Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 7, Number 40, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 March 1848 — Page 1

To Correspondents. O. W. 3., Rene!ler. Te. And too a as tka AddrM la rtady, will attend to youriequtit We do not know yet when it will be prepare!, but it ought to be won.

Falsehoods or the Indiana Journal. The Indiana Journal again denies the fact, that the Senate of this Slate, at its last session, passed resolutions mllinrr rtn Dsn Tanln . ina kia Pnnni - b v vm .jivi tu vvinvt ilia iJutuu i Vis'a report, in relation to the second regiment of j Indiana volunteers, and continues Us abuse against Genera Lane. To put this matter completely at rest we here publish Mr. Rousseau's resolution on that subject, with his explanatory remarks in the Senate, which we published a few weeks since. It is true, as will be perceived, that Mr. Morrison of Washington was not altogether satisfied with the phraseology of the resolution, knowing that the whigs would try to give it another meaning, and offered to amend it, by making the language more definite ; hut Mr. Rousseau's explanatory speech satisfied a large number of the democrats and induced them to vote for the resolution. The only difference between Mr. Rousseau's resolution and Mr. Morrison's amendment is, that Captain Rousseau requests his old commander to do justice to the Indiana volunteers, and Mr. Morrison's amendment demands justice to Indiana at his hands. The following is the resolution as it passed the Senate, to-wit : - 3. Retolred, that although the first official report! of the battle of Buena Vista, predicated upon tbe repoiU of tubaltern officers cast a momentary shadow op.n ibe reputation of the 2od Regiment of Indiana Volunteers, and deeply wounded the eüsibiliti.i of the State, it ii a source of great pride to us, that their conduct ca that occasion was subsequently by the investigation of a court of inquiry fully vindicated, and that do man in Indiana, now doubts that this ill-fated and much abused corps exposed as it was without support lit a wasting fire from the enemy's batteries, and an overwhelming infantry force in front, would have stood and perished to a man but for the order of their commander to retreat, for up tu that moment no corps of our army evinced a mire deteriniued courage as their loin and shattered ranks abundantly proved, they having lost before they retreated in killed and wounded ninety-four, out of three hundred and sixty men. Composed ss this regiment was of the same material as the tbiid Indianiacs under Col. Lane, whose conduct on that day gamed them the highest distinction, we cannot doubt that the disasters of tbe scond were the result of their unfortunate position ; and of the other eauses found yj the court of inquiry. We refer to the things on this occasion, because we are satisfied that it will give to Gen. Taylor equl pleasure with ourselves to see the survivors of that regiment viudicated by tbe cool and dipassionate judgment ot the countiy." "Mr. Rocsseau said in substance, that his object in introducing these resolutions was not to make political capital for Gen. Taylor or for any political party, and he hoped the question on their passage would not be considered a party question, but would pass by a unanimous vote of the Senate. The object of these resolutions, was to pay a merited tribute to the gallant services and heroic conduct of General Taylor for the last forty years of his life: and while a vote of thanks was returned for these services, at the same time to remind him that injustice had, in his official report, been done to a portion of the citizens of our State, who had gallantly sustained her honor on the battle-field of Buena Vista, and to ask him to 6et the 2d Indiana regiment right before the world. He did not, however, intend to discuss the question at this time and consume time uselessly. The debate was continued by Mr. Barbour, when Mr. Morrison offered the following amendment: Resolved, That great injustice has been done to the character of the State of Indiana, by the official report of Gen. Taylor of the battle of Buena Vista, and that the errors therein stated have been made known to him and acknowledged in private conversation, and we call upon him to reiterate or acknowledge the error. Mr. Rousseau said the amendment proposed to ac complish the same thing as the original resolution, the difference as it suggested itself to his mind was simply that one was ciothed in the courteous language that shou d be used in addressing Gen. Taylor, and the other in language coarse and undignified, and cal culated io wound his feelings. He would go as far as an man to sustain the character of Indiana and her troops at Buena Vista ; he was one who was a personal sufferer by that report, having belonged to the 2d regiment. He had felt deeply wounded by that report. Mr. Morrison's amendment was laid upon tho taMp. The resolution was subsequently engrossed by a vote of ayes 27, noes 16" The threat of the Indiana Journal to expose Gen cral Lane's conduct at Buena Vista, exhibits the most darin? effrontery we have ever witnessed. What was the conduct of General Lane on that occasion 1 After the facts, in reference to the second regiment came to his knowledge and General Taylor had made his slanderous report against Indiana, General Lane preferred charges against the Colonel of that Regi ment, and demanded of General Taylor that that offl cer should be tried by a Court Martial. This Gener al Taylor would not do. He had slandered Indiana in his report and, so far as he was concerned, the brand of infamy and cowardice might rest forever up on her escutcheon. But General Lane was not to be trifled with. Ho was determined the character of In diana should be redeemed. He was not willing to rest on the laurels that General Taylor had conferred upon him in his official report", although that docu went bestows eulogiuma of the most complimentary character. He at once demanded a Court of Inquiry into his own conduct and that Court of Inquiry has restored Indiana to her fair fame. The