Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 9, Number 42, Indianapolis, Marion County, 21 March 1850 — Page 1

INDIANAPOLIS. IUAKCII IC, ISSO. The Miliz Policy. We perceive by Ihe whig1 papers published in Jefftrsua, Vigo, Harrison, Fayette and other whig counties, that they are strongly urging the nomination of a full whig ticket, including Delegates to the State

Convention as well as all other officers bul some of - r thttn have the daring effrontery to say, that it is all wrong to make a party matter of the election of Delegates ; but that, in consequence of the recommendations of the Democratic State Central Committee, it roust now bo done in self-defence. The iisuinp;rf the Circular of the Democratic State Central Committee, seemed like the bursting of a bomb-shell in the whig camp. The Whig members of Ihe Legislature in their secret caucus, at the close of the last eession, thought they had everything arranged to secure at least a whig majority in the next Legislature, if not a majority in tho Convention. We have tyen told, and the Democratic State Central Committee was apprised, that this matter had been fully dijcu;-6ed in the whig caucu3, and that it was determined to eecure, by some means, at least a majority in the Legislature, in order to secure a Whig United States Senator. The strong whig counties were to bring out candidates, bit party grounds, and the doubtful counties were tJ arrange their ticket?, as to secure the election of members of the Legislature. Manv were of the opinion that their resolutions r were o ingeniously got up and eo well seasoned with democracy, that the whiggery therein contained would be easily swallowed by unsuspecting democrats constituting a platform that would carry-them safely through the election. The Indiana State Journal, on publishing these resolutions, unfolded, in the following article, the whole lIan of tl.e whins in this summer's campaign. Hear this editor who is well acquainted with all their ar rangemeuts: The resolutions adopted at the whig meeting on Wednesday night, and published in to-day's paper. are of the right stamp, and express we believe, the real sentiments of a very large majority of the people of this State. We ask uur whig friends throughout the State, to give them a very general circulation, for by whomsoever read, they cannot, fail giving univer sal satisfaction, because they advocate the true Amer ican doctrine upon every question upon which they treat. - "To our mind, tbe positions taken in them ore im pregnable to all the assaults which our opponents may be disposed to make, and if they be advocated by our friends with the prooer energy, they must receive the approbation of the people at the election of delegales to the Contention, and of Members of the nxt legislature. "No more important State election has ever occurred, than that which will take place next August. One hundred and fifty delegates to the Stale Convention, one hundred Representatives, and eighteen Senators, are to be chosen. In making selections of candidates for all those stations, we hope our friends will, in every instance, bring out the most popular, ablf, and true men. A great deal depends upon such a course, Ijel it be adopted early, and there An be no doubt about the result. Wb invite any of our Democratic friends, who have tbe least disposition to liMen to whig palaver about no-parly, in our State Convention, to carefully read the above article, published at a time when the editor was not dependant on his own unaided resources, and liable as he frequently is to make blunders, but when he had the advice of a caucus of all the whig members of the Legislature to aid hitn in unfolding the plans of his party. We have heretofore reviewed the whi?r resolutions, and exhibited the intended deception of the whigs in putting them forth. It is too late in the day for democrats to be caught napping. Whig promises in the Democratic market are worthless commodities. Many have been deceived in the election of General Taylor that will never be deceived with oft words again. The whig resolutions were thrown out to gull Democrats, after the manner of the promises of General Taylor, and if the head of a party has proved himself unworthy of confidence in making pledges never to be fulfilled, how can we trust the small fry politicians of the same party, having such a striking example of violated faith constantly before their eyes 1 ' ' : We now tell the Democrats of the State that there is no confidence to be placed in whig professions, when they say that the election of Delegates .should not be made a party question. The language usually used is, that none but the ablest, purest and best men should be selected, and many of them, like a Wayne county whig editor, point out a ticket for their county like this: James Rariden, JohnS. Newman, Solomon Meredith, die, without mentioning . a Democrat amongst them. We must recollect, by the way, that old Wayne is not now exactly what she used to be. The time wis, and that but recently, when the whigs of Wayne woold have been open-moutbed for a full ticket. Their whiggery is now somewhat modified, and hence they now saygive us our able and well qualified men that their old maxim, that they possess "all the talents and all the decency," will carry them through ; for it is not often that a whiff will admit that a democrat is qualified for any office. Now, to prove the intentions of whiggery to bo different from the professions in their resolutions, we hare only to call attention to the men that are beginning t be designated by the whigs as candidates for the Convention. We see them, in most instances, tube composed of the mwt ultra federalists in many instance-i men who belong to another age, who' are opposed to progress in government and are wedded to the inati' tutions of another country, and who glory in our English ancestry, particularly so far as our jurisprudence is concerned. It would be a singular stroke of party policy, to be permitted in Democratic Indiana, if a large nun.ber of broken down whig politicians, of such antiquated notions ss to have been laid upon the chelf, should be suffered to worm themselves into the Convention for the benefit of Whiggery, on the ground of having occupied somewhat distinguished stations in the early history of our Stale, and a pretended elevation above the men of usefulness and progress. The Democratic State Central Committee had no intention to dictate to their fellow-citizens in their Circular, but having opportunities of knowing the designs of the whig leaders better than many others, and being placed as Sentinels on the political watchtower, have thought it their duty to warn their friends of the insidious designs of the enemy, and they should ever be found crying aloud at the approach of danger. From the tone of the Democratic party, throughout tbe State, we have every assurance that our ablest and brst men will be brought forward a candidates, and, with proper vigilance, our triumph will be certain. Eut our friends may rest assured that we have to fight a foe in ambneh. Dcrption, deception, deception, is written on all tlirir banner-, and roch will he found plainly exhibited when I lie covering is removpd. We expect to aid in removing a few marks between thiand the August elrrtion. ß7-StanJey of North Carolina, has mads a speech in Congress, raking the ullraisls fore and aft. He is almost as salty ss Bisse!!. The disnnionists will be brought to their "milk" risht speedily. A fellow who called himself "Samuel Lowry, the one who was cstight after setting fire to Meikeill's stable in this city, has been sentenced to the peniter. tiary for two years and a half. Mrs. Ellis says that 'a lady can show anger as well by her back in leaving a room as by her fc?.' This

taust be when her 'back is op.

