Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 9, Number 41, Indianapolis, Marion County, 14 March 1850 — Page 2

jftxMana State Sentinel E1EX3AL VIGILAMCE IS THE MICE OF LtBF.STY. nf1fÄnfAlML1IS, ITIAItCII 14. I8ÄO. Our Terms. The fallowing will hereafter be the permanent terms of the Week'y Indiana State Sentinel : OPayroents to be made always in advance. One copy, one year, $"2.00 Three copies, one year, 5 00 Five copies, one year, 8.00 One copy during the eefin, 5

Ten copies, in club?, ons year, 15.C0 Soini-tVeckly. (Published. three times & week during the session.) f a, . fi t rnt ia rst ' une copy, :j;.irw inree copies, jiu.uw One copy during the session, 1.00 All papers will be stopped at the end f the term paid for, unless the subscription is renewed, except to those with whom we have other unsettled business accounts. Any person sending us a club of -ten. with cash, at the rate of $1.50 each, shall have a copy gratis for one year. For a greater number than ten, the gratuity shall be increased in proportion. All postmaster are requested to act as a gen's, and as such, by a recent decision of the department, they are authorized to frank letters for the benefit of subscribers. TERMS TOR ADVERTISING PATENT MEDICINES. To prevent confusion and tu save lime, we Mala oar term for advertising Patent Medicin, via : Fifty renn per juare in the Mini-weekly edition for the Drrt insertion, and twenty-live rents per square fur each subsequent inwrUofl, wben for not haaa than Ihre months. Over tars months, SO cents per rquare for the first, and 20 cents per square for each subse quent Insertion. Each advertisement will have l leatl ort Insertion la the Weekly without additional Cost. For inseiuuas I the Weekly continuously, double toe above price. Cuts, when agreed to be Inserted, w ill ba charged double for tba pace tkejr occupy. Eight lines of Nonpareil, or 350 ems, count a square. To Correspondents. H. VV. B., Jasper. Good, m y dot I Keep it boot! a a I Toor request is complied with. D. 3 CoryJon. This will save the trouble of writing. Tbank you, rir, and the extra hall be cheerfully famished. Tour kind promise at the close iball not go unheeded. E. K. B.t BlofT.oa. Will attend to your request to the extent of ear ability. Should wa not find a customer, will "talk with type. C T. S. Bellville. Too will find an article in this paper, which will be a full reply to your query, though written before we receive ed roars. We hop it may be satisfactory to all concerned. Convention. Grand Jury. A correspondent of the Wabash Express argues the question of the utility or inutility of the Grand Jury system, and maintains a position opposite to that of our correspondent "P." The Express man pre sents various plausible arguments in a tone apparently candid and sincere. This is commendable, whoever may be right in the abstract. The practices under the Grand Jury system are of course not alU"tlher bad or outrageous, as a general rule. If they were, there would be no doubt' that a large ma- ' jority of the people would be quite ready to abrogate it. Public sentiment is a great corrector and modifier of bad laws and bad institutions. The true teat of any auch thing must be a comparative one. The principles of evil and of good are so much mixed in all things human, that it is sometimes difficult to determine on which side the balance of either preponderate. We can often only judge of institutions, according to what we may be convinced is the sum of evil or good comparatively. If therefore there is more evil in our Grand Jury system comparatively! than good, and if some other system would be less evil, we should be justified in making a change: indeed we should feel it our duty to make such a change. This is no question of principle in the abstract, but imply one of certain means to attain a certain end. A difference of opinion may therefore be regarded j with great liberality. We are quite confident that our correspondent "P." possesses sufficient ability to defend himself without our aid; and we intentionally avoid committing ourselves editorially upon a question which like tins requires discussion in order to its proper settlement. We desire to protoke discussion among the people, so that we may arrive at the truth in its best form. It is our disposition to take the liberal side of any proposition, especially if it seems to bo the weak side. That can do no harm, and may do some good. We have already noted, with a single comment. the objection raised by the Richmond Palladium, under the 5th section of the amendments to the U.'S. Constitution. We observe that the Express man reproduces that objection as his winding up argument in answer to "P." We have no desire t deprive our friend of ammunition, but as we have not heard from him in reply to the Palladium, and as the reiteration of the apparently strong point may be deemed conclusive without immediate reply, we will venture to inform the Palladium and the Express, that their strong objection has been met and set aside by sn authority which we presume they will deem conclusive. We mean a decision of the Supreme Court of the U. S., as elaborated by Chief Justice Mabsh all. For the full opinion of the Court relative to this very important point, we refer them to Peters's Reports, vol. 7, p. 243 251. This report may be briefly summed tip as follows. The provisions of the 5tb amendment to the Constitution of the U. S., (embracing the clause relative to indictments by Grand Juries,) are intended solely as a limitation on the exercise of power by the Government of the United Stales. The Constitution was ordained and established by the people of the U. S. for themselves; for their own government; and not for the government of the individual States. Each State established a Constitution for itself, tnd in that Constitution provided such limitations and restrictions on the powers of its particular government as its judgement dictated. The people of the U. S. framed such a government for the United States as they supposed best adapted to their situation, and best calculated to promote their interests. The pmcers they conferred on this government were to be exercised by itself; and the limitations on power, if expressed in general terms, are naturally and necessarily applica ble to the government created by the instrument. They are limitations of power granted in the instrument itself; not of distinct governments framed by different persons and for different purposes. These conclusions, recollect, are those of the U. S. Supreme Court, not ours. They are sufficient, so far as this point is concerned. CPrevioos to the last Presidential election our neighbor of tho State Journal was very desirous to elicit oor precise opinion of the "Wilmot Proviso," and was very severe upon Mr. Benton's "goat's wool. The Journal then went for the proviso, and nothing shorter, if we understood it. We went for "something stronger. We have already asked of the Journal if it has changed its position! It might be for the interest of the public to know, for who knows but that "dissolution" may depend upon the rtsult 1 We are willing that our neighbor should take a long breath before he answers, provided he will agree to answer at all! We feel a friendly solicitude on the subject, quite equal to that which he displayed in oor behalf, before the election ! Come, friend Journal, make a clean breast or it! An hon est confession, you know, is good for the soul ! (-RiroRM, on the subject of a reformstion of the administration of the law and the practices of lawyers, shall have place in oor next. We shoul be clad if he will frequently favor us in this manner All the people want is light, and to be taught how to accomplish reform safely, and the work is done. TJiss Case, at Hartford, Ct., has recovered a verdict for 1.572 against L. B. Marks, for slsnder.