correction of General Taylor's report in accordance with the finding of that Court of Inquiry is alone wanting to render the vindication complete. But the Indiana Journal says, it must not be done that no such a request has been made of General Taylor, and threatening to expose General Lane as the coward and drunkard who disgraced Indiana. Oh shame, where is thy blush ! The Teto Again. The veto of the New Albany and Salem Railroad Bill was overruled by the Senate, and passed, notwithstanding the Governor's objections. Why was this ? His previous veto to the White Water Valley Canal bill, in which the objections taken was the same in principle, was sustained. Then he was right. How happens it that in the last instance he was vrong! But a few days had intervened. It goes strongly to prove, what was currently said at the time, that the odious and dangerous plan of bar- ' gaining, or 'log-rolling, was brought to bear on the question. If a member has to bargain to get his bill passed, it is pretty good proof that it has not merits enough to be passed without. He then has to look about to find another bill equally objectionable, and makes a bargain with its friends for mutual aid in voting both through. Frequently half a dozen such bills, together with the election of one or more men to office, without regard to qualifications, are tacked together to enable them to swim. The'evil inflicted on the State by this mode of legislation' is incalculable. It was the same abominable principle, the plan of tacking together different projects or works, one by one that created the mammoth internal improve ment system of 1S3Ö 0. The Governor in his last annual message remark ed : "Few will be found hardy enough to advocate another general system of improvements. But the danger lies in commencing one by degrees. a fa vor ts granted to one section of the Stale, it gives rie ' to demands from another, until finally there is imminent danger, 'if irresistible combinations of interests for the prosecution of a number of works, neither oj ichich could find favor ahne. So little was the caution heeded, that it was extensively verified at the same cession. Members would go openly and unblusliingly to others and say, "go for my bill, and anything you want shall receive my vote." Yes; actually pledge their support to a measure not in existence, or of which they knew nothing! If money were offered for a vote, wo all know what crime it would be called. And yet what is the d.ffrnce !

Jttfiftitft

1 If f 1 mi tUbllSIlCü VYtTJ Thursday. (K7"We insert a communication from "Justice" in reply to one from Judge Dewey published in the Journal about a veav Sro. We hone thnt th rrwrn which published that communication will, as an act of simple justice, give the present one an insertion also. It is a little surprising that Judge Dewey, before attempting his experiment, had not been warned by the failure of a similar one on Gov. Whitcomb, made on behalf of another for the same office at the session of 194 1-45, as mentioned in the Sentinel of Nov. 1st, following. For the Indiana Stale Sentinel. Messrs. Editors: The confirmation of Judrre Smith, to the Supreme Bench, at the last session of the Legislature, at length affords the first fitting opportunity of doing justice to the Executive by submitting a plain statement of facts, the publication of which before the appointment was made might have been attributed to a wrong motive to a desire to influence the appointment. That matter beinr now fi nally disposed of, no motive can operate but a desiro to do justice to one whose conduct has been grossly misrepresented. 1 he facts seem to be pretty well understood at In dianapolis where the occurrences took place, but an explanation is more necessary to those at a distance. It will not be denied that offices are created for the benefit of the public, not of individuals; and it does appear to me that if the public have sustained a loss m the Failure to appoint a particular individual to an office, it is for the public and not the individual to complain. But to the point. Public attention was early called to this subject by a communication in the Indiana Journal, of Feb. 2d, 1347 more than a year ago from Judre Dewev himself, complaining of his non-appointment ! Governor Whitcomb's position as must have been foreseen, precluded him from noticing that publication. I have felt it to be my duty therefore as a friend, and as the friend of justice, to disabuse the public mind of any doubts that may remain as to the propriety of his refusal to re-nominate Judge Dcwev to that office ; and the task is more pleasant, as facts furnish the most ample justification of that refusal. .before proceeding further, I desire to say, that 1 have never conversed with the Governor on the sub ject of Judge Dewey's communication, but I propose a - a I 1 ii" la a to its i inai communication Dy useij, ana oy wtiat is well known to oilier s. The Judge first remarks, that Capt. Cain delivered him a message from the Governor, the day after the close of the Legislature of the previous winter, "which he said was confidential," desiring him not to leave Indianapolis by the next stage. If he is not mistaken in this matter, it seems to me, with all def erence, that by his own showing, he commences his expose by a breach of confidence. Uut my object is not to notice Judge Dewey, except so far as he has himself made it necessary for the vindication of the Governor, and I hasten to the principal ground of complaint. He proceded to relate a private conversation, which he says he had with the Governor, two days after the Legislature adjourned, " no third person being present." He states in substance the result as being a promise on the part of the Governor to nominate him to the Judgeship. If the Judge's sanguine wishes had not misled him, how happens it that he continued to labor strenuously, down to the close of the session of 134C-'47, to bind the Governor by such a pledge, as in his communication he contends he already had ? That he did so endeavor, will not be denied. That the judge's wishes had led him