J It Mil It ft

Published every Thursday. f)-The following is from the pen of the gentle man who originally proposed the abrogation of Ihe Grand Jury system. It came to hand since the pub. lication of our la-t paper. His views are "imdoubt- j edly correct, and we have already stated, are sus tained by the action of tha Supreme Court of the United States. Will the Richmond Palladium aiid the Wabash Express, note this conclusive reply to their objections? For the State Sentinel. Tlic Grnntl Jury System. I see that the Richmond Palladium and tome oth ers have been taking notice of my article urging the' abolition of the Grand Jury system, and they seem to think this cannot be done by our approaching Con- ' venlion, w ithout a violation of the fifth section of i the amendments to the Constitution of the United States. Now if this cannot he done without such violation, I am the lust one who Would aok it. But as in your paper of the 7th inst., you ask "what has our frienJ "P." to say in answer to the Palladium!" I sny that the section of the Constitution of the U. S. referred to, is wholly confined to prosecutions for crimes against the United States of America, and does not extend to prosecutions for crimes against the State of Indiana. Tho State of Indiana is competent to determine, what shall be crimos against her sovereignity, and how they shall be tried and punished, without the aid'' of the United States. But a little examination will sat-7 isfy any one who will take the trouble to examine them that these amendments more perfectly define the pow-: era of the U. S., than the original Constitution did, : and are not a surrender of any rights by the States. The first prohibits Congress from establishing a relig. ion. The second prohibits Congress from depriving the people of their right to keep arms. The third prohibits the United States from quartering soldiers (the State can have no soldiers) in houses, &c. The fourth prohibits Congrpss from passing any lawmaking insecure tho perm and papers of the people by searches and seizures. The fifth prohibits the United States from putting sny person on trial for a high crime, unless he has been presented or indicted by a grsnd jury, except in cases arising in the hnd or natal forces or in the militia when in actual service, in lime of war or public danger. This language clearly shows that the provisions of this section relate to the United States, and not to the States. The U. S. and not the State have land and naeal forces, and militia in ocliud service in time of ;Tb. sixth prohibits the U. S. from trying a man fr acriuie against them in sny other Slate than the one in which the ofJVnce waa committed. Why this prohibition if Ihe section applies to individual States ? Did any one ever suppose that e State could enforce her criminal Jaws in another State 1 Yet this must have been the understanding when this section was adopted, if it restrains tho State in her prosecutions for offence against, her. The seventh prohibits the courts of the U. S. from trying any common law cause for over twenty dollars, if either party demands a jury, and prohibits the "courts of the United State-." from re-examining any cause tried by a jury in any other way than according to the rules of the common law. So with all these articles; they are restrictions on, and definitions of the powers that it was feared would be claimed by the U. S. under the old Constitution. The tenth is as follows. "The powers not delegated to the United States by tho Constitution, nor prohibited by it to tbe States, are reserved to the Stales respectively, or to the people." Now let me ask what clause of the Constitution of the United State delegates the power to cr.trol a State as to the prosecution of offences against her! And is it any where prohibited to the State to fix her own way of prosecuting offences against her? If not, then these powes are reserved to the States or the people. All these provisions that are applicable to the State, os 6uch are placed in our Slate Constitution, and why all this repetition if they related to the punishment of crimes against the State 1 P. Law Refokm. We publish a communication on the subject of a reform in the administration of ihe law. It is from Ihe pen of a lawyer, too, which goes to prove that there are a few comparatively liberal and honest men in that "profession," notwithstanding their general bad odor in the abstract. m We, however, have confidence enough in the manly integrity and honor of the respectable class of lawyers, to expect that they will readily aid in essential reforms, and are sufficiently convinced of the carelessness of a large mass of the community, to be equally as well satisfied, that if the lawyers do not take hold of the matter, the other class will permit the cause to fail by default. The author of the article signed reform, in a private letter to us, says "You may think me ultra, and hard on the legal profession; but I assure you I am fully convinced, and have been for years, of the great necessity for the absolute and unconditional reform indicated. If a privileged class of men can't make a fat living witiiout doing gross injustice to mankind, let them be content to live lean. Under a good, plain, practical system, meu of honesty and moral worth, will always have enough to do, as lawyers, and unless we come within the rule, we should not have the confidence of any one, and should betake ourselves to some other calling." These we repeat, are the sentiments of a lawyer, of good repute. They are creditable not only to him, but through him to the profession by which he lives. We have a comprehensive proposition of our own yet to make; much more radical, and as we believe, remedial, than any already made. But we do not desire to make it until tho people begin to think about the subject. 0" Young ladies who desire to become proficient in the art of Drawing, will do well to take lessons from Miss Gale, wlu teaches at the residence of Mr. Loudon, Illinois street. We have examined several chromatic" piece, done by Miss G., which we consider very excellent, and highly creditable to her skill. Lessons of this character will improve the minds is well as the t nates of young ladies. Mr. Webster's son has gotten the Surveyorhip of Boefon, and that too before the body of the late incumbent has had time to get perfectly cold. The Whigs do not care for the spoils oh no! And there is no disposition on the part of the administration to 'sop Cerberus." Not the least ! fj7" A correspondent enquires of us relative to th resolutions of the last Democratic State Convention, on tl.e subject of slavery. They are as follows, and were adopted on the 8th of January, 1849, as the record rays, "onaniroously." 'Resolved, That the institution of slavery ought not to be introduced into any territory where it does not now exist." 'Resohedt That inasmuch as New Mexico and

California are, in fact snd in law, free territories, it i Nicholas Longworth, one of the weal hy men of that is the duty of Congress lo prevent the introduction of c ty, n" during the present winter contributed $7,slavery within their limits." 213.60 for the relief of the poor.

