinner bear these instructions, but we have not learned their nature." Q7 We understand that Mr. Orlando Chase, a true and genuine Whig of Hancock county, is the Whit; candidate for Senatorial Delegate in the district composed of the counties of Madison and Hancock. By a united t fiort, owing to the disaffection among th;? Democrats as to Mr. Kilty, the W l.ijj can elect Mr. Crane, and we hope they may do it. Indiana Journcl. The above hints from the Journal we trust will be useful to the Democracy and induce them to adopt auch measures as will effectually prevent the hopes of the editor from being fulfilled. The whig here are chuckling over their prospects in Hancock. They should be disappointej in their expectations. Q7Mr. Forrest, the tra jedian, has been held to bail in the sum of five thousand dollars, in an action for assault and battery, brought by Mr. N. P.,WUli, in which the damages are laid at ten thousand dollars. Forrest at the time of his rencounter with Willis charged the latter with being the seducer cT his wife, and gave this as the reason of his attack. Focth of Jclt. The different Sabbath Schools, is usual, will have a celebration on the morning of the fourth. The Declaration of Independence will be read by Miles Fletcher, and an address delivered by Mr. J. P. Saffoed.

Ü1ÜT dl 1iT r1 Ü1ÜT rtlHf

Published by Austin H. Brown. The Gnlphius arc Coming. Every day unfolds some new and startling tale, of the recklessness and extravagance of this Administration. It in a glorious time for agents. .Rich harves are now reaped from field heretofore well gleaned. Old Virginia commutation claims are raked up : and not only interest, but compound interest is paid. Old Indian claims, and rejected army claims, and a host of others. The agents always get one half. Immense fortunes have been made. The treasury is easy of access, and richer than the gold placers of the Sacramento. But, to ensure success in striking one of these rich veins the agent must first show that he is a whig an original Tuylor whig a prominent whig; one that has done the party some service. One with claims high enough to be a foreign minister. These rich cUims are Itia reward; and thus the present Galphin concern can, with these allowances, and the di-pensation of office, gratify a greater number of hungry appetites than any former administration They have their hands in the people's treasury, and have sagacity enough to know that they are already condemned. They tnut then take whilst they have a chance, for their day of feesting will soon be over. They are dancing to the sweet music of the pipe; but the people are paying the piper. No wonder they are talking of deficiencies in the treasury, high tariff and direct taxation loans and stocks can only keep up fcuch extravagance. Only think of those old dead and rotten claims, whoe bones were thought to be marrowless, resurrected into life. THE ALLEN CLAIM ! THE BARRON CLAIM ! ! THE EWING CLAIM ! ! ! THE BENSON CLAIM ! ! ! ! THE ALABAMA CLAIM ! ! ! ! ! THE VIRGINIA CLAIM !!!!!! THE WINNEBAGO CLAIM !!!!!!! THE CHICKASAW CLAIM !!!!!! THE DE LA FRANCIA CLAIM !!!!!! ! ! t i i THE MAMMOTH GALPHIN CLAIM !!!!!!!!!! Amounting to largely over a million of dollars. Will the honest tax paying, road workiug farmers longer submit to such fraud. Let them speak at the ballot box. A Voice from California. The following is on extract from a letter recently received in Washington city, from Peter H. Burnett, E.-q., Governor of California: San Jose, April 23, 1950. Tin dissolution of the Union i entire and utter ruin; and for one I am detei mined to oppose it. Our people here are all loyal and true. There is no doubt of that. We want no independent government here, to bo at the will and mercy of all tin great powers of the world. I think tho friends of the Union ought to take a more 1U and decided stand, and speak in the determined language of the ereat hero and statesman Jackson: " The Union must and thall be prestrted." I am sure, were I member of Congress, I should place myself upon high aod inflexible ground; and if the Union had to go down, I would go down with it. God forbid that such a misfortune should ever hapn. Our Legislature adjourned on the 22d inst. The laws, when published, will form a volume of from 5U0 to 6t)U pages. I have had to appoint eleven collectors for the min ing counties, including San Francisco ; San Francisco, H. M. "Najjler; Mor:oosa, Benjamin McCuIlouih: Jualtimne, L. A. Beasanson ; Calavaras, William B. Almade; San Joaquin, Thomas B. Vau