to construe mere circumstances into absolute pledges, is shown by his own admission that the mere pro lern, appointment which he had received from the Governor more than two jears before, was by him then considered as a pledge that he should be regularly nominated to the next Senate. But even the implied pledge soon undergoes another transformation, for in the last place he admits that so late as December, 184C, he had tried hard to convince the Governor, "that no honorable man could make aught out of it but an express pledge." (The italics are his own.) This then" is the Judge's definition of an express pledge one that is expressly implied; and is it not perfectly just to infer, if such an inference were necessary, that the pledge brt mentioned in his communication, was one of this hardly expressed ort ! He says just before, that "in the 2d week of the session, I (the Judge) had reason to doubt the integrity ot the Governor in regard to the redemption of the pledge which he had given me." So then, by the mere lapse of time it would seem, the conversation he had had with the Governor, just at the close of the previous session, as above stated, had already grown first into an implied and finally into an express pledge ; and indeed he un warily concedes that in this last conversation, the Governor "did not admit the pledge." He goes on to say in substance, that as the Gover nor and he differed in their understanding of the premises, they agreed to submit to another individual, not a question of fact not whether the Governor had given a pieojje, but whether the Uovernor was bound to nominate him. I do not know whether such an agreement was made by the Governor or not. But it does seem to me that if he, (in the confidence that he had made no such pledge, and therefore no or e could decide that he was bound to nominate Judge Dewey,) had hastily made such an agreement, he thereby placed himself in a wrong position, from which it was his duty to extri cate hi ras If at once, rather than leave to another the performance of a duty devolving upon himself alone as the executive of the State, elected by the people for that purpose and responsible to them for the right i .-! l . t periormance oi mat among ouieviuues under me so lemn obligation of bis official oath. To delegate such a power to another one unknown to the constitution and the people, would be manifestly wrong ; and equally so if after having unadvisedly consented to waive his right, he had carried into effect the deci sion of another, especially if in opposition to the dietates of his own judgment, as to what was most for the public welfare. But there is a still stronger view of this subject ; and one which must be perfectly conclusive. Suppose that such an agreement was really made, as contended for by Judge Dewey, and that it was binding upon the uov.rnor. Is there nothing that would justify, nay, - i even require its non-periormance 1 . Purely no one will lade that position. A little reflection will satisfyany one that so narrow a principle as that might often leave the public interest and welfare out of the ac count, and place the Supreme Bench at the hazard of circumstances. In every such promise of appointment, there must be a condition implied, that the person promised shall not in the meantime discover himself to bo unworthy of the office, nor do any act which will put it out of the power of the Executive to appoint him with a manifest loss of honor. After the time when it is pretended this third person made the decision, and of course after the pretended pledge, Judge Dewey's conduct toward Governor Whitcomb was such, that he put it out of the power of the latter to appoint him, had he been ever so much disposed. He more than once declared that if he was not nominated he would make disclosures of great moral turpitude, of infamous and grossly flagitious conduct on the part of the Governor, and would publish such defamatory matter to the world. He went so far as to intimate, if not threaten personal vio lence ! He admitted to at least one gentleman, whose veracity will not be questioned, that he had made the former threat personally, to the Uovernor himself! If Gov. Whitcomb had been guilty of the conduct imputed, he would probably have been mean enough to try to cloak bis baseness by giving the appointment for the purpose of sealing the lips of his accuser. But an innocent man, possessed of tho least feelings of a gentleman -of the least spark of conscious rectitude, must have spurned the threat with contempt, as did the Governor. For him to have done otherwise. would have been to admit his own guilt! or, if inno cent, it would be in effect bearing Jalse teslinvmy against himself, through sheer cowardice ! He would have been a laughing-Ktock to the public and an object of mortification to hi friend. Birt again: I put it to the public to say whether

INDIANAPOLIS, Judge Dewey did not, by such conduct, prove himself j ; unworthy of the office which he sought ! He who ; obtains money .or property from another by threats, is a robber, and is punished as a criminal by the laws ot the land How much better, think you, is he who obtains or attempts to gain office and its emoluments by the same means I and more and worse than all, when by such means the individual seeks to obtain the seat where justice holds her sway, and where 6uch crimes as robbery and unlawful threatening and personal violence are punished ! Do you believe that the tongue thus ready for slander is the one best fitted to give voice to the decrees of justice that a hand so ready for violence and wrong, is the one to poise her even scales I will not stop to inquire whether a person ought to stoop so low as to solicit or receive office from a source he really believed to be so unworthy; or whether he ought willingly to lie under obligations to one whom he cannot esteem. Every right minded and sound hearted man can answer the question for himself. I will not for a moment rely on the fact that Judge Dewey does not pretend to any claim on the score of political considerations, of personal obligations, or