Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 6, Number 4, Indianapolis, Marion County, 16 July 1846 — Page 4

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, (- r i(i i j if p., wou'd imme.lintcly cancel the most grievous and oppres- on t rftenaf Kile, pirsrJ with t drgrts of Dntam.iy tinU ;m . ;i .Lilf.?, JJ. K', 13 0 oi . .i..t,. ,,,, tr dVivsre nf rrhiih "t acinus known in modern dav. O i ihe passage of the lariiTof

lios-jjtlil lie lanj. Mr O.vcri faiJ '. T!rc arc ihiflg SCCTiillg'y J"0 ffSi!Ic whi.hy.t ran.M.t hed.r.e.ii this ford, any more lhaii t turn i he un hark in Iii dai'y course. There are cer lain rores-he changes ia sittiely ml gnvrrrmcnt that muri go on ; it r.iay he klowly, it may le quickly ; hut proceed at some price ihey must. A man who looks calmly over the whole fi.M ot I oirnn tllYirs and of p ist history, .'k! can put fiom !i i 'it riilin;.!; an.! p trty j rcjedice, m;y rcadr ti.-.i:m;Tiirli iLw, or sou.e of them. The ehort:!i!.trJ ..n-'e li.ein. TLc ai.gtiine onietinie4 oecr-hur- I ry llic:n. 1 he cautioui my tüte to c heck th :ir eed, th ve ta dir. rl ttic.r course : lul he is no tatrsian who thutks tu!.llrnly 1 arrebt them. It is folly or.!y that attcinpt l!ie imi" hie. A tiikii'B ex jnip!e is to he f nin-l, at ibis dsj. in Franrc. j ihey are talking there ahout the eiten.-ion of opo:ar uf-

f'aee ; a well tliry m..y, in a Country contau.ir.g thirty of legal encroachments on commerce, that ore no -longer millions of p'-oph, of whom a'.out quarter of a million only in vntj-e. Chirrs, by prod unation in 1G23, a'-nounc d are voters. It r. q iires I. tile a igaciiy to prcJict ihe c!ti- ; hi intention of becoming, by bis agenU, the sole factor of mate rt sult. The right of suffrage in France will he gra.l j the Virgil. ia Unters. Three years afterwards, be addrensnil!y estniJed, let the Poweri that be, struggle ajainst eJ a letter of instructions to the governor and council, .ff i-r-fe as li'.ey w ilL. Thit is a necessity ; as much a nccrssi- j ing to cintract for the whole crop of tobacco, and desiring Iv, a- that a man ma.-'t crow old wi'h li.e l.pe f.f yeirs. tlt an assr mt.ly might lie convened to consider bis propoTbo la of ihe d iv di.-franri.isc throD;h'.ul Franc, f iur- Ml I a fortunate piece of cupidity ; for this was the fir-t re