INDIANAPOLIS, Periodiculsl The United Slates Mmthly Law Magazine : EditJ ed by John Livingston, of the New York Bar. Vol. I. No. 3, for March, 1850. rrice &5 Der vear. MM -i , . . . e lhis is the best, most comprehensive work of the . " kind, in this country. We do not see how any lawycr, who dreircs to be well ported up in bis profession. can do without it. It presenls in a coar.pendious form, not only an abstract of all important dcI cisions in the U. S., but in Great Britain also. And its Miscellaneous department, appmpos in all respects, imparts a eumcienl amount oi rrtaxaoie mat-' ter, to relieve the mind from the constraint which tho! more solid may impose. Publisher's office, 54 Wall street. The Knickerbocker, New York Monthly Magazine, comes to us regularly and with great promptitude, through the agents, Post &. Co., dealers in periodicals, 10 West Third street, and Sixth street, west of Dum, Cincinnati. It is not necessary to say a word in favor of this popular work, for it already has a world-wide reputation of the best kind. We hare been aching fur some time to find room for extracts, which we have marked. ' The Scalpel: a Journal of Health, adapted to popular and professional reading, and the exposure of Quackery. . Quarterly ; 1 a year. New York : Edward II. Dixon, M. D., editor. ' We ought before this to .have noted the reception of the Scalpel for February. It is full of learning, wit and practical knowledge. It ought to be read by every medical man in this State, and by thousands of those who make no pretensions to a knowledge of medicine. The vigor of the Scalpel is unmatched by that of any other similar work in this country. The Mother's Magazine, by Myron Finch: New York. $1 a year. Not worth having at any price. The English Quarterlies and Blackwood's Magazine. Republished by Leonard Scott & Co., New York, come to hand promptly. The Edinburgh contains on excellent review of "Shirly" and Jane Eyrie." : The Louisvitb Examiner, devoted to Emancipation, and general literature, is now published month ly, in numbers of 24 octavo pages, at $1 a year. The articles of the Examiner are ably and elegantly written, and the work deserves the encouragement of all who sympathise in the cause which it advocated. The literary matter is alone worth more than the subscription price to any family. John H. Haywood and Noble Butler, editors. Published by Paul Seymour. The Constitution. We have received No. 1, of a weekly periodical of 16 pages, published by Kent & Norman, New Albany. ' It is to be continued twenty-six weeks, at 1 for the term, and will be devoted to the discussion of questions relative to the amendment of the Constitution of this State. The present number contains articles from 11. D. Owen, Judge T. L. Smith, Prof. Larrabee, and other interesting matter. The publishers will labor to make it altogether worthy of an extended circulation, which we hope it will receive. Col. Iiissell'g Speech. We publish to day the speech of Col. Eimell of Illinois of which we have already spoken. No man will regret the timo which it takes to read it; and no man, who appreciates properly the matters in issue, and the circumstances under which the speech wss made, will fail to accord to Col. B., the highest praise, not only for the intrinsic worth of the facts rrayed, but also for the intrepidity with which they were expressed. The Southern leaders had evidently meant to cow the Northerners, and force through their policy by bullying and browbeating; but they found in Mr. B. a customer too hard to be handled in that style. There is no doubt, that in consequence of this speech a portion of Southern gentlemen, smarting uoder the enstigatinn, determined to take vengeance by the duello, Col. Davis of Miss., leading off in the first instance. But reflection, we are glad to say, taught them a lesson of prudence. Bissel! had accepted Davis's challenge, and chose, as was hit right, under the code, muskets and fifteeu paces. This was no joking matter, and Mr. Davis withdrawing the challange, the duel was indefinitely postponed. We again repeat our (hanks to Mr. Bissel!, for his generous defence of our volunteers. Benton. It was understood that as soon as Cal houn hnd made his "demonstration," Mr. Benton would make a reply. It appears probable that we .... . , ... ... are to be disappointed in our anticipations. We are sorry to lose a speech from Benton, such as he no doubt would have made, but unquestionably, so far as Mr. Calhoun is concerned, there is uo need of it. The correspondent of the Louisville Courier lays Col. Bonton, as at present advised, will not notice Mr. Calhoun at all. He takes the ground that Calhoun, in his speech, has confessed all that be charged upo'i him during his campaign of a.t summer a design to dissolve the Union and that, therefore, there is nothing for him to reply to. He further thinks, that if Calhoun's dissolution scheme is of so obnoxious a character as to comptl his firt lieutenant, Mr. Foote, to abandon and desert him, that it would be worse than murder in the first degree, if he, Benton, under such aggravated circumstances, should assail him with his ponderous battle axe. As things, therefore, stand now, there is little or no expectation of Col. Benton's stying anything. An Error Corrected. In our last article on the subject of the Legislative Assembly, we stated, that "up lo this moment, as we believe,' Vermont has but one House. This is an error which we hasten to correct. We don't feel eo much ashamed of it as we should do, if we had not taken great paint to get correct information, and if others had not committed the sime blunder who ought to be ashamed of it. We hunted over the books in the State Library, but could find uo evidence of change, and that authoritative standard book, Bouvier's Law Dictionary, edition of 134, perpetuates the error I We are now taujht by an alnumac, what we could not learn from say law book. The "American, Almanac" for 1837, record the fact, that in 1630, to amendment was made to the Vermont Constitution, by which a Senate is hereafter to form a ptrt of the Legislature ; the senate to consist of 30 members, each county to be entitled to at least one, and the rest to be apportioned according to population. The fact remains true, nevertheless, that from 1793 u; to 1836, Vermont had but a single House in her legislative assembly ; and it is equally true that ihe change now noted, militates in some de. grte sgainit the proposition for one H usc only in this State. " jOrThe southern newspapers are thundering away at the disunioiiists, and the Governor of Florida has nobly rebuked the mü-rrpresentatives of that Stale in Congress. "The kics are bright"! . j We learn from the Cincinnati papers that Mr.