of mutual favor. I am aware that there arc some who think such considerations should have no influence on judicial appointments. I will not even urge the fact of the uefeat of John W. Wright, a democratic Circuit Judge, at the same session and be töre Judge Smith s nomination, whose seven years term of service, like Judge Dewey's, had just then expired ; a case precisely in point. I rely only upon the previous statement of facts, all of which can be substantiated, and which address themselves to all persons, without regard to their party, profession or calling. I am pained to notice this matter, and have only done so in defence of one who ought not to suffer wrong because custom and his position preclude him from defending himself. If I have seemed to treat Judge Dewey harshly, it has not been from desigu. He is eo unfortunate as to have shown by his own statement that he bad not sustained the moral dignity suitable to the station he sought, and the facts above disclosed are such as he will hardly deny ; and if he do, the proof is at hand. I a-k it as an act of but common justice and cour tesy that the papers which have published tho article of Judge Dewey, should also give this a place in their columns In conclusion, I leave a reference to the proofs with you, for any one entitled to demand them, and to be used as occasion may require. JLSTICE. ITIrs. Touikins and the Presidency. No. 4. Mrs. Tomkins sitting by the fire-side with her knit ting work. William Henry Harrison show that paper to your daddy when he comes home. I think it Ml cure him of the Taylor fever ! Ah, there he comes now. Totnking, Taylor says in that paper come here son and read that letter to your daddy; begin there William Henry Harrison reads : "If they think fit " to bring me before them for this office, through their Legislatures, Mass Meetings, or Conventions, I "cannot object -to their designating those bodies as " Whig, Democratic, or Native ; but being thus nom- " inated, I must insist on the condition and my po sition on this point is immutable that I shall not " be brought forward by them as the candidate of " their party, or considered as the exponent of their " party doctrines." There, honey, that's enough. Now, Tomkins, don't that take the lead of any thing you ever hearn in all your life 1 Don't Taylor say, gist as plain to the whig as he does to the lokys, if you nominate me, you needn't consider me the candidate of your party, or expect me to be the exponent of your party doctrines J Now, if the whigs should elect Taylor, and he'd turn out to be a loky, what would they have to complain of ! Couldn't he gist turn around and say, I told you in the start, you needn't expect me to expound your party doctrines ! It teas only a little manoeuver to git voles from all parties ! Well, I always found honesty the best pol icy ; and I don't believe there's any dependence to be put cn a man that twists and turns and tells two stories about the same thing, like Taylor does. At first he said, he didn't want the nomination, and wouldn't accept it ; then he 6aid, he d be very much gratified to get the nomination from any party ! Once he tried to make believe that he was a no-party-man ; now, he says, he is a whig, and every body ought to know it ; and then, to keep in with the lokys, he tells 'em he'll give 'em the little offices, if he's elected ; as much as to say, never mind, lokys, do you give me a lift, and I'll give you the crumbs of the loaves and fishes. Vou don't believe he eter said it ! No, you don't believe any thing, only that Taylor's a nice man. Give tho lokys the little offices ! Why, they'll gist laugh at it, and he'll not get a single loky vote ; they're too cunning for that, and they know too well there'll be no scraps Jefr,' when the whigs are all fed, that they do. Now, I'll tell you what, Tomkins, if the whigs nominate Taylor, they'll gist git themselves into another Tyler ßcrape, 6ee if they don't. You wish I would quit flinging Tyler up to you t Well, it gist makes me heart-sick, when I think of the orful wickedness his election caused. Oh dear ! I shall never feel that my skirts is clear of the blood of them poor Mexicans, as long as I live. They may lay all the blame of the war on the lokys, and I'm glad they do, for I believe one half of 'em ought to be hung ; but you know they didn't cause the war, as well as I do. You don't know what I mean I Yes, you do. You know the whigs elected Tyler, and Tyler brought about annexation, and annexation caused the war ! I've hearn you say as much, many a time. Poke caused the war by sending the army to the Rio Grande. Well, I know Foke's wicked enough to do any thing t but may be wouldn't have done it if Taylor, the old blood-hound, hadn't recommended it f rst; and then there wouldn't a bin any need for it if it hadn't a bin for annexation. Tm the biggest fool you ever saw! Gist cay what you please, Tomkins, your talk won't break any bones, I guess, and my heart's well nigh broke now. Oil ! I wish Taylor was in the bottom of the Red sea, the old viper, gist for the trouble he's gin me ! We've never had a moment's peace about this house since his nnme was mentioned for Presi dent, and never will agin, I believe. Whose fault is it J Why, yourn ; you know it is. The moment I speak about the old varment you snap and snarl and tell me I'm a fool, and don't know any thing; and better hold my tongue, and mind my own business ; but I don't care; it is my business, and I'll talk gist as much as I please, and when I please: its all for your good. Oh! I wish you was like Bill Jones: I hearn him say, the other day, that he never took his wife's advice but he profiled by it. She's a sensible woman. Now, Tomkins, don't you compare me to Miss Jones, the lazy trol, in bed half her time, and her house all upside down, and her children a dirty as little hog . ; but what's the use ! Here I've been a perfect slave to you for twenty-one years, and this is the thanks I git. . I'll not stand it, that I Here Tomkins made his escape, with railroad speed, and the old lady took her pipe and went to smoking.