tten out f every Ci'ieon mile adults; bpl yon can no more I iu.ike this a rerpetuil distraiu hiemeot than tcu ea i siy to the yoa'h of twenty-one, thU half a cei;tury ujore shall ee hint the iimr youth still. ri. i i i i . r ... . n . ; r,...,. 1 HC IIOIÜ Fp'MrUI III I. I tllC III'IVIII.CIJ UIIJ IM a?l. Thiers, spoke words of s U-r truth, not ef Taunting fnncy, when, in a recent debate, quot-ng the noble language of a Ciennin writer, be sid : " I place my bark on the b fiirst promontory of the beach. a::d will wail ihe rising of the waters to make it fl it." That brave man nny lie ur.de r the sod before the waters ric. Dut tfipy iri'l rise; and, one day, his bark icilt lloat, de.-pitc the Uanu'es i f conservatism. Similar in character to lha Miliare mvomcnt in France is the Anti-corn Itw League of Copland ; ihe cause a jul. the success as certain.". Tho Dritish corn laws are moic than two hundred years old During al! that li ne, thrsfl laws have protected liritish agriculiuro; wliich bei hontstly transited means, they have compeiled the million I( eat dear biead, in order to well the rent-rol S ot a I vv th iu-anj landid proprietors. Throughout two ccn'urics lh;s ini'juity has been suiTreed to live. Uut the pr.gres rf events is sweeping it away. lis days are tumbcred. A Tory minister, yielding to inexorable nercs.-i'v, hi ins If intrduced into Parl ament a bill, which cuts rtfa considerable portion of this bread lax at once, and proviJrs, that, in three years, it shall be utteily h'ottfd out from the statute book of Ureal Uritain. The bill passed even the Lords by a triumphant rnsj mty, and is now the law rf that land. The corn-laws are part of a great system ; a very ancient syetetn ; the system of Comm euci il K eth rcTiox. A this, in its turn, u but one ol the phases of tlut master error ultra legislation. It is one of the numero'us frn s, in which the world has Ik en gorcrned loj ma-cti. IVow, it is a thing a iinpo.-sihla to perpetuate, ihrou;! coming tiaie, this i-ystein of Coininereial' Uestricti n. as il "is to perpetuate the disfranchisement of voters io France. It ii hisfeuin? to i's drcay. A'ready miny of its forms are confessedly antiqn ite.l, and have fallen into disrepute and d s-use. We may ".!c al some of these rode old f jrms, os we fi;.d them in the atinals of the mother cotrntry ; yet they, like the fruis of our own day, once bad their a"aU-sh owing ,'14 nml fS.ir ( .fr-i . in a in it. iit i zt a 'l)ixr. ij nn mif-i.-.tl tvots Act of Parlijihicnt, which g ing fuwarifowith b'unieriiii; ilirecinrss. to its btudable olj.'ct, "the iitcicuse of wealth anioi g ihe liegsuf j-cts, f r!u.le, U'.der heavy enaltiuf, the "carrjing gild or silver forth of the kingdom." Fiance, Ij inland, bpain and Portuga', all al d:ll" rent liaies riS'irted to the same crude expedient to mike times good and encourage dome-lie industry. We hve t ut'm d the idea that these ot j ets in ty m attained by pi?sing laws to detain money among us p rbirce. . The placing of rm'iarg ovs on merchandise, foimeily a royal prerogative, is now out of date. Q lecti Mary fiequent'y exercised it ; and E izilnith, before her coronation, sent an or uer io m cosrum-Uouse, prolut-nmg me sale ol j all crimson silks until the court were first mppl cd. An- j other of this latter sovereign's legal interineddimgs appears still more whimsical. t;ie took oibjuce, it Hämo m iy be creilited, at the s-nc I of woad; and issued, i; consequence, an edict prohibri ig the culture of that useful plant. The ingenuity of modem times has always on hand, to excuse the lav' restraints on commerce, some more plausible apofogy ihan the olfactory an'ip ithies of a sovereign prince. Thus, too, in regard io art order in council, proiau'gtfd under Charles I, which commanded that all shops in JLneapside and Lombard street, Indon, except those f'f ' goldsmiths, hou! I be shut Up, that .the avenue to St. Paul's ; mi-hl appear mote spb ndij. fo idle a. whim would not now b- darned a legit. mate eau?e why the law should interfere and br. art up a tradesman s business. In the fourteenth century law g,ers thought jt necessary to interfere between the employers and the employe J, and . determine thd price ?f I!"".' Tha 4;stalute- cf laborers" in 1359, Gted ihe-wages ofreapoVf at three-pence a day, (e-J ... ,..r,..7 iu mh, uuiKjuoiciuiuuniMino in ior oiner uoor in proportion, ai toe present uay tnc i farmer m y complain ol nigra wages, and the laborer of i low ; but the tatesinan d es not consider the complaints of cither a reason to justify his direct inlerfercnce. The morality ot some portion vf the ancient legislation on contracts is no longer very intelligible to us. M. Lojia, called the best of French kings, issued an ordinance, in which, "for the salvation of his own soul, and that of his ancestors, he released" to all Christians a third part of what was owing by them to Jews." When monry is legislated riow-a-daya, from one man's pocket to another', p iliiical decency demands that it khould not be done in so bireisced a manner. We are scandaliz ed, for instance, when we read that Henry VIII, after extor ing, by a miscalled benevolence (r ferccd toan, to repay which he gave his written obligation) "one-sixth of every man'a substance, . payable in money, plate, or jew eh, obtained frura his HP T f PrfilmAnt . er.lnlA i .. m1,;..k 1. i i - ..-...1. m ..aiuK, i,v 1,. tuv WUiti:ilo UJ, for themselves and all the whole body of the realm which they represent, freely, liberally and absolutely, give and grant uoto the Kiog's hihnefs all and every surn or sums of money, which ta them and every one of them is, ought or mihl be due by reason of any money or any other thing to his Grace al any time heretofore advanced, by way of trust or loan." We are staggered, even at lhe boldness of the early Virginia councillors, who, when tobacco rose in value in consequence of laws protecting its culture, scrupled not to provide a remedy, by enacting that 'uo man need pay more than two thirds ol his debt durinir the slint:" nd thai "all creditors should take forty pounds f.r a hun dred. And yet, in this alter case, cur scronles are oft. , . . , . ?S"J TV ' c:mfilene,y- striding lwi first raised the j , ..v . consequent y tne Male ol ui o's ; and such are tolerated in oui day. Why, then, take of fence at the direct legi.-lation, more honest and not more positive, which low end that scale to its oiiginal standard again? Ah ! the politicians of onr country are a civil and a smooth voken rare, with little of the Tud r an 1 Stuart downrightness of the o den time about them. They scruple much to do injustice in a straight forward way. They will not her a word siid about rcstrai'iM;; or fettering trade, or alu ring the scale if dt bu, or imp'iriug contracts. Interference is a term nol t be found in their vocabulary. It has an offensive sound, and is paraphrased raoTECTiojr. -'. When the infant settlement t.f Jamestown lost, by Indian massacre, half her co'onuls, lhe gallant Captain Smith offered the London Company of Adventure rs I. is service to overawe the natives and provide for the safety of the colony. The company thereupon graciously declared, that . -h linoM hilf Iratr to So I his own i spense, if lie would grant the corporation one-half of the pillage!" Similar to the pr. ff red puronag - of the Virginian A.lven tl rera is the protection which the law has usually atT.rded to commerce. A common ferin of such protection, in the Mi Idle Ages, waa that of close rorimraMotis. It im.y H- iht ibis system had its origin in a deei e to pro'ect Commerce from outragfl. liancri fi calls il "a part of lhe I andle of liixrtii s gll.er d together in the age of feudalism, nml which form.d the only balitice of the couiiiierei.il arid inaoul'irlurini! it terests ay nnst the aristocracy t.f the sword." As such, the ru-toin, like other lcmp..rary exj edien'a indef. iislble on just principlm, may Imvc been useful iu its d iy. Yet it would seem, that its natural and necessary evils very .n showed then.svivfa. When we Ira I, as we do in Hume, ilot at lite rouiinenceini nl of ihe t.cv nt. cmh Century, nine-te ntlis of the commerce i f tlngljnJ ronsis'ed in wootlen go,ds, it appears a!w.Kt inert-ditile, thouuh il be true, that a single pr vi'eged corpnraiian. namely , the 'Company of Merchant Adventurers," held by the;r patent, exc'u ive possession of this branch of trade. Add 'to this, Elizabeth's pa'rnts usually granted to her Ci-ortiers, to deal ex-losive'y even in n h r.e essaiies of life as salt, iron, leal hi-r, and coal ; and we shall have somn conception what sort of protection was ff .rded, in those d ty. the very aturnalia of monopolists, by operation of law. to lhe true interest of the commercial conirnur.ity. The b-gisla'ive records of England b-ar leslimony fo the rff. cts of such a system on the national induotry. Wheu durii g the s.sisi .ii of If.'JI, lhe list of artirh s assigned to lhe patentees was read over, including not only the staples a'reudy enu-o-rdieJ. but pper, gtass.Vin, beer. Irish yarn, traio eil, ai.d fifiy tubers, a m naher exrla'med; I nol b ea.1 among the uu. utter!' Th.; House see ned amnz d. .,iy" sl l he, "if u remedy be f.tund f.-r these, bread will be t ere b.kre the next Parliament." "Every t inie," adds

Ila!I-im, " if em I now cnlotseJ , rat h as ifemulously 1canting no the injuries of ihe place he represented." The