MARCH 21, 1850. Law Reform. Editors Sentinil: I am much pleased to see your

paper contain many valuable arguments, and suggesHons in regard to the provisions or the contemplated LcwviisuiuiiDiHi our oine. i nere is one question, T , , , , . . . M . . I believe, none of your correspondents have said anyabout It this js d j; and d()p8 it comport with tho genius of the nge, and the go-d or" ocieiy, to have amongst us a privileged class of men called Doctors of bi Law, who alone can have the liberty to appear in our courts of ins: ire for the rj,.ira . i .i i f ti ; r-ts..n finds it8 orjgjM WI,h .1, in England, as does many other things connected with the administration or jus. tice, is evil in its application, and ruinous in l!8 re suits. Manv honest men have been made tiankrimts. in our courts, on sotne miserable technicality, the justice and equity of their case being wholly disregarded by Ihe judges of our courts, so as to conform to some "decision' rpide perhaps more than one hundred years ago by a narrow minded English Jud;e wholly unfit for the present age, and one that could not be elected Justice of the Peace, if he were yel alive, and resided in 'the most obscure jtowuship in the State We want no licensed Lawyers, or legal flummory. The distinction between law courts and chancery courts should be abolished, and when any one conceives he is iniured in his nerson. nronertv or reputation, he should have the privilege of setting fortli his wrong, in a petition to the proper court, m plain common sense language ; upon ihi-s petition let a summons isue, and when served, let the defendant appear and make his defence in 'brief common sense language. No other proceedings should be allowed. Tl.e issue being thus formed a trial will be had upon the justice and equity of the case, a verdict obtain ed, which will be just in ninety-nine cases out of one hundred. Should the jury do a flagrant wrong, let tbe court have power to set aside th verdict, and rrant a new trial. Under this system the business of our circuit courts would be done in one quarter of Ihe time it now takes, and the business of our Supreme Court would be limited to but very few casts. Any one may examine Blackford's reports, or any tth er law reports, and lie will find that nine cases out of ten turn upon tome technical point of pleading, which has nothing to do with the jusfice or merits of the cause. I am aw .re that the positions here advanced will not meet the approbation of lawyers, generally, because it strikes at the foundation of the craft ; but the good of our people requires thorough reform in the proceedings of our courts, and that reform should be made in the new C-itftitution, if not made there, -i- -i ft a i a. . t mings win go on sn me ra way, Dccause n leu to leg islalive enactment nothing effectual will be done. I hope the press of the State may manfully take this matter in hard, wiihout regard to party, or class, and fully make known to the mass of our people, the wrongs th?y have suffered, and will continue sutler. unless they require of each delegate a full and unre served adhesion to thorough le?al reform. It is of more vital interest, in my opinion, than any question that will come before the Convention. The expense, delay, loss of time and money, and vexation, in the criminal and civil proceedings of our courts should no longer be endured by the people, who alone are in terested in a speedy, just and cheap judiciary. " REFORM." fj-After the cenclusion of Mr. Calhoun's speech, Mr. Foote of Mis., reized the first opportunity which presented itself lo denounce it in totn, and to declare that he could no longer recoguize Calhoun as the Generalissimo of the South ! This will look singular to many who only have knowledge of Mr. Foote fjjiciaUy. We thinkfthe fact will relieve the fears of any who hae had the slightest notion of real danger to the Union, A notion that has only merited scorn and contempt from the beginning. We have only space at present, for the following sketch of the scene between Mr. Foote and Calhoun, by the correspondent of the Louisville Courier. It' occurred on the 5th: In ihe Senate, a scene ensued during the first hour of its business, that resulted in the infliction of a wound upon Mr. Calhoun at the hands of his friends, that he but little anticipated. ' Mr. Foote was the prominent character in the tragedy, which inrestit with more than usual interest. Shortly after the Senate was organised, the Mississippi war horse arose with the greatest gravity imaginable, and after expressing the deep roc ret at Ihe course he was constrained to pursue, announced, that he dissented entirely from the proposition of the Senator from South Carolina, that a change in, or amendment to the Constitution waa the only remedy that would satisfy the South. He Honied, that in this respect Mr. Calhoun reflected tho fl-clings or views of the South, but on the contrary, insisted, that it was to the constitution snd its compromises alone that they looked for a redress of their grievances, and for a protection of their right. Pending the utterance of lhis protest on the part of Mr. Foote, Mr. Calhoun entered the Senate chamber, and soon became inflamed with passion, which h plainly exhibited in every gesture, ami feature of his countenance. His reply to Foote was short but vehement. He reiterated what he asserted I ,u Peec. "'d'y maintained, ttiat tnere was no remedy for the South, save in dissolution or an .mpn(lmpnt rn institution, and exnresM-d a hone. that if his peech was to be attacked by Senators from his own section of the Union, he (rusted that strength might bo given him from above to defend it. Mr. Foote rejoined, that if such were Ihe views of ihe Senator from South Carolina, he could no longer acknowledge him as a leader, and that henceforward they would become as two, and each could pursue such a course as he regarded most for the interest of the South. Here the tragedy ended, much to ihe satisfaction, if not the amusement, of the Senate. For if Calhoun's dissolution pn ject has become, so bold and obnoxious, as to drive Mr. Foote from its support, there is certainly but little to apprehend from the rest of the faction, who have been following the beck and the call of their great Mississippi champion. Upon the whole, tbe 6cene was one of great interest." Congressional . Washington, March 12, 1850. Senate. A motion was idopted, after some debate, to take up Mr. Bell's compromise resolutions, referring all agitating questions to a select committee of 13, by a vote of 24 yeas to 22 nays. Mr. Cass arose to address the Senate, when the farther consideration of the subject was postponed until to-morrow. The Senate then resumed the consideration of Mr. Clay's resolutions. Mr. Turney having the floor, spoke at length upon the general subjects taking the extreme Southern ground.' Mr. Badger obtained the floor for Thursday, and the Senate adjourned. House. After considerable debate, a motion was agreed to, to priut fifty thousand copies of the Pateut Otfice Report relating to MechaniKin, and 100,000 of the same Report relating to Agriculture. The Iluu.e then went into Committee of the Whole and resuint-d the consideration of the President's California Message. , Mr. Gorman having the floor, made a non-intervention speech. The AI a ha We have received exchange papers for a week past iiUraltyby the bushtl. They s re those which have been delayed on "the way, somo for months. Fur instance,. w received at one time six copies of the uai'jf Ohio Statesman, of different days. If such mail carrying is not a fraud, we d m't know what is. Mr. T. Butler King has publish'-d a card in the Republic, declaring it false, hy whomsoever allejjcd, that he was instructed by President Taylor, or sny One else, to exert his influence in California for or atraiust slavery, and t'it he did not rxerl any such influence.