Buren; Sacramento, William C. Baker; El Dorado, William W. Gilt ; Sutter, William II. Richardson ; Yuba, Riley Gregg; Sparta, John F. Ankney; and Butler, A. W. Adams: O. P. Sultou, of San Francisco, director of the State Assayer's Office; and Fred. H. Kohler, of same place, assayer, meher and refiner. The gold will only be pot into ingots, and their mint value stamped upon them, and they will be received in payment of State dues. We found it necessary to establish such an office, as the quicksilver gold allowed so much room fur fraud that the merchants were about to refuse it. The most profitable way to work the mines is by the use of quicksilver ; and it was necessary to establish an Assayers's office to insure the State and the people from injury. Tne quicksilver mine of New Almaden, within 12 miles of this place, is valued at seven millions of dollars. In a few days, Mr. Forbes informs tne, they will have twenty-six retorts in operation, and will extract 8.000 lbs. daily, worth from $6,000 to $3.(KH) more than two milliion annually. Only think of that! This is ouly one of several mines, but it is the largest. Our country is rapidly improving. You would not know San Francisco or Sacramento. In the latter place more than 1.000 houses have gone up smco you left. Our agriculture is incrensing, and the mines yield as well, perhaps better lhau they did laut yeur. We shall bo able to build up a great and happy peo ple. W e mu-t succeed. J here is no doubt about it. We will manage things here. Don't give up the Union. Before yon do lhi, gather up all the manu scripts, all the books, all the ncwepn tiers, over the wide world, that ever did say envtingof our "lorious revolution, and hum thern all up, that nut one record of the heroic and virtuous past shall ever remain to reproach t;s and our posterity with our crimes and fol lies. Full and ampie justice shall be done to the South: and for fear that enough had not been done, for one. I would gi a tittle beyond it, and do her more than strict justice. So I would to the North; and after a t 1 . noting arnie mis, u eniier section should attempt to dissolve the Union, they should be branded as enemies to their country Let the appeal be made to the honest and toiling millions to those who have every motive to be honest, and true to their country. Go down among the masses, and teelthe pulse of this mighty nation. Ah! sir, they are uncorrupted and unconquerable still ! lhey vet love our institutions yet venerate the i, ames and deeds of the mighty dead. For what did that host of patriots bleed in the great revolution! Shall we blot out or disgrace the past ruin the pres ent, ana shut out lioie ironi the future 7 You may have faith in the people of California. They are true. When a Senator tells you he would te glad it we liould et up an n.uVpenpent govern ment, say to him, No, sir ; it cannot be. You have treated California badly in giving us ily taxation ; but we lote ynu sli. Ir we are injured, we can auf. fer ; but we cannot be traitors ! Oil, no ! You cam not drive us off. We are American citizens. We are your brethren. We are faithful to you and our country; and we have weapons, bright and keen, for the enemies of our country ; but for our brethren, we have naught in our hen Ma but kindness. We ask to place our Pacific tar' among ihose of the Union. It was not Formed for anything the, would not be fit f t anything tlse, and would he entirely out of place anywhere else, it trust go tnert. It cannot bo otb ei wise." ' I have iinhaktn and abiding fith in the Union. I do not believe that all the niadrren in America can shake it. The Ihinsr, if not impossible, is nxt to it, I itiiist think some plan will be adopted to settle the controversy. Suppose you pas a .hört act of Congres, allowing the people of all the Territories that now or may hereafter belong to the United Su tes to organize temporarv provisional governments for them selves, to regulate their own mere internal business and social rHution", with the right of appeal to the courts of the United Stales ia the same cases as appeals from the State courts. Let these provisional government' be restricted from either prohibiting or permitting slavery, until they formed their State con stitution, and then settle it for themselves. What wron? coo Id this do either section ! When our Legislature adjourned, the members gave five cheers for California, and seven cheers for the Union. Your friend, PETER H. BURNETT.

State

INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 4, 1850.