queen, yiiMirg to the torrent of opinion, sent for the! I 11 II . I I F ip-iki-r, inn u-iiieu uim m iriiiiimi me iou--. mat sue , ro-KatfiMvi Mu.t.c. member sad with tear in his f)'fs, t hat if a eeu'ctice of everlasting hapj iness bad been pnmnonced in lit favor, he could not lme felt more jay ihm that wuii which he was at priseni overwhelmed. Au'.lltct f'.rm ol -trite rferciira wilh commerce, very common ai d oner.. in in tho- Jays, was lie law of sppTfnticchip. Oi-.e of I-l;TjrJ li e sixth's Parliaments passed an act, by which every oiic was proh hiicd from making cloth, unlit he l:aJ scrviJ an apprenticeship of rcren years. When this a". surd Ij.v wis repealed in the u.xeedinff reign, the preara' Ie to the repea'ing atn-ute act f nh, that ihe restriclion in question had" occasioned ihe dcray of ihe tvoolxn inanuficture ar.d ruined several town.. let I'd aril's law was revived in the riign of Kl'zihctb ; aid irang- to ray, tvas still in fjree, as Lie, at least as the date of our revolution. , Our own cohmial history furt.ihc9 rontfiiusl fiamp'es cognition, by a Urill.-h monarch, of a reptf SPntatl V6 8S5CC1"J -.. ... v....v., ... .U.U.. independence! rrj-'ded tke conditions, and ) rotestrd asrainrt the monopoly .but iwa years later, by a compromise bttwecn the platiti rs and the kin. the firmer ohtainej the esc'usive riht t.) suppf7 the. IJritii-1. maiket, and the latter succeeded in iriijiijiin- an norbi'.ar.t duty. Thy diviji d the spoil between thrni, and the jeop!e paid for the privilege of both : an apt illustration of the working of ihnt system which g.es by the name v( commercial protection. . . Another Minj Je of legislative iiilcrmeJdiiog no on;ef practised in i:s direct form, cecum in the history of the same j eriod.- The cirly giverncrs of Virginia, by way of promoting the euliure of corn," nought by penal statute to lis its prce. The colonial Icgis'.ilure alterwards hit upon j (Ue true remedy : I or the encoumgement of men to (plint store of corn, the price shall not be stinted, bnl it ) ,& frCe f r every man to sell it as dear as ho can." j Legislative a-sfinblies gather wisdom rapidly t when remoTcd b-'yond i!ie atmoKpherc of a tour'. These various f lint lights from ihe past converge to one print. They indicate to us tho inevitable line of propress. It has been, as in ecclesiastical sj in commercial affairs, frotn "4he m..re to the less of intprfe'rerlce. One statute itsrd to fix the wsg-s of labor, and another the price of food ; bot! are now left t regulate themselves. The leg islator i.inneriy ueriitej wtio bliouia manu aelure this ar ticlo , and wh nid that ; a a general ru'e, each may now make or s 11 w hat he t leases. In these cases It M not d nit muri) that we tiave alt. red the law. we have repealed it. We h.a.v; legislated in re wisely than our ancestors, chiilly in-that we have , -cisiati A less. We have run our ex pei hiicnts fhroush thee various phases of interference, to lern at list, how many cases there are, in which legislative ni l is an incumbrance, and legislative duty to do nothing. L 't u ap'ly thesf! less ins of the past. I have spoken of thoe firms of legal inlermi d Hing with commerce that are aiit .piiti il, and have past away ; let us turn to these that are still fashionable, at this day, and in our uwu couutry. Tariff protection is the chief .f these. The o! j -ct proposed by a protective tar. IT is similar to that which Ihe legislator of formt r d iys hid in v'cw when be determined rates of wajes and fixed scales of prices. S inio branch of industry, generitly a n.auuf.icture. is declared to be in a feeMc and drooping condi ion ; its profits too small : its wags I o low ; its prices in-ulTi ieiit. Politirhr.s go In work to increase t) c pri frs and rais.- the wag-s and the prices. This. they elT cl by shutting cut competition. Formerly a close corjiorati in was the uuil firm employed ; all but the members uf the favored company were forl-idd.-n to compete. In cur d iys. the monopoly, with some excep tions, is co extensive with the kingdom or republic in which the law ia pa-s 1 ; and competition is forbidden, unjor penaity t,f f,,ie. to foreigners only. J his is a great j,rj rove:i.ent upon (im en Elizabeth's exclusive pat amj c!og(. enrporati.,,,,. ents cnrpii Vet the rff.ict produced by these national monopolies differs in degree only, not in kind, from that caused by those cxrlu-ivc corporations. Three hundred yenrs agj, Ebzibcth patent increased the price of salt ten fold ; the tanirof to day raises it a comparatively moderate percentage only. The firmer excluded all competition, both foreign and domestic, the l itter leaves domestic competition unchecked, i et, in both cases, the principle is identical Arlifir-iil ninn, am emnlovpil 1 1 rnnlrol and divert fr.tin ii. ,,,,r:.l , ini.eU lb e'orrei.t of Ira.! A eerlaln a. munl 0r competition is shut out by law, for ihe purpose 1(f rail(ig lhe price of a certain article, t its producers ; anJt f coursP t,, j, 4 consumers also. That is ihe opcralion ,nil he i,cnjed eff ct, of all protective tariffs. If lhpy j not prduce that c ffect, they are, so far as regards protection, inoperative and uscltss. If they do produce it ,heT . gj.-o monev from the pockets of one class into (lne pockets of another, without anv va'uo receive d to jast;fj .jie fB fy the transfer. They do not effect this directly, as did Louis by his ordinance against the Jews ; or as did the eifrly governors of Virginia, when they fixed by law the price of corn. Dut they fl ct it, nevertheless. As the close crporations of lhe middle ages may have been, for the time, a defence against worse evils than i theji-clves ; so, al a particular period during the infancy of a state, the intirlerence of a temporary tariff for protection a hedge to defend ibe young plants of enterprise, until they shod up to an inli pei.Octjt growth inny produce benefiis to overbalance Us injustice. Dut this, ,ke the kindred plea of retail ition, is a question of the day and of expcdirncr. The uliimato issue of reform is one ojuestion ; the day and lhe hour when each step may safely ana useluby bo made, is another. k el the statesman has stronger temptation to be over-scrupulous than to be otcr. fash. Il is ibe tendency of a temporary ii.j istice to endure beyond the t rrn of its neeesMty ; especially when the im- ! cuniary iuti rcs'.s of any class of men are iJentilicd wilh its endurance. S:r, I bring no railing aci-usatian against any party. I presume n it to jude the motives, I pais no c mdeinnation even on the acts, of a.y class of men. Who so wise, that he may boast never to have been h ind.d by interest! so just, that the hope of present advantage cinnot i. islead him ! I would speak of errors without denying their hon esty, fu a long vexed question I invite the attention of our opponents, in the fpiiit of the text : "Come now, and lei us reason together." Io such a spirit I ask the advocates of tariff protection: t .. .i ... ..: ,...n i u uu" "Mt u" J oui icva CAicsju : u.ii arc juur iiiieuuous : This ?l)Viey cf imposing nol witj a sinsi eye to rev cn bul wilh ... t.otv jt.:... to thut oll. .,.,:.: and raise prices do you regard it as a permanent p ihey I You speak of it as patii t:e; you still call it American : do you hope to continue, to perpetuate, to engraft it tn our repuMican system, to transmit i: to p tstcrity 1 You cannot do it ! History, lifting up her voice of experience, declares to you aloud, that you cannot. - You may legislate against th current for the hour,-for the day. That is a thing within human power, like the clock over your entrance d tor. You may put back the hands of th it clock, till it bh.ill seem as if the day grew younger instead of w aning. Put not the less will the sun, without, hold on his apptreiit course through the heavens; and not the less will the inexorab'e dial, steady to truth, continue to indicate the cmstant regularity of his piogress. Do you still demand proof of llu se -assertions 1 Then, I ask you brii fly to review, with in, the history of the American protective system ; to trace its rise ; to follow out its progress, to note the symptoms, not to be mistaken, f its tlecay. In 17?3 was passed lhe first tariff bill. The young republic had just bright to a close an expensive war; and her population of ei-s than four millions, JiaJ incurred a national debt of nearly eighty millions ; eqtial iu proportion to a AAA of four hundred millions now. Her manufactures were all in their earliest inf inry, many ju 't struggling into existence. Thi o, if tver, a high scale of duty was required and heavy protection was jus ifiable. Ytt how do the rates of that primitive tariff compare wi.h our impositions of to day 1 - .On the sir-gle Inxury of carriages tihere was a duly of fifteen tier cent: and on East India goods, fif twelve-nd a-half p r rent. With these exceptions, the hghrsi rate of ad valorem duty was per tent. On such staples as iron, bother, saddlery, clothing millinery, it was seven and a ha f per cent ; and he this b.-rne in mind ! on woollen' ami cotton goods, (ihe latter but recently inlrodu;ct'd) it was jfic per cent. only. On i.ogar the duly was orie cent a pound, ou coal two cents a bushel, and so of other, "articles. -y The tariff of 17'JO increased but slightly theso tales. And to again in 179t, and for many succeeding, years. Throughout nearly the first quarter of a century after lhe establishment of our government, no ad valorem duly whatever hiiker than twenty per cent, was imposed, except on a sing e article of luxury, winra, and the specific uu'ics were on a scale nl simitar moderation. It was not unlit lhe administrations of Washington and'Adams and J. ff rson and almost nf Madisou. had passed away, that men ta'ked of twenty-five and thiity and f riy per cent, protective duties. ; - In 1816 it was that we fi at began o copy, from England, the policy of protection for Ttrotcetion'j aak'e: and to raise lhe si:'e of taiiffdutics, without reference to revenue. This foreign plant seemed, for a brief space, tu thrive in a republican soil. The tariff bill of IS20 failed, it i true Jbaiia 1321, and agiin in 1 328 and 1S32, the system,

christened, in very defiance cf its parentage, American, was sanctioned an. I extended.