Hon. E. A. Hannegan takes tho place by appointment, of Chairman of tho Comr.itteo on Foreign Reations, vice Mr. Sevier. i :

Setthtte

MARCH 23, 1848. From the Wsihingtoo Union, March 10th. The Treaty ratified by the Senate of the United States. Fridat Night, 10 o'clock. The Senate adjourned to-night a few minutes past 9 o'clock, afier a session, in closed doors, of nine hours. The labors of the Senate have been very severe tor several days. We congratulate the country on the result of their deliberations. Tho treaty has been ratified, it is understood, by a vote of 33 to 15 three Senators, of course, being absent. The constitution provides that " He (the Presi dent) shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided TWO-THIRDS OF THE SEXATOR8 PRESENT CONCUR." This treaty is, therefore, ratified by more than the constitutional Majority of two-thirds. It is also understood that the votes both of the ma jority and minority are made up of both political par ties. It is said that the original treaty has been ratified with some modifications, as proposed by the President or adopted by the Senate. I he seal of secresy has not been removed ; and, in fact, we do not understand that any proposition was madJ to that effect. It cannot, therefore, be expected that we should, at this time, enter into any specifica tions of the precise modifications that have been adopted, or of the names of the Senators who voted in the affirmative or negative. It is presumed, however, that the boundary line, as said to have been ori ginally specified by the treaty, or the amount of tbe mcney to be paid, has not been changed by these modifications. We congratulate the country upon the result, as furnishing some hope and some augury of the resto ration of peace. We trust that the Mexican government will not be so blind to the true interests of both countries as to refuse its final ratification of the treaty now about to be sent back to them. We have obtained glory enough by our valor. We shall rejoice if the blessings of peace shall now succeed to the clash of arms. We shall wait, of course, with some anxiety for the decision of the President and Congress of Mexico. We presume that intelligence of the general result will be immediately forwarded by a special express to our commanding officer in Mexico, to be followed, as soon as possible, by an authentic copy of the ratified treaty, and with accompanying instructions. We trust that all the objections and all the idle clamors which have been raised against the views of the administration, will now disappear. The President has promptly and wisely waived all unnecessary objections to the irregularity of the manner in which the treaty was formed. The sanction which it has received from the President and Commissioners of Mexico stamps it as their official act. The ratification which it receives from the Senate of the United States cures all the informality with which it was made on the other side. What becomes, now, of the doubts which were once expressed of the President's desire for peace And what becomes of the doubts which were entertained of the sincerity of his declarations, that he had no desire to extinguish the nationality of Mexico? The Senate have adjourned over till Tuesday next, for the purpose of enjoying some relaxation after the Bevere labors to which they have been subjected for these two weeks past. The Loan of rive Millions. The bids were opened this day by the acting Secretary of the Treasury, in the presence of tbe Secretary of the Treasury, Solicitor, Auditor, Comptroller, Commissioner of the Land Office, &c, and attending. clerks. The loan was awarded, of course, to the highest bidders, who, for the principal traounts, were N. M. Rothschild &. Sons, of London, (jointly with Corcoran &. Riggs,) John S. Riddle, C. McCallister, and E. W. Clar &. Co., &c, &c. The Messrs. Rothschild and Corcoran &. Riggs, bid for the whole loan at a premium of 1.26, but obtained only three or four millions of dollars of the amount, taking half a million of this amount, by preference, in the six-percent, stock. The total premium paid in and realized was about $03,000, which is a handsome addition to the Miscellaneous Receipts of this month. The sale is above the full average market price, ranging from 2 to 1.26 per cent, premium. We are glad to see the Messrs. Rothschild again investing in American securities. It shows the confidence which the principal bankers of the European world place in American stocks! It enables us to profit by foreign capital; and in the same proportion it relieves our money market and our banks from a pressure on account of this loan. The total amount of the bids offered to-day was seventeen millions of dollars. IV. Union. Losses by Banes. A New York paper estimates that the bill holders of that city and vicinity, have lost within the past eight months, by broken and suspended banks, $421,000. The estimate is based on the rales at which the bills were bought up by bro kers, and is as follows : Büls U circulation. $75,000 J 30,000 50,000 113,000 35,000 150,000 40,000 30,000 120,000 Peerage loss to bUl holders. $ 03,000 75,000 37,000 22,000 7,000 100,000 8,000 8,500 100,000 Georgia Lumber Company, Plaintield Bank, Lehigh County Bank, Atlas Bank, Jmnei Bank, New Hope Delaware Bridge, Northern Exchange, State Bank iSaugartiea, Lewistown Bank, $743,000 $421,100 One of the schemes of these swindlers under the name of bankers, is to have a banking house in some remote parf of the State where their bills are made payable ; then they have a broker in the city employed to buy up the notes at a discount, and divide the profit 8 wih the respectable bankers. It would be impossible to estimate the losses sustained by the circulation of a depreciated currency. The whole system ia a genteel way of stealing, whilst their victims are unconscious of the skinning operation. Lou. Dem. The Treaty Ratified. By reference to another article, which we copy from the Union, it will be seen that the treaty has been ratified by the Senate. It is understood that Senator Sevier has been appointed Commissioner to take it on to Mexico. This is an excellent appointment. A Real Crower. Our old friend Ripley, of Washington township, Futuam county, has presented us with a most singular Rooster a crower, and no mistake. He is certainly one of the most curious fowls we ever saw, and -understands how to crow when ordered. No Broadway dandy ever walked or stood half as straight as his Roostership. We tender our thanks to friend Ripley. . ß7Many, many bills were passed at last session, which never could have passed, except by log-rolling with others also before the legislature. Evil was sown broad cast, and' a fearful crop of calamity will sooner or later be reaped. All admit the reckless legislation. It was currently said, if you want favors now is the time ! Favors ! Who pays for all this 1 The People., OrSee the advertisement of Mr. Bcist in this day's paper. We understand that he is making preparations to keep on hand one of the largest and bestassorted stocks of Iron, Houghs, &c. Slc, ever offered in the west. Our friends will do well to call on him, whether they purchase or not The License Law or New Jersey. A special committee of the New Jersey Legislature has -made a report recommending tho repeal of the license law of ihat State, which gives the power to the citizens of ".unties to say whether licenses shall be granted. Tlu ground upon which the repeal ir recommended, is tho unconstitutional character of the law.