Tho Legislative Assembly. Another corn-epondeot. 4,1J.," discusses the question of the constitution of the LegislativcXssembly. He alludes to one fi ct, which we hope will relieve, the fears and the surprise f a few who have been taken aback by the broaching oflhis question, the fact that Vermont, from the adoption of her Constitution, in 1791, up to this moment, as we believe, has had but one legislative House proper, and that a House of Representatives, eimilar to our own, except . that every town may elect and siid representatives, as thry may feci disposed or think expedient. So well ha this stetem worked in Vermont, that at a recent Slate Convention, a proposition t-j change the Stale Representation, was defeated by yeas 9, nays 219! A pretty conclusive vote, truly, and pretty god evidem-e that a single legislative body is not so very dangerous, nor so very new, as may be thought by hose who are not familiar with facts of this kind. Our correspondent "H." spoke of the failure of the experiment of a single body in Pennsylvania and Georgia, and in more ancient governments. The latter became tyrannies, inevitably because their powers were not limited or restrained by Const i I ulinns. This la the chief necessity why we should have a constitution at all. The old constitutions, or charters of Pa., and Ga., were undoubtedly imperfect, being the commencement of new experiments in government. Experience had not (hen taught them the comparative inefficiency of the British mode, under a new code. They had their philosophers, and wise men thry were too, among them Benjamin Fbanklin, who believed in the sufficiency of oi:o House. Their experiment was unsuccessful, not because one House is incapiblo of successful and prudent legislation, but because the Constitution, under which it was originated, was defective in necessary requirements and stipulations. The Constitution of Vermont possessing these, the single House has worked very successfully, and without difficulty for more than half a century. Our correspondent "Reviewer, argues in favor of a double organization, on the ground of economy in time, and safer and better legislation, two houses being able to mature different measures at the same time, and each being a check upon the other. There is some truth in this; but still the constant complnint his been of excessive, improvident and bad legislation. A writer at Lafuyette affirms that "Reviewer's" argument would justify more than two bodies, as well as two. Practical!!, our legislature it divided into bout forty bodies, twenty in each, railed "Standing Committees," to whom various matters of similar character are referred, and by them investigated, and corresponding laws prepared for the action of the principal body. More legislation is thus prepared than in either Houso proper. Two Houses may occasionally be useful, in checking the "folly" or "excitement" of one another; and the "bills" of either may be made to undergo the ordeal of the other's greater care, and the additional investigation of its standing committees. . These are the two great adVantages of a double organization ; but they lose half their merit, because the Governor's veto answers to check the one, while the other may, and generally is dispensed with by the two Houses. An arrangement, like that of Vermont, would be quite as well as our present one, if nut better. It would be more democratic certainly, than biennial sessions, and four years executive terms. But, as we have said before, it is not in the organization of the Legislature that we are to find the remedy which all desire, nor is it in the frequency or infrequency of the sessions. The remedy can be secured only by stipulations made imperative in the Constitution, to operate directly acd without fail upon the Legislature. For instance we should adopt the rule of New York, requiring a majority of all the members, by a vote of ayes and noes, upon the passage of every bill. This is the only way by which to hold every member responsible for his acts, or bis delinquency. This would be a very great improvement. We should require the ayes and noes also, on the suspension tX the constitutional rule requiring

every bill to be read on three different days in each

House, a rule which is now violated hundreds of ! since I have been here, two old men died Ihey groaned . ,,, . p . . so pitifully that 1 could not rest. But death at last endtimes every session, by "consent. Terhapa we ed pUieir 7iuffering.. Tney were buried in their dirty ought to require four-fifths of the whole number, in- clothes; no washing Ihey received, n. shroud envelopstcad of two-thirds, to sanction a disuse of the rule. them, no christian friend consolnd them. While well n i , i n - .i. j ' ru- I s in this country they lived like savages, and died like the Perhaps printing every bill, (as they do m Ohio and ; nMlll,Bf nu pTerwm) but iho, tha, oore tair rude coffin. some other Stales,) and requiring only one read- followed them to their craves. Never would 1 advise a