Messrs. Alheitooii ami McDonald. We ete pleased to notice, that the member of Congress from Indiana, instead of making long-winded speeches, have been using their efforts to cheer the declining days of the patriot soldiers of the war of 1312 sndt.f the Indian wars; and that they have been foremost in making liberal allowances nf land for their services. It will be perceived, by our telegraphic dispatches, that the bill has pa sued the House of Representatives. On the 19ih Inst., Mr. Albertson, of Indiana, offered an amendment to the bill, which will be explained by his speech below. Mr. McDonald gave notice of the following amendment, which was read : To strike out of the fifth line of the bill the words, for a period of six months and over," and to insert in the sixteenth line, after the word 'interior, the words for all those who served three months and over, and less than six months, eighty acres ; and to strike out the word 'eighty, and insert one hundred and twenty," as the bounty for those who served six months, and less than twelve. Mr. Alsertsov said, that in offering his amendment to the original bill, he did not intend to make any lenglhy remarks. His amendment, reaches a large class of those patriotic and meritorious soldiers, who had devoted themselves to the defence and glory of our common country, for whom the original bill does not provide. The bill of the committee provides only for those who served for a term of six months and longer, but his amendment provides for all as well tor thoe provided tor in tho original, bill, who had served for six months or longer, as for those wlio mav have served for a less term of time. He could see no just grounds or reason why a distinction should be made, where really no distinction exists. Those who had served for three, four, or five months, were as meritorious in degree as those who had served for a lonsrer term. He unred the prent and nrcrent de mand in the public mind, why this large and patriotic class of our fellow-citizen, who left their famihe and homes, snd endured the dangers, privations, and hardships of war, for the defence and security of our firesides and our homes, should now, at this late day. receive the small and inadequate compensation which this bill now proposes to give them, for their invalua ble public services. Where, he asKed, was the man, with an American heart in an American bosom, that would not bo willing, at this late day, to come for ward, nod in some degree do justice to those patriotic citizeti-poldiers, to whose bravery and prowess we are indebted for the perfect security of our families and homes 1 He trusted that this Congress would not ad journ before some bill hem;? passed providing for them If it does not, m his humble opinion, the reason would not be because the public voice does not demand it at our hands. Mr. McDonald. I had supposed, sir, that the time had arrived when the case of the soldiers of the war of 1312 would be taken up and discussed, and their claims considered without running into party men? ures and distinctions. 1 had supposed that, on this orcusiou, the only occasion when the question has been agitated in this House during this session, this hos tiiiry would not nave been manifested. I had sup .1-. a m m posed that the people of the United States had formed an opinion ns to the justice of these bounties, and that this bill would not be met by an attack upon the principle upon which it is based, but I have been mistaken. I hod gentlemen rising on the opposite side of thi House, and attackin? the bill, and endeavorinj; to defeat is passage. The gentleman from Maryland is particularly hostile, and has labored most strenuously to defeat it. He denounces it on the ground that it is contrary to the Democratic principle. IT that be true, then I would expect the gentleman to support it. Hi conversion to Democracy is too re cent for mo to put any trust in it. It is not from the gentleman, nor from that side of the House that I should expect to hear Democratic principles expound ed and practised upon. He may be like King Agrip pa in the presence of St. Paul, almost persuaded to be a Christian, but that he has not sufficient faith to lead him to the performance of good works. He says it it not Democratic to jjive bounties to soldiers for ser vices rendered to the country. This is, certainly, not orthodox ; and yet before the close of his remarks, he otlered, as n substitute lor this bill, a proposition to give away the public domain to the first settler. He says further, that he did not know where the claimants of the bounty of the Government under the provisions of this bill, are to be found. They may not come from the eentleman's district. It may be that the provisions of the bill may not affect the gentleman's constituents ; it undoubtedly would be a ben efit to them if bis substitute could become a law. have no doubt many of them are perfectly indifferent whether thev are settled on their own or on the land of any one else. But the gentleman is opposed to the hill because it dot's not make provision for giving bounties to those who carry mir ilag upon the seas. I-icn why not amend the bill no as to make it include that class This is a matter which does not go to the principle of the bill. Let the gentletntn bring forward his amendment, and when it comes to be acted on, I, for one. will support it. Let not the gentleman object to the bill, because it provisions are not extensive enough to include all that may be meritorious. But there is an objection which comes from the gen tleman from New York, Mr. Sckett, who has just taken his seat. What is that objection ! It is