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Volume VII:::::::::Knmber 40. YEUY LITE FIIOU MEXICO. Fight with the Guerillas. Louisville, March 13ih, P. M. . By an arrival trom the South, I have N. Orleans papers of the Cth, which conto in very late intelligence from Mexico. There had been several arrivals from Vera Cruz, from which place the dates are to the 3d inst. The train which left Veri Cruz for Orizaba, commanded by Briscoe, was attacked by 400 guerillas. An express was immediately despatched to inform Gen. Twiggs, who immediately detached three companies of cavalry to aid Briscoe. . The reinforcements proceeded as far as San Diego, and seeing nothing of their party, and finding a man and horse killed, and several wagons burned, pre sumed that the guerillas had been dispersed. Later arrivals at Vera Cruz state that a desperate fight between Briscoe and the guerillas occurred at Matacordera, in which Lieut. Henderson and four Georgia Dragoons were killed, and three Louisianians wounded. A strong body of Cavalry left Vera Cruz on the 21st, to disperse the Guerrillas who were on the road. ' The Free American paper, of the 2d inst., states that an express had arrived from Mexico, from which the editor learned that an armistice of two months had been agreed upon by General Butler and the Mexican Commissioners. From Cnlifbi-nl.i Horrible Torture of Americans. We find the following letter in the St. Louis R'tei'le, of the 9th instant. The last paragraph announces a most horrible instance cf barbarity; and yet this is the people whose wrongs call for the sympathies of whig politicians in this country ; such the citü&ed warfare that receives "aid and comfort at the hands of men claiming to be Americans! We take it this is the fulfilment of St-nator Cokwin's in junction, to welcome our troops wilh bloody hands. to hospitable grates. Cm. hnquirer. U. S. Steamer Spitfire, ) Tlacatalpan, Feb. 20, 1949.$ Eds. or the Reveille : Since I last wrote, a num ber of navy officers have arrived upon the station. and many have consequently gone home among the latter Lieut. Gansevoort, of the Spitfire, relieved by Commander A. P. Wilson; and Lieut. Fairfax, of the Hccla, relieved by Lieut. Duke. Both of these ves sels are in this river, and Commander Wilson is the Governor of Alvarado and this place. At the present time the steamers Spitfire and Vixen are both lying here, each requiring to be hove down to- repair their. engines, and will probably remain here for two or more, months; but as this is a very pleasant tour, none of us object to the arrangement. Commodore Perry visited here the other day, on an cxdedition to Gassamaloapan, with one hundred ma rines. He reached the town, laid it under contribu tion, and returned to Vera Cruz four days ago. All the towns on this river, Alvarado included, are now quiet, although it is not the quiet of a conquered peo ple. A horrible affair took place at Talascoya, four days since. Five Americans, captured near Vera Cruz, were taken to lalascoya, tied to stakes in full view of each other, and then the tongue, eyes, nose, ears and hands of one were deliberately cut out ! After the first one died, another was treated in the same way, and so on. If this does not call for retributive justice, what will ! God grant Jack Hays may be sent to Talascoya. The Charges against General Scott. The pub lic in this quarter have been kept in the dark in re ference to the charges made against the Commander-in-Chief f the army, and a great amount of conjec ture has been exhausted upon the subject. In New Orleans, the public journals have been more fortunate. for the editors have not only seen the specifications. but in the National of thai tit) , there is a correspond ent who developes the charges and complaints which have been made at Washington. Auer refering to many cases of wasteful extravagance in. procuring supplies, and of contemptuous dircgard of the di rec lions and arrangemenis ot the Secretary ot War, the correspondent of the National proceeds: On the arrival of the army in I uebla, the same course of extravogant expenditure was pursued ; the General-in-Chief was again surrounded by the myr midons of Santa Anna ; he eagerly courted the ac quaintance of the leaders of the monarchical party; visited the bishop of that diocesce, who was always one of the leading monarchists; and studiously kept aloof from all communication with the great republi can purty, which comprises at least three-fourths of the population. Ihe monarchies again became his confidential advisers, and through them he opened a correspondence with Santa Anna's particular friend, Mr. Voss, of indemnity memory, Irom which source he drew all his information, until Santa Anna sent him Garcia, a Spauish interpreter, who, under the pre text of having been banished trom Mexico, as an American citizen, came to Puebla, feigning to have been robbed on the road. In fourteen hours afier his arrival in Puebla, he was taken into the family of the General-in-Chief, as an interpreter. It is well known that the Spaniard. Garcia, had never claimed to be an American citizen; and we are induced to believe that he had no other title to citizenship than what arose from his having married a cast-off mistress of a late Minister to Mexico ; be this as it may, he regularly furnished his friend Santa Anna, in cypher, with all the information be could gather in the family of the General-in-Chief. The political action of the General-in-Chief was concentrated upon one single object "to conquer a peace." His counsellors persuaded him that Santa Anna was omnipotent in the country, and that through his influence alone would that desirable object be attained. He refused to avail himself of other and more correct channels of