inj, with three days for deliberation, would be better, the cost of printing being no greater than the cost of time in the other case. Every bill before passing, should be subjected to the ordeal of a Standing Committee, and Uiis rule should be rigidly enforced, and only be suspended by a large vote, in ayes and noe. These, and perhaps a few more provisions of similar character, would do a great deal more to check hasty, foolish or dishonest legislation, than biennial sessions would effectuate ; and they would go a great way towards making one House as safe as two. The quantity of legislation is to be regulated by other means. We should like to remodel the county governments, give them a more extended local legislature, so ss to make them correspond with the democratic town governments of New England. Keeping them under proper restraint by general laws, passed by the General Assembly, to apply to all alike, and under which the county boards should bave the right to legislate to suit lhe local interests of their own people. Not permitting the county legislatures lo raise or expend money for extraordinary purposes, but this function to be regulated ry the General Laws, or controlled by a direct vote of the people of each county for themselves. By some wise reform of this kind, if it can be effected, we should do away at once will the necessity which otherwise will continue to exist in a greater or less degree for local .legislation. Add to this, general laws for business and municipal corporations, and tlx) work is more than halfd:nc, so far as legislative reform is concerned. The Journal, mid Clubbing. The Journal makes a labored attempt to invalidato our statements relative to clubbing, &c, by referring to matters entirely forgotten or passed by, by us. He also pronounces the statements of our Pendleton correspondent and ourselves untrue," and disclaims clubbing until after we issued our late prospectus. We bave but one reply to make, and that is, our statements are true ; and we believe the same of our correspondents. His readers know if they are true or not; as also do ours, and on this ground we ate willing to rest the matter. , Not that like the Journal, . under pretended dignity, we do not desire our private business transactions to see the light; for we do not fear to have them all exposed ; and not long since our dignified neighbor attempted to expose them for us, as an excuse to couple ua with one then supposed to be a Ibief; and who, for aught we know, may be one. The Journal editor had a better acquaintance with him than ever we had. Should any doubt remain in the Journal editor's mind as to the truth of our statement, we would refer him to the postmasters at Morganlown, Frankfort, ' etc., and to any others where be has subscribers, and also to his subscribers themselves. We risk the question of veracity: 07 A Washington Korrespondent of the Baltimore Sun says that James Gordon Bennett, editor of the New York Herald, is an applicant for the appointment cf minister to Austria.

From California. We have been politely favored with the following extracts from a private letter, written by a young gentleman who will be remembered by our readers in this vicinity,—the son of Seton W. Norris, Esq. The records of his experience may be profitable to those who desire to see the California elephant. SACRAMENTO CITY, Nov. 18, 1849. MY DEAR PARENTS:—I arrived here on the 26th of