that a contract was entered into by these people; that a contract was formed bei ween the Government and the soldier, and that that contract, has been completed. He supposes that the suldier, when he offers himself to sei-e his country on the field of battle, enters into a calculation of how many dollars and cents he is to receive from Government, and that this stipulated sum is ample compensation for all the services he may render, no matter what hardships he may he called on to endure. I am riot Surprised that this objection should -oine from that section of the Union, where the wh'.ie business of life is regulated by the standard of the almighty dollar. - " This may be so in relation to his region of country, but let tne, tell the gentleman that a Government which treits its volunteer soldiers in this manner, when it comes to need their services again, will f'tid some difficulty in procuring them. But th s bill is based upon a different principle. What is it ? This Government has always acted lib erally towards all those who have stood up in her de fence, with the exception of those who are contem plated by this bill. 1 hey have been overlooked ; they have been placed in the class of step-children ; forty years nave roiieo arounu. ana mis uovernment lias not yet done justice to thern. Wo arc now culled upon to do them justice ; shall we refuse this reasonable demand 1 shall we refuse to do what justice demands at our hands ! The statute of limitations, though it may properly be pleaded in some cases, init to be applied in tuch a cae as this. Many of those whose services entitled them to this bounty are no longer among us. I do not know how it is in oti.er sections of tho country, but in that portion which I have the honor to represent, I have had tho pleasure of meet in, with in the last three weeks, during a recent visit to toy district, r me two hundred of the survivors of ihe wars, co r posed cf men from the North, South, East and West they who fought at New Or leans, and on the bloody heights of Queenshtwn those engatrpd in border warfare undr lien. Wayne those who have bled for the country on many well-fought field. They have reason t complain. that they have not been Tairly dealt with. And yet sir, there seems to be no means of passing ibis meal ure of relief. Another strange objection that is urged against the bill i, that justice hat been withheld so long. ' It was not given to them when they wcr vigorous, when they could have made use of, when they could have profited by the bounty. But is there not the greater reason why it should be no longer withheld why it should now be given to cheer and support their declining age, now that they have become enfeebled by age, and, perhaps, by disease, andwhen they are no longer able to earn their subsistence 1 Thus you will render their last days, daye of gratitude

I to their country for the bouti:y bestowed upon them. Their highest pride will thenctforth be, that they have shared in the defence of their country, and that that country has not furgolteu them in their old age. , 1 am in favor of the amendment proposed by tnysejf, or the amendment of the gentleman from Alabama would be acceptable to me. My object is, that none shall be left nut. It is a mailer of some emsequenre to me, that thin Congress should not adjourn and leave those men to , suffer the pangs of penury and want, by withholding

from them that which is theirs, as a strict matter of fust ice and right. Talk to me. sir, about a contract ! It is a term that has no connection with this question no menninjj whatever. Will you talk to me about a contract in reference to the man who has bared his bosom to the shafts of the enemy, when it is proposed to give him a homestead to shelter him in hi old agel Sir, this is inning with Lbs subject. IMore closing my -remarks, 1 wish to offer anotlier amendment, for the reason, that the bill, as it now stands, will come in conflict with amendments already offered iu regard to other matters. My proposition is, to strike out in the fifth line th following words, "fr a' period of six mouths and over." In conclusion, I have to say, that whatever may be the reason which actuates the eemleman from Maryand iu voting against this bill whether it is became he sincerely believes it to be anti-Democratic, and is disposed to turn from the error of his ways, or wheth er he designs to reserve these lands for the beliebt ot the paupers of his district to the exclusion of tho sol diers, who defended their country, whatever reason may have brought his mind to this conclusion. 1 stand ierc to support, to the fullest extent, the largest meas ure of relief, because I believe it to be just. Daniel Webster. We have never epeiit much time in commending the political course of Daniel Webster. But we have always thought, that the objections urged to our Saviour by the proud, arrogant and haughty Jews, as to the place of his, nativity "that nothing good could coma out of Nazareth" a low, mean and con temptible one. We entertain no such sentiments in religion, morals or politics. We should be ashamed of ourselves, when we should cease to do justice to a political opponent. We have spent a life of oposition to Henry Clay, have voted against him, wrote against him, and spoke against him. But notwithstanding all this, the happiest moments of our lifo have been during the present session of Congre.u, when the Old Man eloquent would rise, with patriotism and love of country blazing from every muscle of his brilliant face whispering a soft pray er to Heaven, for the peace, happiness and prosperi ty of that glorious country he was soon to close his eyes