information offered to be opened to him, which would have been tbe leaders of the great republican party, from which source alone, positive useful information could have been derived. They would have informed him frankly, that no propositions for peace could or would be entertained until that host of cowardly vagabonds, called tbe army of Mexico, was destroyed. They would have said to him, "We know that Santa Anna and the army are desirous to make peace on any terms. They are supported in that object by the church and the aristocracy, not from patriotic or humane views; but the sole object of retaining in their hands the reins of government, which will inevitably escape their grasp, when they are without bayonets to sustaiu their despotism. We, the organs of the republican party, have the power to prevent any peace being made, and are determined to exercise that power until the military power of our country is annihilated, and the government thereby restored to the people. When that is effected, and the people enabled to speak through tbe representatives of their will, then gratitude will dispose them to cede to your government, our benefactors, even more than it has aked at our hands. Again: if you entertain a hope or expectation of patching up a peace with Santa Anna and his satellites, we tell you, in" all candor, th .t your hopes are fallacious. There will be no prace ! We, the sovereign people, must be delivered from our oppressors, and placed in the enjoyment of republican government, before" we will consent to make a peace. Out of the evils of our wo, we, the people, must and will extract the blessings of liberty." The power of the republican party to carry out this purpose, would have been fully and satisfactorily demonstrated to the General-in-Chief, whilsün the city of Tuebla, if he had not, with scorn, and contempt, refused to hold any communication with, or derive any information from, the person recommended to him by the Secretary of War: and if he had acted upon that information, which would cheerfully have been given to him, he would have been saved from the ignominy cf having made an armistice before the gates of Mexico, which, in its disastrous effects, cost us some thousands of valuable lives. Massachusetts. The Democratic mcmbets cf the Legislature of Massachusetts jinanimously express their preference for Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, as the democratic candidate for President in the election of IS 13.

; . .Letter from air. Henry A. Wise. . Olxt, rcEAR Omancocx, Accomack County, Feb. 10, 1643. Gentlese : Yours of January 10th, postmarked

Jan. 14ih, informing me that on the 2Sih day of the present mouth " the democratic party of the State will meet in convention," at Richmond, " with a Tiewr to organize for the approaching presidential contest, and requesting ray attendance for the .purpose of ex pressing my opinions on the important subject of the war existing between tbe United States and Mexi co, was uraiiy out, duly received by me ; and l liave now to return my most sincere acknowledgments for the compliment which it tenders. I am proud to be thus recognised by the democratic party of the State, and am happy to have it in my power publicly to declare that on the subject of the Mexican war I am with the administration of Mr. Poik, and, according to my most ardent convictions. I think. I may safely say that f am with oca country. I delayed responding to your nattering request until after a meeting of the republicans of this county at our January court, in ofier that I might ascertain to some extent the sentimentvand the wishes ot your political friends in my neighborhood on this great to pic; and 1 take great pleasure in assuring you, that as far as every public demonstration was -made, I found their views in perfect accordance with my own : That the President of the United States did not cause the war with Mexico, nor declare it: That it was caused by tiie actual hostilities of Mexico herself, and by the act of Congress, and the negotiations in pursuance thereof between the sovereign and independent powers of the republics of Texas and of the United Slates, annexing tbe former to the latier as a State of the Union : That the annexation of Texas to the United States was an act moral, rightful "and "Jusfi justified by the laws of nations, and authorized by the coulitution of the United States : That the war in consequence thereof was wnntot ly and unnecessarily commenced by Mexico, and was unrighteous and unjust on her part: That Mexico having, in an authentic diplomatic form, threatened the war, and in fact ofDcially notified the United States, through her minister, Almonte, at Washington, that it would he immediately commenced upon th? event of annexation, ipso faiMt, tue President of the United Stales would have been want ing in the prompt and energetic dUcharge of his con stitutional duly had he not ordered the military and naval forces of the United States to take sucti position as was best to repel the invasion of what was declared by act of Congress and by Convention uith Texas, to be lawful territory of the United States : 1 hat the proper line on which to tcpel invasion was the extreme verge of the boundary claimed to have been conquered by Texas from Mexico, and which was annexed to the United Nates : That, according to the claims and pretensions of Mexico, the United States, even after the act of an nexation, had no right to take military position in any part of Texas, because none of her territory had been yielded by .Mexico; it follows, then, that if it was wrong to' have marched our troops from Corpus ChYisti to the Rio Bravo del Norte, opposite Malamoras, it was equally wrong to hate marched our trot,ps atoll from any point of the United States into any portion of Texas, becacse the whole of Texas, equally with that part lying between the Nueces and the Kio Bravo del Norte; was claimed by Mexico; and the complaint of the march from Corpus Christi is an argumeni wnicn Slops ni trior i oj yuuiing ai once our . i . r .'