One thin, howeTer, is to be remarke J and ought to w I I nt . . 7 IT. I . f . . I n a t r m A. I rcme.neercu. i ne UfSl iinu, oi inoucigie uuuia, iu.ih.vj 1783 and also on that of 1701, the yeas and niJS wriC j not even ealted, either in the Senate or the House. On lue l3f.Il Ol 1 1 'JO Ihey were cai.ru i;i me House or.iy, anu ; the vote stood nearly three to one. On the lar:ll id IUI the vote was more than three to one. The majorities conlitiucd large onlil the protective doctrines cf I S I 6 were , Hing, as a firebrand, into our legislative halls. From th .1 moment they diminished. Bitter sectional quarrels, end-, ing in lean ma jorities, mark the entire period of our high ( ...imIi. i.;if, ti,.i r ich ..-....1 in II.iiKcnf tun hundrc 1 and nine members, by roajority ot five only ; anJ in lhe Senate by a majority of four : that of 182S by a mai ori.v of nine in the one houae and five in the other. .. Thetarffof 1832 obtained a somewhat better vote, nut it nau nor neen six montns a i unti w intin u, throurhouithe Union, scenes of aection:,! strife auch a. no I . . '.a .a a ' t ' . I ll l-

other question not that of slavery itself-his ever had ; W'right and Mr. liut banau bolh voting for it under propower to call forth in ibis republic. It brcught upon us i ,esl- Mr. Wright the d 1VS of nullification. "Asmmed tint this bill me st pn in the lorm it now Lear, Of that lx ... , , , . , I ao revenue hw could pass al Hie preseiit session." Dirk and threatening diyal when men knew not, even : ... , , , . while ther sat. ide bv side, in this chamber, whethtr. in I . f' scher-nnnded, even of l!.e partj that brougl.f it

a few short wet ks, they might not stand in the ranks of civil war, face to face, sword meeting sword, each seeking lhe life of lhe other ! Who has forgotten the daily doubts and fears of that terrible crisis ! the concentration of forces at Fort Moobrje ; the gathering of armed bands under the Palmetto banner ; the convention, wilh its nu'lilj ing ordinance ; the Proclamation, with its stern rebuke T Dirk and perilous diys ! when each courier that sped from the South might e nne charged with lidings of wo and or blood. Yes; and no man could say where, if ihe first blood were shed, that fratricide war might end. The boldest looked on with dismay. The mosl hopeful half despaired of the rejuh!ic.' And ihi-aj was exposed to rL-k the most imminent the integrity oi" that Union which lhe good and the brave hail laid down their lives b csta!IUh And all this for w hat ! To bui'd up atrong us a system of taxes not demanded for revenue, not necessary to support the government an American system! American! A tree is known by its fruit; dornen gather grapes of thorns, or fi of thistles! American! and yet a system that cast discord and heartburnings into republican councils, where reigned, till its advent, only harmany and good will ! American ! and yet bringing into our midst not peace, but a sword ! Is that an American system that sows hate in the hearts of freemen; that mikes brother the enemy of brother, that arrays section in opposition to section, that arms a State against the Confederacy ! The distinguished father of that system himself felt, when the day of trial cam, that it was nor A rericsn ; that it could not live on in a icpublican atmosphere; that, after a brief time, it must be uprooted and cast away. Mr. Clay saw saw Verplanck's bill making its way through the Hon. He bowed, as all men must, to the fiat of neces-ity ; but he did more: he gave wsy gracefully, in eood temper, iu gooJ se ison. Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun together voted for the compromise b.ll ; and South Carolina, disbanded her troops and returned if of a sovereign State the expression be permitted returned to her allegiance. There was not a man of that day, deserving to be named as a statesman, w ho tl.d not feel that tht elruegle, and that compromise, sea'ed the file of tariff protection in America fori ver; and that, like other kindred forms of commcrci.il restriction, it bad outlived its day, ai.d must yield to lhe innovating influence of lhe ase. I say nol this with reference to the mere provisions of the compromise bill, important as its gradual reductions were ; but I say il of the spirit in w hich lhe change was avowedly wrought ; and of the principles that were recognized, in so many words, on the face of that celebrated act. Mr. Clay openly acknowledged that lhe protective system could not long survive ; and only a-ked that it might not be hurried, prematurely, to its doom. It was but a few days before the passage of the compromise that he said : Now, sice n lime. Cerv all fl'irtualionf r.nd ns'ttation f ir nine yenrs; a til ihe niniiiifactiirers. tn every branch, will sustain Üiemtelves us tiiisl furniert eomrielith.n. lain anxious to finil out Home prinrile of linil'ial arroiiiiniKlation, Io satisfy, as lar as prirttcibte, Imtli lttiriics; to increase I lie stability of legislation ; ami, nt some future day, I ut nol loo distant, w hen we take into view Ihe ni.isnituile tf III interest involved, to brims dinen the rate of da'in ta Vit rrrmut standard fur telnet. ur vjpviienls hart to long cvntcitdaL" tyfeeA of ttbrHurg tit, lJj. He asked not to save his favorite system. He asked but time; the nine years which the compromise bill, with its annually abating rates, gave him. These past, and he knew and confessed lhat revenue must become the sole standard of an American tar ff He seems even to hve doubted whether puVic sentiment, excited as it was, would suff.r a condemned system thus gradu l'ly to die