upon forever standing up, undismayed, against the closing columns of finalk-ism both North and South: shaking off the Liliuutian arrows hurled at him by this puny Administration. The secret of his popularity was told. The American people love a bold and fearless man. That -the people should not like Mr. Clay's politics is very natural. But that they fhoulj love the man is just as natural. Mr. Webster has never equalled Mr. Clay in the elements of popularity. As an orator he is not so command ing. But, as a distinguished lawyer, as a profound statesman, he is his superior. But we do not intend to pass any eulogies on these gentlemen; let their acts and their speeches be impartially judged of, according to their merits. Read the annexed remarks of Mr.' Webster they are to the point. He treads no step backwards." Would to Heaven that the petty whig politicians could see things as he sees them. Quiet would soon be restored to the country. This, the boldest act of his life, may terminate his political existence; but his fame is written on the history of. his country some good, some bad but etill it is there, and there it will remain, when fcuch men as Seward and Jack Hale, who now revile him, will be lost in the current of time, and the future biographer will have to look among the back leaves of some old almanac to find out when they died, and perhaps, for what they died The following is the spe-ich above referred to. Mr. WEBSTER. Mr. President, on the 7th of March, I declared my opinion to be that there was not a square rod of territory belonging to the United States the character of which for slavery or no slavery was not already fixed by some irrepealable law. v s i rn 1 remain ot mat opinion, me opinion has been a good deal canvassed in tie country; and there have been complaints, sometimes respectful and decorous sometimes so loud and so empty as to become a mere clamor. But I have hearr no argument upon any principle of law embraced in that opinion which shakes the firmness with which I hold it. Nor have 1 heard any discussion upon any matter of fact as to that part of the opinion, which rests on fact, which leads tne to doubt the accuracy of my conclusion. With respect to that part of the opinion which regarded the true construction, or, I might with more propriety say, the literal ineaoing of the resolution by which Texas was admitted into the Union, I hue heard no suggestion calculated iu the slightest degree to niter that opinion. The committee, I bolieve, with one accord concurred. A great deul of surprise, real or affected, has been expressed iu the country at the announcement of that opinion upou , tliu true construction of the resolutions of annexation; yet there need be n surprise, f(lr there was nothing new in the case. Other gentlemen have expressed the name opinion more than once; anJ ( myself, in a speech here upon the 23d day of March, 1948. expressed the same opinion almost in the same words; with which nobody has found any fault, and which nobody here, and nobody in the country, cavilled or questioned. With respect to the other ground upon which my judgment was founded that is, the probability, in point of fict, that African slavery could bo introduced and established in any of the Territories acquired by us in pursuance of the treaty with Mexico I have learned nothing, heard nothing, from that day to this, lhat has not confirmed that opinion entirely. That being the stale of my own judgment upon this matter, I voted very readily and cheerfully to exclude what i called the Wilmet Proviso from these territorial bills or to keep it out raiher, when a mo'ion was made to introduce it. I did so upon a very lull and deep conviction that no act of C mgres, no provision of law, was necessary for lhat purpose; that thero were natural and sufficient reasons and causes,' excluding forever African slavery from those regions. That wos my judgment, and I acted upon it. Those .who think differently will of course pur sue a dilk-rfnt line ol conduct, lhat is my opinion. It was my opinion then; it has been strengthened by everytnuii; l nave learned Mnre; and 1 Jiave no mora apprehension this day of the introduction or existence of African slavery in these Territories than I have cf its introduction and establishment in Massachusetts.' ' Well, ir, having voted not to place in those terri torial bills whnt is called the Wilmot Proviso, and by that vote having signified a disposition to exclude the prohibition as a thing unnecessary, I am now called upon to vote upon this amendment moved by the honorable member from Louisian t, Mr. SoCLE, which provides lhat States formed out ot New Mexico and. Utah ahull- have the right and privilege of making their own constitutions, and may present those constitutions to Congres, in conP rinity with the eonstilutiou of the United States, with or with out a prohibition against slavery, as lh people of thoso Territories, then having become States, may see fit to declare, I Lave not seen very much practical utility in this amendment. Nevertheless, if I should vote, now that it is presented to me, against it, it might leave me open to the suspicion of intending ot wishing to see that accomplished in another