September, having been 6 long months on the plains. When we arrived within 400 miles of this city, Charles L. Hansicker and Dr. D. Wilson, of Covington, and my--self, were sent forward with pack animals by the ox train from Covington, Ind., to get provisions as they were nearly out, John and myself having previously joined them. Our mules having wearied themselves out, and not bring able to keep up with our company on account of their being too young for so long a trip. We were advised to join some ox train by our Indianapolis friends, all of whom bought older mules, with the exception of this mess, who though having two more mules than we had, was nevertheless left behind the rest of the Indianapolis company. We were more familiar and more together than any other two messes. We bought our mules together and divided them fairly. When one team got fast in the mud we doubled teams, and helped each other out. Our mules failed fast, and frequently Ohr's mess and ours were left by ourselves for the night, in a hostile country, and many a time has the dismal howling of the wolves disturbed our night's repose. When morning came, we had hard work, to catch up with the train, and by the time we would the mules would be nearly given out again; they were much too young for the trip, being only 3 years old; the rest of the company had older ones, and many Spanish which seldom gave out. Our captain was an old illiterate mountaineer; he had a team of splendid old Spanish mules. He moved at a rapid rate, keeping the train travelling late and early, hardly allowing man or beast time to eat or rest. Some of the messes were behind hand in cooking their meals, and would not be ready when the captain called out to move into line. John and I would get the guide to wake us at 3 o'clock, —we would hurriedly water and picket out our mules to grass, put the harness on in the dark while they were eating, then strike our tents, roll up the bed clothes, then wood being scarce and hard to get, very frequently commenced the day's travel without eating our breakfast. We generally started at day-light; we frequently had to picket our mules a good distance from camp, the grass being eat up by the forward trains about our camping grounds. When we stopped at night, every one hurried with the greatest activity to get their mules to the best and nearest grass first; those that unharnessed last had to take their mules perhaps half a mile or three quarters before they could get any grass out of reach of the long ropes of the other mules, so it was a continual warfare between us. In this manner we travelled about 500 miles. Our third comrade, Ringland, being unwell from the day we started until he left us, he rode all the time and drove. John and I walked and watered the mules at every stream. Well, it was very fatiguing for us to keep up with the wagon in the dust and great heat, lock the wheels, hold back, and push the wagon up hill. Many times one from each team had to remain, especially if it was a bad hill or place, to help the whole train up. O how tired and sick we were when night came; we did not stop until night; each mess rapidly unharnessed their mules, and had to drag them some distance to grass and water. We were not allowed to tie them near the camp until very dark, the grass near was kept for them to eat during the night. We frequently slept with our arms loaded under our heads. We kept a strong guard while the train was together, but disagreements as to when and how the train ought to corrall, and how long it ought to stop at noon, and prejudices entertained by members of one mess for another, soon separated our train into small divisions of two or three wagons each, which at first contained nineteen wagons. Well, we travelled rapidly 35 or 40 miles a day; in short, our young American mules failed fast, many times no grass or water, we began to fall back far behind the train. Harrison's mess and one other from about Indianapolis, seeing our mules as well as Ohr's about to fail, they went ahead of the train. We threw away our trunks, and sacked the goods they contained; we threw away our stove which weighed only 18 pounds, and 200 pounds of provisions, but all this would not suffice, the mules gave out. Dr. Ackley's mess advised our mess and Ohr's to dnuble teams and leave one wagon; we sold ours for 40 dollars. Even after doubling teams we could not keep up with the rest of the train. We took the advice of Dr. Ackley, and joined an ox train from Covington, Ind. We were invited to join them by the whole compnay, the members of which I was personally acquainted with. We had performed 700 miles of our journey before we joined the ox train. We paid them for boarding us and taking our baggage through. We got along much easier, as every thing had to be done up more leisurely. We reserved a mule apiece to ride. We all fared alike and all ate at the same table; two cooked for the whole all the way. We lived better on the first part of the journey, but harder on the latter. The first part of the journey we had plenty of old bacon, hard bread, coffee, and dried fruit, but for the last two months and a half, we had nothing but hard bread, and coffee, without sugar, which gave me the diarrhae, which never left me for three months,—I came near dying with it; I lost forty pounds of my usual weight. On my arrival here I had to be taken to the hospital, instead of returning with my two comrades with provisions for the suffering train. The hospital is a very disagreeable place to me; there are a great many sick persons in the one I am in; several died friend of mine, especially an old man, whose days will be shortened soon enough, to come to this country. Many who came here for gold, have not found gold; but instead a grave and burial. An unchristian scene is the journey from the beginning to the end. I am still in the hospital, very weak, but able to walk about. I have been down street once or twice. This is a very unhealthy place. I will describe the town in a few words; Sacra mento city has a population, (though not a steady one,) of 7,000 inhabitants; it is situated on the Sacramento river, one hundred and sixty miles above San Francisco; its situation is not high enough to be healthy during heavy rains to keep it from being overflowed; perhaps if it were ditched like other cities are, the streets would not be under water as they are at this date. Rain has fallen steadily during the last five days. Old settlers say we shall have sun-shiny weather again. There are a great many small buildings up, and many going up. They bring their timber by water from uOegon, and sell it at $500 per 1000 feet, so that the smallest building costs a good pile of money. A great many merely buy lamber [sic] enough to build the frame, and cover the sides, ends, and the top with canvass [sic] or cotton sacks. Some live in tents. Our hospital is a frame, covered with canvass on all sides. I have been down street since the rain, and observed many houses and tents under water; also, there was a great deal of property of all kinds in the water, much that was irrevocably ruined, such as produce of all kinds, dry goods, hardware of every description, all rusting and ruining for the want of some house to put them in. There are 50 or 60 taverns or eating houses, and full as many gambling houses. I will give a little description of one of them; it is a substantial frame building, unlike many others, that are merely canvass, whose sides and roof of canvass were entirely blown off and rent in many pieces during the late storm of rain, and therefore rendered useless. It is quite a large building, some 80 feet long and 25 wide. The gambling hall must have been 65 or 70 feet long, by 25 in width. The house is styled ["]the plains["], in consequence of some 6 or 8 large oil paintings executed by artists of this city who came across the plains. The paintings represent the wonderful places on the route, such as the Devil's Gate, Crossing the Platte, the view of the Chimney Rock, and wagons crossing the dividing ridge, &c. They are pretty correct and tolerably well executed for scene painting. The hall contained some half dozen gambling tables, a half dozen different kinds of cards are used. You see large piles of gold and silver on these tables. There is a gallery at the further end from the main entrance, for a regular band of musicians, which play while people gamble. There was also a magnificent bar and an eating establishment in the same room; you paid from $1 50 to $2 per meal; a single pie you had to pay 75 cents to $1 for, a common loaf of bread 50 cents. There are some 70 or 80 stores, and as many little shops. There are at this time some 30 or 40 sail of vesels now in the river at this place. Flour has risen from 30 to 50 dollars within the last two weeks; butter $1 50 per lb.; brown sugar 30 cents per lb.; old bacon 40 cents; pickled pork 20 cents; fresh beef from 12 to 25 cents; milk $1 per quart; molasses $2 per gallon; shoes $5 to $10; boots $10 to $20; clothing nearly as cheap as in the States; all hardware, such as edge tools and cooking utensils very high. The country extending from the bay up the river to Sacrarnento city, and above for some miles is considered unhealthy; but as you go into the interior some 40 or 80 miles as you near the mountains, the climate becomes healthier. I leave town in a few days for the mines, which are near the moun tains. Wood is worth $10 per cord, and $10 is given to cut it up. Carpenter's wages are from $12 to $16 per day. There are people here from nearly every part of the world. I met T. J. Henley, being about one month from the time I saw him on board the barque Sea Witch, the time he waited on me so kindly. I told him I expected to leave for the mines in a few days; he seemed surprised, and said I was not near well, and said finally he was not going to let me go to the mines. He advised me to go home, and wanted to go down and pay my passage on the steamer as it was going in a few days. The passage would have been $550 00; he insisted on my going home, and said I could not keep well here. I declined his kind offer. I saw Mr. John McDougall; I suppose you have heard that he was nominated for Lieutenant Governor. He told me to remember him to you; he