out ; arid he protested, in advanco, against the violation of a compict not binding in after sessions, except by the moral force which the time and the circumstance gave it. His words, on lhe same occasion, were: "W'lnt man, who is entitleJ to Hie clrnract-r of an American statesman, would stand ii.i In his place in eitlr-r House of Congress, and disturb tins treaty of peace anJ amity .'" And through these nine years that " treaty of peace and amity " was not disturbed. Public opinion respected it, because it chimed in wilh the onward spirit of the age ; and because il set forth the only j ist principle of taxation. Thus it reads in the third section : H Duties shall I l.aij poa the rcspoE or itnitcircH mriNit 45 MIT RE ECEJkRT TO It ICOOMlCiL AUMI IlittlTlOX OP GOTCIXMt.ar." This is the essential principle of the compromise bill. This open avowal of that principle was the great triumph obtained, at that crisis, by justice over privilege. The nine years of graduated reduction of duties, under the compromise, ran out on the 3U;h of June, 1812 ; and thus the day for the fi iul ratification of that " treaty of peace and amity " arrived. Its pledge morally binding, if ever legislative pledge was was to the effect lhat, after the Slid 30th day of June, imports should be " admiitrd to entry subject to such duty, KOT KXCEEUIXO TWEXTT ptn ritr, xn viLOKtM, as shall be provided far by law." Ta- if act of March 3, 1833, Sec. 5. It is a fair inference from the general tenor of the act, that in case of actual deficiency of revenue,-but in no other, this limit might be exceeded. This low maximum, it is proper to remark, was coupled wilh a home valuation, cash duties, and a specific free list. Privilege alvvays d;es hard. And, as the compromise approached its close, the friends of tariff protection rallied for a death struggle. On the t5ih of October, 1811, the " home league" was formed and iu proceedings appcaicd in lhe leading tariff j iurnal, heralded by a flourish of trumpets, and put forth as a gr.-at national move.r.ent. At their first meeting, after condemning the compromise as unjust and impracticable, they proceeded further to resolve : . " " Th it if a revenn for the economic I support of government is to l.e the tm-nswe of protective favor to our in nn lecturers and inerluiiics, (usiica as well as policy demands tint such a scale of liilties lie mlopleit as will not, by fostering an inr.reased conainofit ion of imported filTics, fa vol fore 1)0 lUhur, by a kijkcr tcalt, pradun a equiU rrrcnue. our own industry in iy beaiiled, without injury to any home Interest." AVu'g RL-trr of October 30, lä II. Hero is the high tariff policy, set up in all its naked tkf ormiiy. The doctrine is curious, and worth a plain translation, thus : "It is a hard case, that government should not he allowed to raise more money than it requires ; but, if we are to be condemned to this, at least let us raise il by as hich a tax as we cart; by a tax of thirty per cent, rather than of twenty per cent; or, better still, by one of forty. Justice arid .policy demand this." These claimants for " protective favor" seem to me to have somewhat cou fused notions of justice and 'policy. All favor granted I'd dne class, at the expense of another, is unjust, an 1 impolitic because u-just. Justice satisfies ; favor never does. Let f ivoritism enter lhe family circle, Sq.l love is replaced by jealousy, and peace by strife. Let it invade a federative Union we have seen and fell the woful resu't." - '. Mr. Clay held out, for a time at least, against the movement of the Home Leaguers. On the 1st of March, 1812, hi' said, in the Senate : " The law rtseif thi compromise met Ilia approhation of all parts oflh-j country ; its pruvbiifii ought not litjlHly to lie deputed fiom ; Ms pi mt- iplrs ttlmoM Iw observed in g.uJ lUilli " WcSj Rcrnter if .Vun lt, I31J. 4-!. And again, in the same speech : If it I .necessary to raise Ibe duties higher than twenty per cent., ive oti, lit to mllc-re to the principles of lbs compromise act, so fur as il should le posUle to do so." Yet, as the day. of final decision more closely approached, Ibe father of the protective system seemed disposed to make a last r ff.tr t to save bis expitir g offspring. Pressed, perhaps, by the rash urgency of friends less cleir-sighted than himself, Mr. Clay, in his Lexington speech of June 9, 1812, permitted himself to say : . ':. " Anoll r remedy, poiveifully demanded by the neccssllies of Ihe times and minimi to nivntlain the curteury in a Sttiinil state', is a tariff, B-kiril wi lc.r n import i& wm rut abroad, and tend to increase supplies at home from domestic industry." AVm'i Ktfisttr of Ju-'j p. 'J, --"J I. This was a distinct relapse into tho old exploded abuse. It was breaking ground against the " treaty of peace and amity," which the speaker had himself declared no man deserving the character tf an American statesman would disturb. . 'l he principle of the Compromise was, that tariff taxes should be laid for one purpose only ; to raise necessary revenue : here ihey are to be imposed for objects wholly different ; for the purpose of keeping the currency sound; for the purpose of increasing domestic supplies; and even, looking through protection towards prohibition itself, for the purpose of lessening foreign importations, the very source of tariff revenue. " In a word, Mr. Clay ' endorsed the doctrines of the Home League. This seems to have been -the signal for a concerted assault on the Compromise and its piinciples. The em. i barraosmcnts of the day aided the pri'j-.-ct, and privilege