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Volume X:::::::::Nninber 5. w.y which I do not chots to see accomplished by het introduction of the Wilmot Proviso; that is to say. it might seem as if. v.Ming against lhat form of the exclusion or prohibition, I might be willing that there should be a chance hereafter to return to some other form. Now, I think, sir, that ingenuousness and steadiness of purpose, under these circumstances, compel tne to vole for the amendment of the honorable member, and . I propose to do so. I do it exactly upon the ground that I voted against the introduction of the Wilmot Proviso; and that is. that as restrictions of that sort, and other rest rictict ions of this sort, are in my opinion wholly and absolutely unnecessary; as they give offence; as they create a degree of lissatisfac.tion, and a I desire to avoid all dissatisfaction, so fir ns I can, by avoiding all measures that cause dissatisfaction, and are themselves in my judgment wholly unnecessary; therefore I vote now as I voted upon a former occasion; and I shall support by my vote the amendment of the honorable mrmbcr from Louisiana, Mr. Socle. I repeat, that I do it upon the exact grounds upon which I declared, upon the 7lh of March, lint I should resist the Wilmot Provis. the precise grounds; and I do not choose for the prrseut, to go in o any other grounds whatever. . Sir, it d-ies not seem to strike other pent tors as it strikes me; but if there be any qualification to lhat general remark which I tmde, or that opinion which I expressed on the 7ih of March, that every f.t of the territory o ' the United Slate hi now a fixed character for slavery or no slavery if there be any qualification to that remark, il has arisen here, from what seems to be nu indisposition in define the boundary of Nw Mexico. That ;s the only limitation. There is no other in the world. All that is Texas is, by the lczi.lai:.on f 1315. thrown under the general character of Texan territory. And if, for want of defining the boundaries of New Mexico, by any proceeding or process hereafter, or by any evei.ts hereafter, let me say to gentlemen, any portion which they and I do not believe to be Texas shall be considered to become Texas, then, so for, that is a qualification of my remark of March 7th; and thcrfure I do feel, as I had occasion io say three or four days no, that it i of the utmost importance to pass this bill, to the end that there mny be a definite boundary fixed now, and fixed forever, between the lerritory of New Mexico and the territory of Texas, or the limits of New Mexico and the limits of Texas. Here it is, if gentlemen wish to nrt efficiently for their own purpose here it is, in my poor judgment, that they are called u-:i to net. Mr. President, when I see the course t.f gentlemen around me, from my own part of the country, of the highest character nnd the most conscientious purposes, not concurring iu any one part of this measure, I am aware that I utn taking upon myelf an uncommon degree of responsibility. Tho fiel that other gentlemen, with whom I have been accustomed to set in the Senate, take a different view of their own duties in the same case, naturally leads tne to consider my own cour.r, to re-examine my own opinions, to rejudge my own judgment;- and I hope, sir, that I have gone through this process without prejudice or preposession certainly I have done so with the greatest feeling of regret at being called upon by a sense of duty to take a course which may dissatisfy some to whom I should always be desirous of rendering my public course, snd every event in the action of my public life, acceptable, and in their judgment praiseworthy. But I cannot depart from my own settled opinions. I leave consequence to themselves. It is a great emergency a great exegency in which the country is placed. I will endeavor to do nothing against principle. 1 will endeavor to preserve a proper regard for my own consistency. And here let me say, that there has not appeared anywhere anything that admits the chsracler of decent argument, to show that on this subject I have aid or done anything inconsistent with any speech, or statement, or letter, or declaration, that I ever delivered in my life, if men will ttop to consider if they will look at real differences. But when all is denunciation when all i climor when all is idle wonder and empty declamation when there is no ditinctin, no consideration when there i no examination into the exact truth, to see whether one opinion is different from another, why, every body may be proclaimed to be inconsistent. Now, sir, I do not take the trouble to answer things of this sort when they appear in the public papers. I know it to be useless. Those who are of an unfriendly disposition, would not publish my explanations and distinctions, if I were to make them. If any gentleman here has anything to eay upon that subject I challange no one but if any gentleman here chooses to undertake the task, and probably there may he some who will if they will undertake to show iu what repoct anything that I said in the debate here on the 7th of March, or anything contained in my letter to gentlemen of Newburyport or anywhere else, is inconsistent with any opinion of mine since the agitation of the question of the annexation of Texas began, in 1837, I will certainly, with great humility and great respect, stand or fall by the issue. - But what I say, sir, is this. My object i peace my object is reconciliation. My object is not to make out a case for the North, or. to make out a case fur the South. My object is not to continue a useless and distracting controversy. I am against the agitators of the North and the South. 