Volume H:::::::::Number 42. The M;ive Question. SPEECH OF Mr. William II. Ilissrll, of Illinois, I Ft THE HOUSE OP REPRESENT ATI VK, FEB. 21, 1S50. a Committee of the Whole on the stale ef the Union, on the Resolution referring the President s .innual .Message to the appropriate Standing Committees. Mr. ClSSELLaaid: Mr. Chairman: Our discussions in this committee have already produced a profound und painful aenaalion throughout Iii Unioiu The puhlic mind has becoma agitated and anxiou, and oppreed with apprehensions of impending calamity. This state ot ihiog, air, ought not to continue; or, at any rale, Ihnt uncertainty which makes the future nvirn terrible than would perhaps the realization nf our worst fears, ought lo be removed. If this government of ours is really so near its end aa gentlemen here declare it to be, or if its longer continuance depend upou contingencies so unceruin.it were well that we kne v it now, that we might make timely preration. If, on the other hand, the apprehensions lave spoken of are groundless, the people ought in mercy, to be undeceived. They ought to be undeceived at. once, sir, in order that they may have that repose and ' conscious security lo which they are entitled under a Government crnaled and miataiued by their own hands. Reluctant as I am lo add in the puhlic anxiety, I yet do not (eel at liberty to withhold the expression of my own opinion upon the absorbing topic of this discussion, and of the day. And 1 do not hesitate to declare, as my. settled conviction, that unless Representatives who hive assumed to speak for the slavehnlding Stales have greatly mistaken the purposes and intentions nf tho people of those States, war and bloodshed, consequent upon an at-, tempt to overthrow this Government, are inevitable. This declaration I desire should go forth to the country; and with il tho reasons upon which my opinion is based. These reasons are found in' tint rxtructs which I shall quote, first, from the Sprech of the honorrtbl gentleman from Mississippi, (Mr. Brown.) Here ara the extracts : "Whilst you bave been heaping outiage upoa outrage, adding insult to insult out people have been calmly calculating Iba value of iheUnim. The question has lieca considjrea in all Its bearings, and oar mind are made up." "We owe it to yon, to ourselves, lo our common emntry, lo the friend of freedom throughout Iba world, lo warn you thai we intend to submit ao longer. "Long years of outrage upoa our feeling, and disregard of our righu have awakened in every Foul he i n bean a leeling or stern resistance. Tuink wuat you will, say what you will, perpetrate again and again, if you will, these acts of lawless tyranny ; the day and the hour is at hand, when every Soulhern son will riae in rebellion, when every tongue will say, give us justice or give us doaUi." "Go bume and tell your people tha Issue it m.ide up ; they must now choose between non interference with Southern rights on tbe one side, and a dissolution of the Union on the other 'lf you fancy that oar derotioa to the Union will keep u In the Union, you nre mistaken. Our hive for the Union ceases iih the justice of tbe Un'oa. We cannot love oppression ,jior hug tyranny to our bosoms. I tell you candidly, we have cI-nlrUed Iba value of the Union. Tour injustice has driven ua to It. Tour oppreawnn juotitira me to dcy la discussing the value of tbe Union, and I do so freely and fearlessly. Your press, your people, and your pulpk.niay denounce this aa uvason : be h so. You may sing hosanwts to tbe Union tt Is well. Itrttish lords called it treason in our fathers when they resisted British tyranny. Uriosb orators were eloquent In their eulogiums on the liriliali Ciowa. Our fathers fell the oppression, ttiey saw the hand that aimed the blow, and resolved to resist. Tbe re suit is before the world. We will resist, and trust to Uod aud our own stout henrts for the consequences." "The Smith afraid of dissolving tbe Union! why shnuM we feai? What is there to a term us or awaken our apprehensions.' Are wa not able to maintain ourselves? Shall eight millions of freemen, with mote than one hundred millions nf sipnns, fear lo lake their position among Ihe nations of the earth? With onr cotton, sugar, rice, and tuoacco, producta of a Southern soil, yielding us annually more thsn a hundred millions of dollars, need we fear tbe frowns of the world?" "Have we any reason to jtmr a dissolution of the Union? Look at Ihe question diipawionaiely.anit aaawer to yourselves the Important inquiry. Can anything be expected from live fears of the Southern people? Do not deceive yonrsrlves Ionic at things as tbey really are. For anyself, I can say wall a clear conscience, we do not fear it ; we are out appalled at the prtxpect before us ; we depreole disunion, but we do not fear It ; we know our position too well for that." "Hive we anything lo fear from you in Ihe event of dissolution ? A liule gasconade, and sometimes a threat or two." "As to there being any conflict of arms cmwina out tof a dissolu lion, 1 trave not Ibmight it at all probable. You complain of your association with slaves in the Union. We ptopote to lake them out of the Union to dissolve the unpleasant association. Will you seek a battle field to renew, amid blood and carnage this loathsome sssocia. lion? I take ft lor granted that you will not. But if you should, we point you to ihe record of the past, and warn you, by its Mood-slain ed pages, that we shall be teady to meet yon." . These extracts from the speech of the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Brown) are aufficient for our present purpose. The gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Clingman) tells us "what is the view presented tit prospect to many of the highest intellects of the South;" and it ia substantially this: that as a separata confederacy the slaveholding States "might expel d as much aa the United States ever did in lime peace up to the beginning of Gen. Jackson's administration, and still have on hand twenty-five millions of dollars to devote to tha innking of railroads, opening harbors and rivers, and fur other dun-estic purposes." The same gentleman