had one brief triumph more. The tariff of 1812 was passed. If the. friends of the protective theory ever seriously expected, after the inmidiatc danger "from nullification blew over, to revive and perpetuate their system, the circumstances under which the tarilT bitl of IS 12 beraina a laiv, ought to lme shown them the futility of the attempt. Painfully and wilh many throes the feebte bantling (tru;gl. d into cxis enee. The month of July bad passed; the last dtvs of Auzust weic arm oachioz; and Mill the

country was without any revenue law wha ever. Then ar J a - - it was that the protectionist, availing themselves of the insolvent condition of the treasury, pressed upon Congress at the very tiose of lhe session, the alternative of their bill or no revenue. Even al such advantage, und r the t)res.ufr. u il were. f neccssi'v. the measure won its way with extreme difficulty, to lhe statute book. I wice it was defeated in the House, by the casting vote of the Si-esker ; and it succeeded there at last by a reluctant I majority of two stragglers ; their vutca coming in al the f.a ft ,.m a Km ,1.. Ika.l Linn annfMinnn.l n muuinii, ftn un unmu u w .i..uu.i. In lhe Senate il passed by a bare majority ol one ; Mr. I forward; seemed ashamed T.f the deed. Mr. Webster, in that peecn wliuli he delivered, in t anuiel llall, in the autumn of 1 t?4'i, to a " sea of upturned laces," 6a.d : " It Is net tme, that the Tariff system (of 1:43) was passed by the Wlni a t. nr. V e kunw, that mora than thiity, some of litem leadi ri rand influential Ins, voted against lbs tariff, out and out, on till questions, dirett and inüiiecl." . - And this is the bill, a vagrant that went about in the IlouspJ at lit 3 eleventh buur, begging among its Whig friends for a stray vote to save its threatened life, thut was saved in the Senate by its opponents only because they thought it a less crying evil than a bankrupt exchequer and a broken public faith this is the bill that is now the law of the laud! And this bill, thus forced, despite the spirit of tho age, on a reluctunt country, is to remain a permanent system, to become our national policy! We are not to touch or amend it! It is too good and holy to incur rebuke or to suffer alteration ! It is not Within the scope of my present purpose minutely to exnmino the details of this tariff. Sutiice it, that it embodies I lie m stem of specific duties, minimum, and all ihn ct'eeteras of protective fevor. Suffice it, that the average of its duties bus proved to be thirtyrot'R per cent, actually exceeding that oi the tariff of 1832, of which the avernge was but thirty-lhree and eight-tenths. The gross revenue it produced, for the year ending 3Uth September, 145, was. nearly thirty-one millions; the largest amount ever raised from imports in anyone year (the years of lo'dl and I dtiö alone excepted) since the foundation of the gotcrnment. A general idea nl its impositions may be gathered from the tact, that on four staple necessaries, iron, coal, sugar, rind molasses, (yielding six millions of revenue) its duties actually average over sixtt per cent.; three times ihe compromise maximum: while on cotton and woollen goods (on which the duties reneh six millions nnd three-q iarters) lhe average rate is about tiuiitvmsu per cent; nearly double the same maximum. Under this tariff, loo, ucuiiy one-half the revenue is obtained from specific duties. In a word it was a violation lhe most ll igrant ol every principle and promise, of the Compromise act. It was nn open and undisguised return, both in form and in rates of duly, to the old protective policy, that bad beeil tried, condemned, sentenced, in 163J. Again I would appeal to the friends of tariH protection. Again I would ask them : Do you intend, do you expet t, to maintain unchanged such a system as that? Peacefully you cannot do it; all experience proves that; and will you destroy the harmony of feeling that now binds Stale to Stale, stir tip again lieait-burnings that but slumber among us, endanger the very integrity of our happy nnd glorious union all in a (ruiiless struggle lifter principles you cannot perpetuate and a policy lhat is passing away ? Dut you say to yourselves that you can but be d feated at last, and may as well struggle on against tho change, I II - - O Ot with tins chance of retarding what you may not avert. Look to it! The history of reform throughout the world teaches us this lesson : that privilege has often lost all because she knew nol when lo yield a part. There was a time, in the early days of the French revolution, before the oath of the Tennis court or the fall of I lie Dastile, when, by welt-timed concession, the unfortunate Louis might have saved kingdom and life, lie suffered the golden moment to pass, and wild it all power to control the rising torrent that speedily overw helmed him. Look well toil! To-day your influence is still felt, and yon have power to shape a modification of the tariff. You can obtain discrimination within certain limits, and even, lor a time, protection considerably beyond the pledges of the compromise. To-day you can do this, if you consent to guide a movement which you seem disposed obstinately tn resist. To-morrow it may be no longer in your power. Kcform, dammed up by obstinate opposition, spreads far and fast, once the barrier has given way. Kctlect, also, bow small the gain is of temporary success. Protective favor, in order to benefit steady business men, must be permanent. Fluctuating duties can serve the purpose of the speculator only. Will any prudent manufacturer incur the outlay and risk of founding a large establishment on the sccuiity of a tariff which he may expect tn see repealed from year to yeai ? Cut what is, in point of fact, the prospect before you, even if you defeat the turilF bill of this session i ? Will its defeat be silently acquiesced in i ? You know it will not. Session after session the stiuggle will be renewed, and renewed with increased forces and wilh growing strength. Yes! and reform, like the sybil of old, will increase her demands at each return. The tariff bill proposed now, in Id-IG, is more radical than was that reported in 1641. Reject it, and see if the next proposal be not ono of yet lower rates, and of a stricter revenue stamp. The bill now before us, as reported from the Committee of Ways and Means, concedes much lo interests hitherto privileged: and proposes moderate reform only. Its average rate, as nearly as can now be ascertained, will be about twenty-four and a half per cent ; and thus the average of all its duties, high and low, taken together, is in fact, four and a half per centi higher than the very highest contemplated by the compromise. Its principal schedule, including the staples of iron, coal, woollen goods, clothing, carpeting, saddlery, paper, wines, and many other staples, is put nt thirty per cent., being a tax higher by one-hall than the maximum of the compromise. Cotton and silk goods bear a duty of twenty-five per cent. Its duties are wholly ad valorem, the only fair principle of taxation; and in this it but carries out one of tho pledges of the compromise, of which the equity lias been repeatedly acknowledged by Mr. Clay; for example in his Senate speech of March 1, lt4vi: "I my." said he. "lint. In theory, and acconlin? to every sound Lpiinciple uf justice, the ad valor rrn mode of ta ration is entitled to lhe preference. ' Viej'f Regular of .Wart 1J. I84i, p. . The gross amount of revenue which this bill would bring in, supposing the importations to remain the same as last year, is about twenty-two millions. But that importations will remain at their picse.nt amount, there is no chance. Its greatly reduced rales would, of course, increase the amount of dutiable articles imported. Our total importations are now about one hundred and six millions; the Secretary of tho Treasury estimates, that, under the proposed tariff, they would increase by fourteen millions the first yenr; reaching a hundred and twenty millions. This estimate is, I think, a very moderate one. If it prove correct, then tho tariff, as reported from the committee, would yield a gross revenue of about twentysix millions ofdollars; or, deducting a million and a half for expenses of collection, would bring in a nelt.rcvenue of twenty-four millions and a ball. This is amply sufbcient iu time of peace. At this moment we are unfortunately engaged in war, though not, I trust, to be of long duration, nor to demand an expensive armament. And with a view lo meet these extra expenditures, it is the intention of the chairman of the Committee of W'njsand Means, as I understand, Itf move sundry amendments to the reported bill, which will yield an increase of sonic three or four millions. This" w ill give a nctt revenue from imports of about twenty-eight millions about as iiiucli as the present tariff bill; the increased importations compensating for. lhe reduced rates. .- - - . Tho substitute offered by'the "gentleman from New York Mr. lli'SGEKFonn will produce, I think, about tin same amount. It differs chiefly from the Ways and Means bill, as proposed lo be amended, in retaining specific duties on a few staples. It is a cnnimtiri argument, that, since we are actually engaged in war, we should let the tariff of alone. Nothing can be more fallacious.. The war is an additional reason why we should alter that tariff. Many of ils rules amount to positive prohibition; and these it is doubly important to reduce, tit a periud of increased expenditures like this.' . The Secretary of the .Treasurysays, of the present tariff, in his last annual report: Many of the duties are beeomiiir, dead letters, except for lhe purpose of prnlHluiMit ; ami, if not reduced, w ill ultitruiU-ly compel llieir .advnc.ates in resrtrt lo direct taxation lo stipiort Itifl government. In lhe event of war, nearl; all tlte huh duties will become prohibitory, rroMJ the increased riik and ccwl of importation.' Aiwr, p. C Out the sufficient reply to all who set up the war as an argument against any change is, that either of the bills above referred lo, is" calculated to produce as much rcvenuo as the present law. Sir,I have yet a word to say, in conclusion, to thd friends of tariff protection. In voting for. cither of these bills, we of the West, and our friends of the South, abandon, for the sake of peace, much which, on the soundest principles of equity, we might demund as simply just and right. If to the probable rate of the proposed tariff, say twenty-five per cent., wo add freight and other expenses on importations, we shall find the average of protection actually afforded to be at least thirty three per cent.; or, in other words, an addition of one-third lo the price of all imported goods subject to duty. Mr. ItavLv. You underrate the amount of protection afforded by a tariff averaging Iwctity-five per cent. Fieight and other charges would bring tip ihe actual protection lo upwards of forty per cent. 31 r. Owes. Then my estimate is much within the truth; and the ar-titncut is but the ihore forcible. To

grant such an average of prelection, be it thirty-three or lie it forty per cen;., is it vast concession to our fellow citizens of the Mmtli. We make it ungrudgingly, but we cannot forget, and they ought not to forget, that it is a concession, in principle nswell as in extent of protection. I will not withhold the opinion, that all laws which teller trade arc defensible only as temporary expedients; and that, even in a niitigatcd form, they cannot be justified as a permanent policy. Hut, in H legislutivo changes, extremes ore to bo avoided. While the petty questions of the hour should not call off our judgments from inquiiies of a higher order and a wider range; while we should aspire above the smoke and dust f partisan warfare, to seek a'calm and c!er prospect into the future of progress; yet does it behove us also to bear in mind, that it