1 am against- local ideas North nnd South, and local tests. I am an American. I know no country but America. I know no locality in America that it is not my country. My hort, my sentiments, my judgment, demand of me lhat I shall pursue such a course ns shall promote the good and harmony, and the union of the whole country; and I will do so, God willing, to the end of the chapter. Loud applause in the galleries, immediately suppressed by the Ciiair. Dir. Gor man's Speech. On the 15th inet, iu the House of Representatives, in Congress, the President's message and the California bill being under consideration, in committee of the whole, a random discussion took place, in which many members participated. Amendments wire moved nnd withdrawn and ogain renewed, for the purpose of making speeches.' Mr. GORMAN said: Mr. Chairman, I had not intended to have said anything upon this subject. I thought it the best policy for those who, acting with ine, were in favor of the admission of Cal.foruia, io have remained silent ; but some remark which have fallen from the Whig side of tiiis House, I think, should not go unnoticed. The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Schenck) was is in fave-r of applying the Wilmot proviso to our territories, and thereby keep thm free, while C mgress had the power, as he conceived, to legislate for them, and that when they were ready to .form their own constitution and ask for adnissiou into the Union, they surely would then prohibit slavery. Tltis, sir, is saying substantially, that he wil.' not consent to vote for the admission of any State into the Union unless it prohibits slavery. Gentlemen are opposed to African slavery, and have agitated the subject here and elsewhere, until the very Union itself is now endangered and seriously threat- . ened with dissolution. They never think that, by the Wilmot proviso, they make white freemen slaves, and compel them, without letting them be heard, to take 'such institutions us the gentleman from Ohio and his coadjutors would impose upon thein. Sir, I ledJ no political communion with any party .who refuse to trust the people to. mould their institutions to their own liking. ' That parly which refuses to trust the peop!" with political power, is unfit and unworthy, politically, to be trusted themselves. The gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. Vinton,) disiinpuis lied for his long and ahl services, says that it is no objection to the admission of a State into the Union that she establishes or prohibits slavery ; yet he studi- ' ously avoids answering the question put to him by the gentleman fron Georgia, (Mr. Toombs,) and the gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. Stanton.) whether ht wrnild tww tote to admit t stave State into the Union 1 .The gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Stevens) says it is the settled determination of a large majority of the North, lhat no more slave Slates shall be admitted into tbis Union. The gentleman from Ohio,

(Mr. Giddings,) solemnly, iD his place, declares that such is the determination of his constituents and of the people generally of the North. This may be true with the Whig party, with whom those gentlemen act. Sir, the Whig party of the North have echoed tli3 Free-Soil-Abolition sentiment, to wit : No more slave States to be admitted into tho Union, with a few honorable exceptions, and those exceptions, too, chiefly confined to the North-west. Sir, the Constitution we have sworn to support, and that we nrc solemnly bound to observe and maintain, declares that new S'ate may be admitted by Congress into this Union," with but one qualification, vix : that her constitution shall be republican in form. The doctrine that no State shall be admitted into this Union, unless her constitution prohibits slavery, is anti-repuhlican contrary to the genius of our institutions, and a violation of the sovereign rights of freemen, and a vital stab at the equality and rights of States. You want negroe to be free! but you want to make slaves of white American citizen. If the freemen of the territories are capable of modeling their institutions for the government of the domestic relation between husband and wife, parent and child, guardian ond ward, lhey must be, and they are, capable of regulating the relation of master and servant.

Sir, a distinguished gentleman in the other end of the Cipito who, not long since, bore the banner of the Whig party iu the great Empire State, and to whom the whole Whig party of the North did hom age, has proclaimed that there is "a power higher than ihe Constitution." Sir, if we are to sit still. and see encroachments uti that sacred instrument mtde day aner day, boor after hour, and month after mouth, until it is torn to piece by the ruthless hand of agitators, we had as well give up our Union at once. Sir, if the gentleman from Ohio ( .Mr.Schcnck) will stand upon the doctrine of the Dresent Chief Magistrate, in retard to the rieht of the people to form constitutions for themselves, I will give him my Hand; and so tar as that point is concerned, welcome him into the Democratic ranks. But there are but few 'Whigs in the northern States wbn can stand up boldly on this flour, and proclaim that they would vote, to-dny, to admit a slave Slate into this Union that had been formed by the independent votes of independent freemen. For, sir, when they return home they would I met by their former declaration, that no more slave State should bo admitted into this Union firmed out of teritorry now free. Since the present Chief Magistrate has repudiated that declaration in Ins message now before the committee, some gentlemen ore beginning to hesitate, "squirm," back out, and apologize, rnther than to seem to refuse to follow tho hand of power and patronage, and by this cry, the Whigs, with the aid of Free-Soil Abolitionists, have beaten down and destroyed many of our best Democrats, who dared lo stand by the Constitution and the rights of the people, to settle this question for themselves. Franklin