has thus disposed, in advance, of some little matters pertaining to the interior regulations f the "Soulhern Confederacy" lo be : "The northern tier of counties in Kentucky,' said he, "would perhapa be obliged lo remove their slaves to the South. But there would txt to her advantages in the change, similar to those of Maryland. Kentucky supplira the South with live stock to a great extent; but she has to encounter the competition of Ohio and other Northwestern States. Ij the productions "j these States were subject to a duly, ha might for a lime have a monopoly in tha trsde." I doubt not, that it will astonish the people of tbe great West and Northwest to find that the fathers of lbs "Southern Confederacy' have disposed of the navigation of tha Mississippi with such celerity, as much as il will the people of Kentucky to learn that their slaves are henceforth to be removed South instead of Ji"orth. Tbe satna gentleman (Mr. Clingman) has divulged his plan for removitig though not quite so gently all those in Kentucky and the other slaveholding States who hesitate ahoiit swearing allegiance to this "Southern Confederacy." lie intimates that it will not take as long to hang them as it did the "Tories in the Revolution." 1 think, Mr. Chairman, that 1 have now given extracts enough lo justify ihe opinion I expressed at the nutaet of my remarks. We cannot fail to see that if the feelings, purposes, and intentions ol the people of the slaveholding Slates are correctly represented in these speeches, our countrymen may well apprehend tha mot fearful calamities. Tha subject has been calmly considered by txs highest intellects of the South. It has been ascerlained by calculation, that if the Southern Sutes wera separated from the Northern, not only would they ecape from "Northern aggression," in future, bul they would also derive a direct pecuniary advantage of $"25,U00,000 per annum. And though it docs not appear that the amount of duty to be paid by the people of the West and Northwest lo the "Southern Confederacy," for the privilege ol navigating the Mississippi river, has yet been fixed, it nevertheless does appear that auch a duty ia lo be axacted. 1 allude to tlieso things, sir, to show the minute calculations that have been entered into in reference to Uie altered condition nf things consequent upon tha tnediltted dissolution of tho Union. They show an advanced stage in the progress of this movement, which, im my judgment, will astound the country. Now, sir, let na aee if we can gtenn from these gentlemen's speeches tha shadowing forth of any plan by which this movement is lo ba commenced and carried out. I first quote from the speech of the gentleman from Alabama, (Mr. Inge :) "Wilt the Representatives of the North attempt, hy Ihe power ol numbers, to outrage the Constitution and degrade the Soetb by Ihe admuwina of this Tern lory (California) as a State, without the ofler of some equivalent? 1 sucgest to Ibein lo remember that we are aworn to aupport the Constitution, and could scarcely sit ia tame cequiescence and witness its open and shameful violation. Tbe attempted consummalioa of such aa act would be ibe overthrow of the Constitution, wbicb tbe People we te present would resist 'to the last extremity.' We ara here as the Representatives of Ihe People, bul are our obligations lo the Conslitntioa and the South less than ihosa of uher individual chiseas, who In the aggregnle are the FtepU 1 Weawuiaesvfa'uianai bl-gaüont when we coins as Representatives ; but are we relieved from those which rested op.n as as ellisens ? My individual opinion Is, ibat if tbe oaUiern tkonle ought to resist a measure of aggression, after its eonsuminatia, we are here under the same ota higher oblig4tioa to resist Us consummation. Tbesesug. geMions are made, not ia the nature Jf threat or menace. I so nut underrate the finnnen of the North. As s mailer of dweretioa. it is alwsys proper to assume that yout antagonist Is firm, even if the fact be doul.tful. Bui the course proper to I pursued la any and every event at for the detenouiatioa of Southern members. I am willing lo suggest, and if my counts Is not approved, lo follow any uatb of honor which may be pointed out by tbose who are older aud wirer. I trust that we shall stand together as one man, and nrtsrnl our breasts as tin shield of the 'onalrtuUoo." . This language, air, scarcely admits of a doubtful construction. I understand it to meanjhis : That the gentleman considers himself and other Southern Representatives as acting here in a double capacity, first, aa Representatives, in which character they are lo resi-t the pisage ef an unconstitutional law ( , for instance, ona admitting California in the Union) in tha manner and by the forms prescribed by tha Constitution and the rules of this House; secondly, a private citizens, n which characters Ihey are bound to resist the passage of an aggressiv law in the same way that private citizens may resist aggression upon their rights. 1 feel quite svre that I have not mistaken the proper construction to ba put upon the gentleman's language. But, aa I have given the entire paragraph, let it speak for itself. Whatever doubt .there may be as to tha proper construction of that parafraph, there can be none, none at all,aa to the one which now quote frm tha speech of the gentleman front North Carolina, (Mr. Clingmiu,) already referred lo ; " Bat u Is a -1 vised (ssya he) in certain portion of the Northern press, that the members from that section ought to aipel each as interrupt their pm.eedings. Let them try the experiment. 1 tell gentlemen Ibat this 1 our slaveholding Territory. Wa do not intend to leave K. Il thry think tbey can remove as, it is a proper case for