was very kind to me. I received a letter from John Cully—he was well; I expected to join him in a few days, but the doctor advised me not to go. My dear parents, I know not when I shall see you, but I will endeavor to act as if I were under your eye all the time. Farewell. W. L. NORRIS. ----- <For the State Sentinel>. The New Constitution. NO. IX." Let the New Constitution then provide for the continuance of the present Banks during the time for which they have been chartered, and <no longer;> and let it also provide for a uniform and general free banking law, under which banks may be organized and conducted, without <special> laws or legislation. The notes of these banks can be secured, as in New York, by State and United States stocks. They might be allowed to discount <bona

fide> bills, drawn against actual shipments of merchandise at a fixed per rent, of inlereat, and for collecting, but should be tffttluully prohibited from bdtiug bills drawn on different points, in order to gat a higher rate than the legal interest, and thus open the door to evade the laws, as is the case at present. Under the new system Danks might be allowed to lake the bills of other banks, but they should be prohibited from paying out any but their own. The Constitution of Iowa absolutely prohibits "any person or persons, association, company or corporation from exercising the privileges of banking, or creating paper to circulate as money." The New Constitution of Louisiana, which went into operation in 1846, provides that "no corporate body shall be hereafter created, reneweJ, or extended with banking or discounting privileges" "ibe creation of which ia hereby prohibited." Banks, I believe, are prohibited in Illinois, Mississippi, and Michigan by legislative enaclmenta, and it is therefore reasonable to set down Louisiana, Michigan, Iowa, and Mississippi as anti-bank Slates, for where banks have been prohibited by legislation, there can be no doubt of their prohibition by the people whenever they form new Constitutions. Wisconsin has no banks, but her Constitution has the following provisions, which, confining the power to free banking, might, with variations be adopted in the new Constitution of Indiana. The Constitution of Wisconsin providea that "the Legislature shall not have power lo create, authorize or incorporate, by any general or special law, any bank, or banking power or privilege, or any in stitution or corporation having any banking power or privilege whatever, except as provided in this article. "The Legislature may submit lo the voters at any gen eral election the queation of "Bank or no bank,' and if at any such election a number of voters equal to a major iiy of all the votes cast at such election on that subject. shall be in favor of banks, then tho Legislature shall have power to grant charters or to pass a general banking law, with such restrictions and under such regulations as they may deem expedient and proper for the security of the bill holders: Provided, That no such grant or law Biiit bave any force or effect until the same shall have . .LmiMa i . .At. of the tr.tnra of the State at ... . . . . . .. 5"-- -rr - j- - j oi me votes cssi on inai auujeci, at euuo ciciuuu. SomethingJIike these provisions would probably be satj,ractory to , arg, majority of the voters of Indiana, the . ., . substantial objection I.e. in giving even - contingent and guarded power to the legislature to grant Bank Charters. Strike that out, and leave the power to pass a generflj jflJltyg law to he submitted to the voters, and there mi, . .-,., could be no objection. - For political or municipal purposes provision m.ght be made for granting charters by the Legislature, but for all ot,er corporations, by a general law SWITZERLAND. Monopolies. In discussing a certain monopoly granted by the New Jersey Legisliture, the PhiladelPhi Lrdger'rccently argued the question as folio r Jo i It appears to us that thesuhiect is of sufEcieut cons t - ; quence to require tho incorporation of some specific rule in our new constitution, in regard to i. "We da not admit, says lhe Ledger, that any State legislature can grant any monopoly. The people, in every State, are sovereign aud equal, and provid, by constitutions, for the preservation of this equality, But where is this equality, if the legislature can gront . ., . e .u i any powers or pri vi cges to one portion of the people, . ..... i- ... . w . and withhold them from all the rest 1 lf they can, the equality tenses, end the Mate becomes an oiigarchy to the extent of lhe exclusive privileges. Iler.ce the legislature of a State cannot grant to any portion of its citizens, a right of way between two points, upon condition that nobody else shall have, another right of way between the same points. The utmost of its power iu such case is the grant of a right of way or any other franchise, to certain persons, with the exclusive right over lhat franchise. But no legislature can limit the powers of a future legislature, or invest one person with a franchise, and exclude all other persons from a similar franchise. A legislature can grant exclusive property in a thing, but cannot abolish competition in the same thing. - Thus it may grant exclusive property to a person on one railroad. but cannot exclude all other persons from the right to build other railroads. These very questions have been judicially decided in Massachusetts, in the case between the Charlestown and Warren Bridges over Charles River." f)"Our neighbor copies an article from the State Sentinel in favor of abolishing the "Grand Jury Systern, and says he does so, "oaaccount of Ihe novel ty of the proposition." . Does the "novelty" consist! in the fact that the article was written by a member of the Supreme Court of this State 1 Or its uncon stitutionality. iiicWjmi Palladium. The article in question was not written by a mem ber of the Supreme Court of this State J. Neither of the Judges of that Court, has written a line for the' State Sentinel on any subject of constitutional reform. So the Palladium will learn that it is as greatly mistaken in this particular, as it is shown to be in that of unconstitutionality."! It may not be improper for tis to take the occasion to acknowledge, that we wtre referred to the decision of the TJ. S. Supreme Court, by Judge PehkinsV and we tbus have the advantage of his superior knowledge of practical law, inxthe confirmation of our own previous' opinion. This is all that bo has had to do with the subject, and we do not know whether he approves, or not, of the! proposition of P." to abrogate the Grand Jury sys-' tern. ' (7-The recent "Union Meeting" at Castle Gar den, New York, redounded, as we supposed it would, chiefly to Mr. Clay's benefit, though at its close, Gen. ?v-ntt tonlr a rrood rlpal nf wind out of tliA Claw sails. r,drlBnnff Inmalf for the Union rntire. Jo. LittlJ .L. . - . . . ... wnite, loruier.y oi iuis otaie, maus uie pnnc.pai speech on the occasion. The people present, gener - ally, had their own fun.: They didn't seem to think there was much danger. They were about right. .1 . (7-Thanks to Messrs. Bright, Harlan and Gorman, for documents. (r-Mrs. Mary Shaw Fogg gave concerts at Mad ison, on her way to Cincinnati, which no doubt were well received. Her speedy departure from Indianapolis, was very much regretted, by ladies as well as by gentlemen bachelors particularly. We hope the latter will be patient, and endeavor to control their feelings until May, when we shall again probably have the pleasure of another visit from the songstress. She will come under pleaanter auspices than at first. Mr. Hannegan is lying very sick at the Nation al Hotel, Washington. He was recently robbed of $30, by & thief who entered his room in the night. Op-The Constitutional Convention of Ohio will be held on the 1st Monday in May, 1850. Similar Conventions will probably be held also in Virginia and Maryland, within the year.