is one tiling to iiistinjuisn a coming cnange, ana no thcr to carry it out, its htlin lorm and clue season, l ne mariner's observation, even of the chanzelcss sun must oe sut jectea to enrruons anu o. UuU,c 't sulhces to ilctermine Ins position and uircet nis course. . ...... . . , . . , . . ;:..i ,c mlri L Educed from the unernng princ.p es of j .st.ee mu,l be Aii.i mil tne nest snecu anons oi tue siatesiuan. iiiuuru lemnered and modified bv considerations of tune and place, ere they become available for daily service. We cannot rush to perfection, ll is not enough lhat a reform be just in itst-lf; it must be well-timed also. It must not jar too rudely on the usnges of lhe day. It must not outrun the opinions and intelligence of the timis. To l-iufluence the masses we must approach them. As the power ol Hie magnet ceases to operate ueyond a given dislance, so laws framed far in advance of the ne lose their attractive force over mankind. - Influenced by such views, I am the friend of compromise and conciliation. In that spirit lias the present proposal to modify the tariff been framed by its projectors. In that spirit let our brethren from the manufacturing States corns half way to meet us. And we may once more, with the unanimity of the olden time, pass a revenue law by a majority so large that there will be tittle motive or disposition, fr many years to come, to alter its rates or disturb its provisions. A Cecei. I);s.irroiNTJiEXT. The accomplished and devoted wife of Capt. Page, of the Un.fcd States Army, as footi as she heard of the terrible wound received by him in the battle of Palo Alto, left the luxuries of home and relatives to hasten to the bedside of her battle scathed husband. She reached I'cw Orleans about two weeks ago, having travelled more than a thousand miles without pausing for an hour's rest. At this place she embarked in ti:c Alabama for Toint Isabel. : That vessel was despatched to Mobile for volunteers, where, owing to some dtfiiculty about the lr rm of cnlUtmcnt, she was'iMainc'd a week. At the expiration of this time, the Alabama returned to New Orleans, and only set sail for the Kio Grande last Friday ; yesterday Capt. Page arrived in this city just about the time .Mrs. Tage reached Point Isabel. It was feared, whiKt she was here, that she might pass Capt. Pagcon the voyage; but no persuasions could induce her to fjrego an opportunity of speeding to his relief. Her spirit was disturbed by the reflect tion that Lcr bleeding l.uba!id might need her help, and like a dove that secketh its mother's nest, she would not be stayed. Sne has learned ere now thathe object of her care was not where she sought it; but the wings of love arc not easily wearied. Picayune. .Anecdotes of the Wk. When General Amrudia, miscalled "brave," was crossing the Ilio Grande iu his retreat, on the evening of the Dth of .May, from Ucsaca tie la Palma in an open boat and by the way. he was the first that did cross Padre Lera, priest f Caniargot on horseback, dashed in behind hun. His reverence lost his balance and was precipitated into the river, when, nddresshig the brave General, he exclaimed, " Help me general help me or I drown !" "Drown and be d d!M paid the General, "don't yem see those Yankee yelling hellhounds close behind us !" This is the literal interpretation of the Gencrars pious reply. Another anecdote i, that when he reached Matamoras in his retreat from Ilcsaca de la Palma, a beautiful Senora of the city was the first he met. " My men, madam," he said, speaking of course in his vernacular, "my men have all Hod from the field! ' "Senor," she said, drooping lirr heavy fringed eyelids " Senor, yourself, 1 should judge did not remain long behind Utcm." Volunteering. It was rumored that some of the volunteers who went to Fort Leavenworth did not find volunteering what it was cracked up to be. When their rations were issued to them in the morning, some of them ate or wasted at breakfast the ration for the whole day, and were much eurprised that they had to go hungry at dinner and supper. Put a little hungry experience taught them more economy. Some of them were terribly surprised that their food was not cooked for them, and swore they would starve before they would cook; but a few weeks service will teach them the fashionable accomplishment of cooking. One young man who had been a clerk in a mercantile, house in this city, was found driving a cart from the river to f ' c Fort, and was not altogether pleased that he nad been put at such work ; but he will probably be benefited by learning the useful business of ox-driving. A portion of the volunteers were dissatisfied, but would probably soon become enured to actual service. St. Louis jN.r Era. Cur arcjuisition of Texas, in the- vyay nnd manner it was brought about, offended the. whole civilized world. X. V. Express. Then the 'whole civilized world' is a very imper tinent world. The annexation of Texas was no business of their. The same world had pronounced Texas an independent nation ; and may not two independent nations unite themselves, without asking peruiisslen of others ! The whole civilized world' had better mind its own business ; or, if it must exercise its philanthropic propensities, let it exercise them upon India, where the .British soldiery are invading independent territories and murdering unoffending Sikhs by tho ten thousand. For the'succcss of these brutal butcheries, the Archbishop composes a prayer of thanksgiving to be said in all the churches, ilut we hear no objection to this from 'the whole civilized world. B)stcn Courier. Veuv Good. At a dinner given at JIatatnoras, lo lhe Committee- of the Louisiana Legislature, Lieut. Britton, of tho, 7th infantry, said that a very brave soldier in the ranks-Was in the habit of drinking too much. His Colonel remonstrated with iiim "Tom, you are a bold fellow and a good soldier, but yon will get drunk." " Colonel," replied Tom, " how can you expect all the virtues of the human character combined for seven dollars a montii I" He proposed the health and promotion of the gallant Tom. Fightixs Latin. In tho battle of the 9Ji of May, when the success of our arms depended on our dislodging the enemy's battery which swept along the road with fatal--effect, Gen. Taylor hastened to Capt. May and told him, "I request you, 6ir, to take that battery." "It shall be done, sir," was the reply. "Remember!" added the General, "you must take it, nolu's-Tolus .'" Away galloped the gallant dragoons, captured the battery, and returned with Gen. Vega, as their prisoner. , - 07-The Canadian editors are something like that particular friend of William Patterson, who expressed such anxiety to know who struck himl - They would not believe that our gallant little army could whip the flower -of the Mexican forces, but ; being at length convinced of the fact, they coolly rejoin : " Well, we must say they did jt d n well." Slgak In Disg-Uise. The examination of the syrup recently imported into New York as molasses, on West India account, has resulted in proving it to contain from 5T;1 to 59.J per 'cent, of cane or granular swgar The specific gravity was from l,:5(i0 to 1,3(A. -flic result of the investigation is, that sugar has thus been introduced in disguise at a duty of 41 mills per lb., whereas the tariff imposes a duty of two cents and a Laif per pound ! ExraRTs to London. The ship Herman, Captain Charles, Welsh, cleared at this port on the 3:Hli tilt, by.'" Robert .Leslie, Lsq., owner, with the following caro, viz: 3,Wl barrels of flour: 131 bags of corn; 8 bas of peas; f bags of buckwheat; 2ÜUU hams iu hao-s"; 0 tons sassafras root ; IVO sides of leather, &c. "Baltimore American. Botton has lrerctofore had separate schools for her colored population. Lately it has been proposed to send white' and black to the 6amc schools. The proposition failed in the primary school committee by a vote of fifty-nine to sixteen. The Nantmkct Warder say?, a child was born in that town on Monday week, with two perfect beads united to a well formed txxly. The prodigy survived its birth but a few minutes.