trial, la the present temper of the pnhlie mind, it U probuh'e tint n collision of ibis kind here mitix electrify Ibe country, as did the lull skirmish at Lexington the Colonies in their then eicilsd state. Sucb a struggle, whoever might prove the victors ia it, would not leave a quorum here lo do business. Gentlemen may call Uir treason, high treason the highest lrr)won that the world ever saw. al their words are idle. IV shall de leal their movenient against as." If this does not sufficiently show where and how tha revolution ia to commence, let us turn again to the speech of the gentleman from Mississippi, (Mr. Brown,) " and read another extract : "My own opinion is this: that we should resist Uie Introduction of California as a Slate, and resist it .'; resist k by our ves fir, and lastly by other means. Wt can t Is, farts sn sojournment witknt ktr mJmistmn. Tim being onne, we ara safe. 1 ha Southern Suites, in convention at Naaliville, will device mein for via di--tating their rights, t know not what these mains a-tKbe,butI know bat they assy be, snd wMh propriety and safety. They may be to carry slaves into all of Southern California, as lite property of sovereign Slates, and there bold them, as we have a rieht to do ; and, if atolerted, defend them, as is both our right and duty. " We ask you lo give ei our rigbt by non-mieixentitm. If yoa refuse, I am for takinc them by armed sccatnstira

j Resist the passnge of a law admitting California first by votes, and lntiy by "o'htr means?'' Mr. Chairman, does the Constitution, which we are sworn lo support, or the rules of this House, point out to ua any "other means" of resisting ibe enactment of a law, except by means of votes? We can adjourn; but how adjourn without voting an adjournment ? "Force ait adjournment," says the gentleman. And what fnrce is the other means' by which the admission of California is to be resisted, and "resisted succtssfallyt" And what next? Why, the JS'ashrille Convention is to meet. Then what? j "Carry slaves into all 1 1 Southern California, aa the property of Sovereign States, and hold them there, as we have a right to do ; and, il molested, defend them, aa ia both our right and duty." And thus is California to be 'taken' by "armed occupation." Alas, for the 100,000 men already there, or on iheir way thither, from whom California is to be taken by force, and held by armed occupation, that alavery may be introduced against their, will! I I doubt not, Mr. Cha'uman, that by this time you and this , Committee are satisfied, aa I am, ihat unless the iotet ties ! of the people of the slaveholding State bave been mis aken 'j by some of their Repesent!ive here, a conflict of arms i between the Government of the United Ststes and a pt rtioo 1 11 Ota P1hT.ni I K r fl . u ...,,.1. . Rnt, sir. I have never permitted myself to doubt tbe patriotism of the American people. And 1 shall be slow, especially, lo distiU't that quality in the people of the generous South. Left lo their u n unprejudiced judgment, and their own sound reflections, I shall have no fear. 1 rtaie hardly answer, however, for the effect which the speeches, especially that of the gentleman Torn MiHippi, Mr. Baown.1 may have upon the mind of a gallant people, nat urally ardent and impoUive. Indeed, sir, I shudder at the thought of (he efiVd which passages like that which I shall now quote, may, I had almost s-oi miuf, produce ou tbe feelings of our Southern biethren. Receivinr it in rod faith, as we aie bound lo suppose they skill. i a ftitbful statement of the cruelties sb-iut t be visited u.-on tbero by the hands of their Ttoithern biethren, it would be stitoge. indeed, if ther failed to be wrought od to tbe mot intense degree of excitement and exaperatiou t "Our country it to be made desolate. We are to be driven from car homes the homes made aVar bv all the saered associations of family and frienda. We are to be sent, like a people accursed of God, to wander through tbe land heme leas, bouarlesa, and friendles; or, what is ten thousand times worse than these, than alt, re main it a eotintry now prosperous and happy, and see ourselves. our wives and children, degraded to a social poiition with the black race. Thee, these are the frightful, lerrible consequences yoa would en' ail upon ua. Picture la yoarwlvrs Huiurary, resMtinc; the powers cf Austria and Uuxia and if Hsngry, which had never tatted liberty, could make such tont retotanee, what may yoa not anticipate Tram eight millions of S xiihruoa, made desperate by Do jou know, Mr. Chairman, nf any acts committed or medi'ated by the North against the ptople of the lavehollmg Mate, that can by any pos'ibiltty justify such decltra. ions as those 1 have just qnoled f I kaow tT none, and I am sure the gentleman will find it vey difficult to point them out to his constituents. Il is ea-y. indeed, to deal in gene ral charges against the North; and when requested to specify those charges, to say, as the gentleman fiom Mit-isippt d"es, "I will not recount tha story of our wtongs." But wit such a course satisfy a people, patriotic, intelligent aud inquiring ) Future developments will show. And Mbat, fir, are the caue asogtied to jus'ify the act of dissolving this Union ? They are alleged agressions by the non-nlaveholdirg States upon the lights of the lvehnlding, in repect M slavery. All tbe charges put fork aga nt the uoH-!avhddiug $:ale bave reference to that qurgti n solely; and they aie all compiiseii and compendiously set f-Hh in a single biief sentence which I here quote fiom the speech befoie refened t cf the gentleman fmrn Noilh Carolina, Mr. Cusgmas Af'er lefening at some length to the benefits and advantage! of slavery, he sayst 'In spite, hosrver, of these great fact, which ought totnfceaD impartial mind, the course of the Korih has been constantly aggressive on Ilm question." Now, sir, on bebtlf of ih- North, I lepel the charge. And I affirm ihat, for anything the North has dune to justify the oveithrnw of this Government, any attempt lo do so, is naked lieason. What, sir, the coure of the free States t een wcontsntly aggressive" upen the South on the slavery question ? Let us see. Since the adoption .f the Constitution, seventeen States have been admitted into Ihe Union. Of lhis number, nine are slaveholding Sta'cs, and eight ionslaveholding. Now, sir. it has so happened Ihat every time when any of ihrse slaveholding Stilts hive applied lor admission, the North has bad complete ascendancy in both branches of Congiess, consequently the power to exclude any or all of them. They wete all admitted, slivehnldtng as they