BY TELEGRAPH. Congressional. Washington, March 7, 1850. Senate. The ladies filled every available position on the fl.r, and every avenue was crowded to overflowing. The Vice President stated the first business in order was Mr. Clay's resolutions. Mr. Walker being entitled to the floor, briefly slated that the vast assembly which filled the Senate had evidently come to hear the Senator from Massachusetts, and he would cheerfully give way to Mr. Webster. Mr. Wcb-Mer then roi, and after expressing his J obligations, he proceeded to address the Seuate. He rose, he said, ii'd as a Southern man or Northern! man, but as an American; and desired to do his duty with fidelity with the hope that the storm which was now raging in the land would be lulled. He spoke for the preservation of the Union wilh an anx

ious heart, for the res oration of that quiet and harmony so necessary to the prosperity and happiness of our Country. These were his objects, and if he could do ever so little for them, his end would be accomplished. He proceeded to consider the events which had led to the present difficulties, commencing w;th a review of the war with Mexico, its battles, triumphs and restilts. Prior to three negotiations the people of Cal ifornia, assisted perhaps by otarers and people of the United Stales, revolted against the government of Mexico, and run up the Independent Fits. The re sult was, a tide of emigration set towards San Fran cisco from every country of the world. Rich and ap parently mexhaustable Gold Mines of California, was subsequently discovered, and increased the emigration w inoee dintant fetiores. He referred next ta the failure tf Congress la pro vide a territorial government for the people of this new Territory. He said that in this state of things, those people had taken measures to establish a local government ; elected Senators and Representatives and sent them here with their Constitution lo ak for immediate admission into the Union. This Constitution then adopted, contained a clause prohibiting Sla. very in me new state, wnicn provision u was mar had given rise to the opposition now mride to her admission, whatever was believed to be the object or the manner of the war with Mexico Territory was acquired, but National expectation that that would be alave Territory was disappointed by the action of the people ol the territory itself. Mr. Webster then went into a historical considers tion of the institution of Slavery from the earliest ages to the present time. -He alluded at some length, to the feelings of a large portion of the community, arising from a conscientious leMef that slavery is a sin and incompatible with the christian sentiments of brotherly kindness. The question in the early days of the government, was, how the evil should be dealt with. It was thought its day would be shortened by preventing the importation of slaves, and a proposition was introduced to prohibit such importation. He alluded to the ordinance prohibiting Slavery in the North-west Territory. Mr. Gtllmun had said 'this was the first of a series of measures calculated to awakeu the South." He desired to say the ordinance was passed with the unanimous consent of the South, there beinj but one rote against it, and that one a Representative from the North. Since that time there had beeil a great change of opinion. There had been a coclinual growing opinion in the Nor.ih against slavery and a growing opinion in . the