UlPOItTAXT I'KO.U MEXICO, v More IJevcliitious. New Orleans papers of tho 21th June contain advices from Vera Cruz to lhe Sib. The following particulars of the revolution in the Departrr ent of Jalisco, on the Pacific, in which are situateJ the towns of Guada!axra and Tfpic are deiived from the Vera Crux Locomotor of lhat date. TllC CCWS of Tfp'lC and Mazitlan having pronounced gainst the government, was received by a former rriTII. 'l he last-mentioned town is in the Department of Siualoa, which adjoins Jalisco on the North. The revolution commenced on the morning of tne 0lu May in the city of (Juadalaxara. The battalion of Logos, followed by other bodies of military and by the enthusiastic populace, attacked tho Palace cf the Governor. The assault of the insurgents was eo prompt, that the guard had only time to make one discharge, by which ona man was killed and ore wounded. Some of the defenders recognized friends among the assailants, and refused to fire. The disiffection then became general, and some of the government troops were arrested to save them from the fory of the insurgents. Some skirmishing ensued and preparations were making for a general engagement, General Dugue, who had taken command of lhe government troops, proposed a parley. This was agreed to, and the result of the dctileration was that lhe troops under Gen. Dugue should I allowed to retire wilh the honors of war, by a route designated by ihem, directly to the city of Mexico. Provisions were given them, and they were allowed till the 22J to prepare for their departure. Don Jose Maria Tant z was at the bead of the insurrection. A formal declaration was drawn up by the insurgents proclaiming Santa Anna their chief, ar.d declaring that a new Co gress should be summoned to be elected by the people, according to the electoral laws of 1834, to form a new consiitution, in which the monarchical principle is to be excluded. It also piovjdcs that the Congress should meet four months after the liberating army shall gain possession of the capitol. Don Juan Camplido is recognised as provisional Governor of the Department, and his oath include ihe repulsing of the infamous usurpation of lhe Americans. Tue Latest I box Yicatax. Lsgurta dates to the 1 9ih hid ttecn received at New Orleans by bark Tarquin, on the 16th. Com. Ingraham, of the U. S. brig Somers, received dispatches from the Yucatan Congress, proclaiming their neutrality in the pending war. The Somers sailed the same evening for Vera Cruz. Guadalaxara is lhe second city in Mexico, and con tains a population of about CO, 000. It is situated 240 miles N. W. from the city of Mexico, and about half that distance from the Pacific. The department of Jalisco, in which it is situated, contains a population of 800,000. The revclution is evidently tucces. ful in lhat quarter, and as most ef the disposable troi ps of the government are cither at Mexico or on the N. Lastern frontier, there is nothing to prevent the movement from extending and gaining strength. The appearance is, that Parcdes is near lhe end of his race.

Yucatan. The Philadelphia Ledger observes that the recent act of Yucatan in declaring entire indejtendence of Mexico and its own nationality and sovereignty, is a measure fraught w ith impoitant results both to Mexico and this country. It clips off another and one of the best of the Mexican States from the central government, and it is considered highly probable that Tobasco and Chiapa will follow the example and the three form a separate confederation. The national flag has been adopted, bearing three stars, probably in anticipation of this event, and the new banner has already been displayed in our waters at New Orleans. At the breaking out of the war with .Mexico, our government exempted Yucatan from blockade, because of its attitude towards the central government, whose authority it had thrown off, and of its supposed friendly feeling towards the government of the United Slates. It has since shown ils appreciation of. this friendly disposition on the part of our government, by rejecting all the offers of reconciliation made by the central government, and announcing its entire independence, nationality and sovereignty. The New Orleans l'ulletin gives the following interesting account of the people of that country, which shows the superiority of the Yucatecos to the Mexicans generally, which would be inferred from their early resistance of the exactions of the government, and their determination to support a government of their own. "The people of Y'ucatan are intelligent, but little distracted by parties, and have been almost entirely free from the civil commotions with which Mexico has been wasted. Hence, they have habits ot order, stability and self-government, requisite for a constitutional, republican State. They arc affable, courteous, and hospitable to a degree. The climato of the peninsula is represented to be very pleasant, and in most parts salubrious. Formerly the country was represented to be very fertile, but its productiveness was no doubt exaggerated. In the interior there is great lack of water, no river of magnitude being found in the whole country. It admits, however, of the culture of maize, rice, the sugar cane, cotton, pepper, tobacco and cochineal. It also exports dyewoods, hides, soap, and the Sisal hemp. CampeacLy has been a mart of considerable trade, and might again DO be revived. The peninsula has been the scat of a populous and flourishing empire the remains of ancient grandeur as the ruins of walled towns, palaces and religious temples abounding as much as in any part of the new world. The population of Y'ucatan is now estimated at about half a million. The territory is compact and nearly isolated, one side being washed by the Gulf of Mexico, and the other by the Carribbean Sea. We hope the new State will receive every proper recognition and encouragement fromxur government, and flourish under its Three Slurs till it voluntarily proposes to reset them in the great constellation of the Union." Total Daekxess A Sublime Seectaclo. Sagua La Grande, on the Island cf Cuba, was the only place where total darkness was produced by the eclipse cf the Sun on the ÜJth May. A letter from that place to the N. Y. Sun, communicates the observations of Dr. Styles: The eclipse commenced at Oh. 42m. 0s. A. M.f :-ky clear, Fahrenheit's thermometer at CO deg. As the time of total darknt.-s approached, all animated nature gave sigr,3 of appaching night, man only excepted. lie of course repaired to the most favorable point3 of observation ; but the gala day amusements which usually accompany a general turn out here, were wanting on this occasion. The hiliarity and mirlh of our gay Dons and Scnoras gave place to indications of chastened feelings and emotions of awe to this sublime evidence of Almighty Tower. The slaves abandoned their occupations, and iu many cases they might be seen on their knees, worshipping our great Creator. Nor were they alone in this. Few could so far forget their dependence on God in the thick darkness which surrounded us at tnid-day, as to refuse to worship and adore Hiin. The darkness came upon us gradually, and seventeen minutes past eleven, the sun was totally obscured ! There stood the moon, covering the w hole face of the sun, and presenting the appearance of a great black ball in the heavens, with rays of light diverging from behind it. The rays gave out a pale aurora-like reflection upon the earth, resembling that cast by the moon when half full. This lasted only fifty seconds, and at half past twelve the eclipse ended. There was no perceptible change in the thermometer. A few scientific gentlemen from London and Paris, sent out by their respective governments, came here to take observations, and have been highly pleased with tho result, the day being altogether favorable. They had all the necessary instruments with them, and will, no doult, publish an interesting statement to the scientific world. Leginning of ec lipse, Leginning of darkness, End of darkness, End of eclipse, Duration of darkness, Duration of eclipse, Oh. 42m. 0s. A. M. 11 17 00 11 0 0 3 13 0 IS ID IM P. M. 00 Fahrenheit's thermometer at commencement, 19 degrees, without any perceptible change during the eclipse, after which, however, it continued to rise for some hours. The steamer Missouri, with one barge, left St. Louis on the 9lh inst. with about twenty-two hundred and thirty tons of freight, including two hundred and twenty-three head of cattle. This is the largest cargo ever taken down the Mississippi. Dividends in Massachusetts. It has been estimated that a million of dollars will be payable in dividends upon Massachusetts manufacturing and railroad coporation stock on and after July 1st. The remains of Ganscvoort Melville, Esej,, late Secretary of Legation at London, arrived by the Prince Albert at New York, on last Friday, and have been conveyed lo Albany.