were, with just sich Constitutions as they hti chosen to adopt for themselves. I this a part of that " ive course" on the Slavny qurt:on which th6 Nt t i ns "constantly" pursued f Again i Of the leiritsiy embraced within ihe seventeen S'aies thus admitted, the frre Stairs comprise 333,259 s josre miles, aiid the slave Slates 730,376 rquue miles'. Tim we see tbal tho extent ol slave leuitoiy admitted into the Union since ibe adoption of ihe C ntitutioa i considerably mure than twice as gieat a that of the free leniioty. Does lhi look like a disposition on the pait of the fiee Mates lo purine a coore of "constant aggression" towards the South on the subject of alavery Again t The annexation nf Texas wis a peculiaily Souiheru mra-ure. The necessity of il arqtiiiiian was distinctly placed by Mr. Calhoun himself the embodiment of ultra Southern piinciples, and the tn'ei-piiil of the then Administration upon the wants of Slaveiy. To the N nth the measure was distasteful The North never desitrj, fx its own take, the acquisition nf Texas; nevertheless, tbe S iuth earnestly desiring it, and Mr. Calhoun's giest influeuce being bioughi to bear in its favor, for Ihe reason, chiefly, just given, the Notth generously acquiesced in the measure, though possessed of ample p-iwer lo defeat it. Texas was acq ui ted and, at ibe com of a auguioaiy aud expeuive wai, we took ino the Union, at one swo.p, an amount of slave ttililoty equal in exteot to Ihe oiiinl thirteen Sta'e. All this the non-slavebnldiog Stairs mit-bi bare prevented, bul did not Is thi Northern sgsiesioiiM upoo Ibe lights of the Swath on the Slavery question Is this one ef the scs of "aggreasioo" on Ihat subject which is lo justify geotlenira of the South in dissolving the Uuion ? Tbe power of Congress lo aboli-h the alave trade aud slavery at the arsenals, forts, and navy yaidn, and in this Di't kt, will batdly be questioned by out Southern fiieud. And yet. neither the one nor tbe other has been abolished lo this day ia any of these places. Even Itvedealns now drive their occupation in ibis District at pleasure. Could not the North, had she chosen so to do, put an end to slavery and the si ive trade in 11 these places, loug ere this i She has foicborne to do s. I, that foibo-aranre any prt cf tha "agression" upon slareiy which now justifies rebellion sgaitxt the Union ? Now, sii, lei us consider those minor thirges, ao peitioaciously urged against the free State, that make op tbe son total of those "aigiessioni" which justify these gentlemen in dissolving tlie Union. What are thee ehaiges f Why, it is chaiged, first, thai among the people of the fiee States here i a prevalent and incieaiog feeling adverse to slavety. This Ftatrmrnt, or cliaic, if it be one, I cannot deny. But I am at a hM to conceive how that can be tegaided as aa "sggreS'inn" on tbe South, or a justification for Ihe act of overthrowing lhis government. Is it required of the fiee S'aies that tbey, in aggtega'e, shall keep a supervision over Ihe views and opinions of their individual citizens, on poütiral, moral ot any other subjects i Is not this a cuntiy of fieedom nf opinion t And do i.ot out Southern Lieuda, even, recognize Ihe principle that "error of opinion may be aMy toleiated wheie uasoit is left to combat it?" But are the people of the fiee Slates peculiar in iheir views on Ibis subject f Does nol the Maggiesion" come l.o fiom another quarter, and with ten-fold force ? How is this feeling in Kentucky, where, at a recent election, more lliau leu tiiouv and votes (as I am informed) were ca-t in favui of cm I -te emancipation ? How is il in other Notthern slave Sutes, where Van Buren eveo, at the last P. evidential election, found wann supporters, and not a few votes? Now, gentlemen of the South, you cannui prevent these tilings this fc ling, or sentimeut, or whatever else you ma v call i' even among the people ol' your own sltvelulding Slates, can you ? Are you not asking loo much, then, when you require os nf ihe North snd West lo snppres it among our people ? We cull not do so, if we would And, if we had Ihe power, our rrfual lo exeicise il would by no means juslity ihe desiiuction nf this lepublic. Again t It is made an accusation against the free Sta'es, that their ministers of tbe Utn-psl mike slavery a subject of pulpil diquiition, thus increasing the hostility already existing agaiost that in-iitution. Tu s me extent this may be Ihe fact, Mr. tbairrnanj though 1 confess that, ao far as my nwu knowledge extrnds, sucb instances are exceedingly rare. Bui what then ? Can we pievrul that ? Ought we to try? Why, on this point wa have ihe authority of the gentleman from Mississippi Mr. Flows himself, in favor wf Ihe piaclire. You will recollect, lir, that after treating us to an argument cf considerable length, designed to show that the nvisl and leliious condition of the negro is improved by his beii'g held in bondageand after declaring that, in hi opinion, slavety is 'a great motal. social, political, aad ielittious blessing a tie-sing te the slave, aud a blessing to the mastei be drops the ut jeel by saying: "It is no pait of my pin pose to discuss thit piop-i in. Tbc subject, in this siew of ii, belongs tather to the pulpit Iban lo tbe halls of legi lation." Kuiely, sir, he will aow roTiplaru of tu, moie scimont on the subject uf slavery: and, when lie C"tnlo draft the ''declaration" for tha "Sou them Conledeiati .t." (1 tiust last has not alieady been done) he will ceitai lr not include ihit as one uf Ihe "cause which impel os to the separation." Bul again It i charged also against the free Slates, that wc toleiate anti-slavery societies. Yes, sir; we loleiate an- . li-ilavery societies, naiive Ameiirao societies, temperance ! societies, moial teforro societies, missionary societies, sew. ing societies, and possibly ihnngli I am not eeri;on o'her societies. Indeed, sir, wears tolerant towards all soitsif societies. We aie so, because, hist, we have oo tight to be intolerant in reference lo such matteis, and, secondly, because there is no necessity for meddling wiih ibem. We must hunt fo other cause than lhis, sit, teji5tity a diss , luiion of the Union.