I in ; nie that Cotton was raised in this countrv. Mr. Webster replied to Cslhoun's objection that the operations of the (government had been against the South, and calculated to weaken her. He coutended that tho contrary was the fact. Returning to the Texas question, he had always been opposed to its annexation, be cause he Knew that whoever possessed Texas, it would be a Slave Territory, and lu was unwilling to extend jhat institution.. He had time and again exPassed himself strong in opposition to the iutrodnc(ton of &ny new Slive States or the acquisition of oi. ,.,. it ,i , . k i H Slave territory. Upon that poiut he knew no change in hi, semiment3. He had expressed his belief in the Spartan maxim, "Improve itid adorn what you have, and seek no farther." lexas had been admit ted with all her Territory, with the institution of Slavery. He wished it to be distinctly understood, that he considered this Government solemnly bound by law to create new States out of Texas when sho shall contain population sufficient. Slavery was excluded from California and New Mexico by the law of nature, which had erected an impassable barrier to its introduction there. This he considered a fixed fact. He alluded to the difficulty arising from the failure of the North to give proper aid in the capture of fugitive slaves. He thought th North in the wrong, and the South in the right. It was the cause of great complaint on the part of the South, and one which the North ought to remove. Considering the agitation in the North complained of by the South, he said he had no doubt but that during the last twenty years, money enough had been subcribed in, the North for the support of abolition presses, society and lectures, to purchase the freedom of every Slave in the land. In conclusion, Mr. Webster delivered a most impassioned and eloquent tribute to tho value of the Union. Mr. Calhoun replied to the suggestions of Mr. Webster and the Senate then adjourned. In the House Mr. Stanley followed Mr. Featherston on the President's California Message. There wasf quite an exciting time between Stanly and Hilliard, relative to pomt of order, but it was settled without an appeal to arms. Mr. Stanley, in the course of his remarks, said if only one Southern man voted for tho admission of California that man, would be him. t , Washington, March 8, 1S50. . Senate. Mr, Foote moved that the Senate . take up Mr. Bell's compromise resolutions fur the purpose of referring them to a Select Committee of thirteen, as proposed several days since. - ': . Mr. Baldwin and others opposed the motion, on the ground that it could not be acted upon without debate, whereas Mr. .Walker bad the floor and desired lo speak. , " Mr. Foote then withdrew the motion, giving notice that he would renew it. " ' Mr. Davis (of Mass.) submitted a resolution enquiring into the expediency of providing that public notice shall be given of all'applicatinns for renewal of patents, before they shall be entitled to a hearing. Adopted. - ' - Mr. Cass presented the resolutions of the Legislature of Michigan in favor of the admission of California into the Union. After some routine business the Senate resumed the consideration of Clay's resolutions. ' Mr. Walker resumed apd concluded his speech on h power of Congresn to legislate for Territories. and the existence of Slavery in Ca liforma and New lMico. He made some forcible remarks in favor of l the immediate admission of California. After some farther remarks by Badger, Davis of Mississippi and Butler in reply to miM observations I 01 iur. waiKer, ine iaruir tuiniuenouu 01 ulject was postponed until Tuesday, and the Senate ad ioiirned until Mondav The House was engaged all day ou the private cal endar. -Adjourned until Monday. , 03-It is reported that Richard W. Thompson has been nominated as Charge de Affairs to Austria, vice Webb, rejected The'steamer'Geornia has arrived at New York from Chsgres, bringing dates from San Francisco to January 31. She brings one million dollars in gold, a a 1 a "II 1 - and intelligence tlutt anoiner liaii muuon is en rome. The news is unimportant. Provisions wer dull. Plmir pH intr at 13 50 a 8 14 00. New Orleans Molasses $1 00. Rio Coffee 9 a Qjc, The steamer St. John was burned to the water's edge near Montgomery, Alabama, on Tuesday evening, and thirty persons perished in the flames. The r.iifomi.n- W all thev hod. Lieut. Rice lost &2.3.000. The steamer cost $10,000, ami wss in sured for S'JO.000.

South it. its favor. This state of things reaul.ed from 8,0 - w.n"s, OUTJ m a U toamin c.uBes which would always produce like effects.. The e?ry !' 1 PaS8ed b7 the g.slative assembly and change in opinion in the South had Suited i,J hft ,f?lt P'T0 m""ts. so lhat the rights of a great measure from the growth and increase ! 'J'f, wh" c PP1 .wou d ed. or who mtght be of Cotton raising It was well known that he ! , . . s? "3B f?"ttu"OM value of Cotton exported from the United States! "J J? "S0 lo a bill, it should be returned, did not exceed fifty thousand dollars-while now j ',,d hero"p fco a lavv. If amended, it should under favorable circumstance, it, value was p-r-be rf ur.ned;, &nd lf " mnJ" 7 approve of the amendhaps one hundred millions of dollars per annum. ! I"" e,,ould, 'T a ,auV If lhe 1,11 w" reIndeed, he was .old that when Jefferson nego-; nruf 7 ncil. a rnajonty of two ;t,l il. trRiw f -oi i. rt.4 i.. .i j i. ! ,rl"0 m the Legislative assembly should bo able to

For the hdiana State Sentinel. CONSTITUTIONAL ltLrOR.TI. Legislative Assembly Free Drinking, Ac. The question of a nnge body, ss the Legislature of the State, under our new Constitution, is now agitating the public mind in seeral t.f the counties. When this subject was first mentioned, many were disposed to ridicule the idea, who, if uni now converts tit the doctrin, are disposed to give it a fair and candifffnvestigati'Ti. The Senate and House of Representatives in the several States are modehnl after Congress; but, as has been before remark' d, bear no similarity to those bodies in the manner in which they a re constituted. The Senators in Congress represent State sovereignty the little Stale of D-leware beinjr equally represented with the empire State ofCfew Vork the Rep- . respntatires the mases of the people. The case is quite different with the Slate Legislature. In a vry large number of the counties of thi Slate, like Ma