.n'. whole acquisition of Texas : That Congress, by its own acts, pointed out to the Executive, and disignated clearly the limits of Texas, from which, by the good faith of the treaty aud cession of annexation, the Executive of the United Slates was bound to repel invasion , lhat east oT the declared boundary, the Rio bravo del Norte, Mexico, in pursuance of her previous notice, commenced to wage the war; and east of that boundary, the invasion by her, of the annexed territory, was thrice repelled before our troops crossed that river ; and hostilities on our part may truly be said never to have been carried into the limits of ' Mexico proper, until after Congress had, by a public act in response to a message from the Executive, submitting to Congress entirely the question of peace or war, solemnly declared the war to be an 'existing war: That this was the most potential declaration of war by Congress, whose constitutional power alone it is to "declare war," and previously to it the President had simply discharged the duty imposed on the Executive by the constitution, of repelling incasion : That after the act of annexation waa morally cer-. tain, much less consummated, had the President neglected to have ordered troops into Texas, and had he allowed Mexico to overrun and lay waste her borders he would have been wanting in his chief executive duty, and been justly liable to the severest censure and condemnation : That the war has been prosecuted with unusual moral firmness, and conducted with extraordinary vigor, (considering the small regular army of tbe United States, and the limited appropriations for military operations which had to be carried oo in the enemv'a country,) as proved by the brilliant success with which it has been crowned i That if the war has cost too much, it has been owing chiefly to the magnanimity and humane forbearance with which it has been prosecuted in the enemy's country ; and the moral firmness of the Executive in maintaining the policy cf its continued prosecution, has been equalled only by the valor and skill of our gallai't and devoted officers and soldiers in the field, who have won for us a glory, in arms worth more among the nations of the earth than all the cost of the war, even though it may far exceed tbe most exaggerated estimate: That, looking to the final issue of the war, there should be no hesitancy, and no retreat upon our part. To hesitate, would be to manifest a doubt, both of cur wisdom and of our own integrity at tbe begin ning; and to retreat would be to make all our expen ditures, however great, in run, and to convert, by our own adrLission, all our glorious victories into eo manv butcheries, the blood ot which ought to cry a'.ond to heaven againt us, not only from Mexicans, slain, but from the lamented dead of our own coun trymen, sacrificed by a wanton and worse than worthless invasion : . . That nothing but national dishonor and disgrace could possibly follow the imbecility which would nnw after all which has transpired, no matter what might have been our duty and policy at first fail to obtain for us indemnity (or the original claims, reimbursement for the ex;jenses of the war, salisfactim in the form of damages for the infliction of the war without just cause and without necessity, and tor wainc it barbarously, and security for the future avainst the machinations of European monarchies upon the North American continent. These are the plain and obvious objects and ends of the war: And, finally, if causes beyond our control shall prolong this war, and we fchall be reluctantly compelled to take more of the territory of Me ico than we would originally have willingly negotiated for without war, we should take enough of it amply to satitfy and secure all those ends, and to acquire for ourselves the fruits of the trade of the Pacific ocesn J and if we are forced to incorporate the degenerate mixed race of Spaniards and Indians of Mexico, themselves incapable of self-government, we must 6how to the world that we can do it more for their own good than our benefit, saving them from the domination of military tyrants at home, and of the monarchism or imperialism of the Old World, giving thenundisturbed land titles, and their religion and all their franchises free, without injury or sacrifice on their prt, just a easily as we can and do yearly incorporate heterogeneous masses from Europe, or govern tribes of savages on our own borders, demonstrating that the republican institutions of the United Slates of North America are capable of indefinite expansibility and development. The people of the United States have shown themselves the rightful conqutrers of Mexico, and let not the leaders of the democratic party for a moment doubt or distrust lhat the people oj tlie United Slates will be appalled at their own conquest. Such in the eynopsis of views which I would present, were it in my power to attend the convention ar Richmond on the 28th this month. But it will not be in my power to attend ; and I present it to you as an evidence that you made no mistake in addrtssing me as you have done on the subject of the Mexican war, and as the most proper return which I could make fur the honor which you have been pleased to confer by your invitation upon - Your ob't ser'vt, HENRY A. WISE. To R. R. Garrett, J. M. Smith, &c, members of the Senate; and to John B. Floyd, Thomas M. Tate, &c, members of the House of Delegates of the L-g-islatur? cf Vi'ginia, Richmond.