County. It will be perceived by the following extract from the proceedings of the Democratic Convention, which we nre requested to publish, that Franklin county has marie her nomimiuations. Tho Brookville Democrat has full confidence of the eleclioii of the entire ticket. The following resolutions were unanimously adopted : Resolved, That time and experience prove the wisdom of our political fathers in selecting the proper form of a iNational Government, ensuring happmas and prosperity to it citiz. n, nnd that we entertain no f ars of the dissolution of this Union. lieso'ted. That in Genekal Jiwefh Lane, we re cognize a distinguished citizen whose politilical and military nets ore marked by good sense, honesty and patriotism; and that we believe him qualified for the Presidency. RtsiJced, That the firmness nnd honesty of onr Governor iu arresting, by the veto power, the bill to transfer the interest of Ihe State in the White Water Canal to the canal company, command our respect, and f;r which he is justly entitled to the thanks of every true fripnd to InJiana. Resmted, That we have entire confidence in thequalifications, patriotism, and industry of John L. Robinson, to faithfully and profitably represent our interests in the National Congress. Resolved, That tho Democracy of Old Franklin, iow as heretofore, are in favor of thai political pro gress, which perprVuatcs freedom, and increases the sum of human happinos; and that we approve cf the calling of a Convention to revise our State Constitution, and that we nominale uiiaiiimouidy for election to said Convention, G-orgr Berry as the Senatorial Delegate, and Spencer Wiley and George G. Siioup as candidates for Representative Delegates; Andrew J. Ross and Emanuel Withers as Representatives to the General Assembly of the State of Indiana. Phofessor Longfllow. The critique contained in the first paragraph of the following, is from the Irish University Magazine. The remarks on the nature of Longfellow's muse, the character and style of his genius, strike us a being, in most respects, peculiarly correct. He is unquestionably the star of the first mngnitude in the constellation of our American poets. Loxgfelix)v. The muse of Mr. Longfellow owes little or none of her success to those great national sources of inspiration which are most likely to influence an ardent poetic temperament. The grand old woods the magnificent mountain and forest scenery the mighty rivers the trackless savannahs ail those stupendous and varied features of that great country, with which, from his boyhood, be must havo been familiär, it might bethought would have stamped some of these characteristics upon his poetry. Such, however, has not been the case. Of lofty ir.ages and grand conceptions wc meel with few, if aJ7 traces. But brimfull of life, of love, and of troth, the stream of his song flows on with a tender and touching simplicity, and a gentle music, which we hove not met wish since the days of our own Moore. Like him, loo, the genius of Mr. Longfellow is essentially lyric; and if he has failed to derive inspiration from the grand features of his owu country, he ha Ix-cn no uii'ucwessful student of the great works of the German masters of song. We could almost fancy, while reuding his exquisite ballad of the Beleaguered City," that Goethe, Schiller or Uhland was before us; and yet, we must by no mean be understood lhat he is a mere copyist quite the contrary. Ho has become so thoroughly imbued with the spirit of these exquisite models, lhat he has contrived tit produce piece marked with an individuality of their own, and noways behind them in point of poetical merit. In this regard, he affords another illustration of the truth of the proposition, that the legendary lore and traditions of oilier countries have been very serviceable toward the fornuiiju of American literature. . " About the year 1SU7, Longfellow, nz engaged in making the tur lo Europe, selected Heidelberg for a permanent winter residence. There his wife was attacked with an illness, which ultimately proved fatal. . It so happened, however, that some time afterward there came to the same romantic place a young lady of considerable personal attractions. The poet' heart was touched he became attached to her; hut the beauty of sixteen did not sympathise with the pet of six-snd-thirty, and Longfellow returned to America, hnving lost his heart as vell as his wife. The young lady, also an American, returned home shortly afterward. Their residences, it turned out, were con. tiguoui, and ihe poet availed himself of the opportunity of prosecuting hi addresses, which he did for a considerable time with no better success than at first. Thus foiled, he vet himself resolutely down, and instead, like Petrach, of laying seige to the heart of his mistress through the medium of sonnets, be resolved to write a whole book; a book which would achieve ths double object of gaining her affections and of establishing his own fime. "Hyperion" was the result. .His labor and Iiis constancy wero not thrown away: they met their due reward. The lady gave him her hand as well as her heart ; and they now reside together at Cambridjo, in the same house which Washingtou made his head-quarters. Arbestep. The Cincinnati Gazette of ThursJay ays, that J. C. Walker, the young man who stabbed officers Delzell and Davison, was re-arrested yeterdy, and committed to jail, the Mayor refusing toj-' bail fir his appearance at Court. Delzell has ao recovered as to be able to to walk about. Davison, the other police officer stabbed by Walker js dead. ' 07riain dealing is a jewel, but those who wear it are out of fashion.