rion, Wayne, Dearborn, Johnson, Shelby. &.C. Slc . the constituents of the Representatives and Senators are identically the same individuals. Oiher Sena torial Districts are differently situated. The counties of lioone, Hamilton and Tipton, fur instance, form a District. Two of these counties, for example, so far as roads are concerned, have a common interest, in connecting Indianapolis wilh the Wabash. Boone has a separate and rather a rival inter est with regard to her roads making it, a difficult matter to represent these countirs anrrht in the Sen ate, should a question be brougt.t up before the Sen- ' ate involving these separate interests. It is true there are rival interests even in counties, which has induced some to advocate a system of electing representatives by single Districts. The only argument of force, in favor of a Senate, or second body, is for a check upon hasty and improvident legislation; but we find, that this check, in the history of Indiana, has frequently been, but as a rope of sand. The same combinations of ir'erets that passed Ihn internal improvement bill of i836 in the House of Representatives also took phco in the Senate, and enabled it to pass that body also. Hore was an occasion for this wholesome chsck to have been exercised but the Representatives of the same counties, with few exceptions, that voted against the bill in the House also voted against it in the Senate, constituting, almost identically the same minority. . In questions of less moment than the one alluded to, which was contested step by step, and the ayes and noes taken, a plan has been proposed, which I think a good one, viz: that the ayes and noes shall be taken and recorded on the passage of every bill of whatever character. I am not, however, with the advocates of a single body without some wholesome check. I would pro pose that legislative power -should be vested in a legislative assembly and titat all bilN should there originate. I would also urge, that all measures of any moment, should be fully discussed before the regular standing committees of that body, and here I would answer the objection, or rather argument in favor of a Senate, that the two Houses might be perfecting different bills at the same time. By a proper use of these committees business might be put in a train for disscussion, as easily as by two separate bodies, because the discussions of the one are not heard by the other, and it is even unparliainenf a ry for a member of one House to refer to what is going on in the other. But the c berk I would proposa is Ibis : I would elect a council of say ten members, by the people of the whole Stcte, over which the bovernor should pret . , j i . . P8M lhe J"1'""" ( 1 council to the contrary notwithstanding. As the Supreme Judses. and the Treasurer, Auditor snd Secretary t.f Slate will no doubt be elected by the people of the whole State to save expense, these officers might art as the council, in connection with the Governor, which would at once settle the Constitutionality of all laws that might be enacted. This, however, would not interfere with the principle I am contending for, should either of these propositions be adopted. It will be seen st a glance, that one third, at least, of the expense might be saved by the plan I propose. There is nothing original in the idea. Vermont, it will be seen, on examination, has a similar council and but one legislative bndy, und serersl States hive something nearly allied to it in their legislative systems. A body of this kind I think might meet every year with Rood advantage to lhe people, especially should the wholesome guards contemplated, against special legislation, be introduced into our new Constitution. In our onward progress as a State, the annual meeting of a legislative body like this, I think, would be productive of good. The advantage of the council of revision would be mainly felt in preventing ambiguous expressions in our laws, snd the guard it would afford, that the rights of the whole people of the State are protected. . It would be a small body that would sit quietly down and deliberately examine, in broad day-light, not at night as is the case generally with committees the bills laid before them," section by section. A review of this kind, by men of talents, age and experience, and such should always be appointed to lhe council could not but result in great good to the country, sod appears to me woutd be much preferable to tha Senate as at present constituted. Many other arguments might be urged, but I will desist for the present. No one, I perceive, has, at much length, as yet, discussed the Bank question a question that will no doubt elicit much discussion before the Convention. There appears to be no doubt that banking of some description will be tolerated under our new Constitution. With this admitted fact, on all hands, there is no use of an opposition against banks in general, although were there any prospect of putting tliera down altogether, much is ready to be said and writ ten on the subject but the task is a useless one at this time, and the anti-bank men should muke the most, or do the best they can, with the evil. A large number of the citizens of our State are m favor of free banking, and there is considerable probability that a system of this kind in sddition to our present State bank system, if the present system be not superceded by it, will be adopted. Should the struggle. however, come up between these two systems, the anti-bank men may hold the balance of power. Should a system' of free banking be adopted, I would oppose it, unless our State 6tocks were placed in the hands of the auditor of State or some other State officer, of eqnal amount with the notes issued, as security to the billholder. I bave no doubt that a regulation or this kind would concentrate a large amount of our State bonds in our own State. The bills issued on the faith of these bonds, and the specie necessary to redeem them in the vaults of the Jjanks, under the usual regulations, would make the notes a most excellent home currency at least, and the concentration of our bonds at home, would keep within the bounds of the Slate, the annual interest thereon, instead of being sent abroad. But I cannot discuss this subject now. I hope to hear from others. B. Another Mail Robber. The special agent of the Fost Office Department has arrested Frederick J. Mills, Post Master at Hogansburgb, Franklin county, N. Y.t chtrged with having committed sundry depredations upon the U. S. Mails. One of Tsylor's hon est appointees, of course. The Georgia Legislature has passed a bill to prevent the assemblage of negroes for religious worship, unless conducted by white persons, and to prevent the licensing of negro preachers in certain counties. That's the way the South makes abolitionists. AwrCLt The "Salem (Ind.) News" is in great alarm fearing that the cholera may visit their region sometime this or next year. After recommending the use of lime as a sure method of preventing, iis approach, it cautions the public thus "In time of peer prepare for war .'" On! Marcus, on! Your advice is good ! The victory 's won ! (57-Hamroond & O'Neal is a strong law firm reliable in every particular, professionally and personally. , .