Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 40, Indianapolis, Marion County, 7 March 1864 — Page 1

r J. J I vol. xxiii, m 40. INDIANAPOLIS, IND., MONDAY, MARCH 7, 1864. WHOLE NO. 1,280

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WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL, - mm ub rnuwip inu rnunii at ni . XEWSEXTIIVEL OFFICE, KO. 11 and 13 SOCTH XERIDIA" STBEET, (coukb or rsaL (run.) ' , ELDER, BARENESS k BLNGIIAM,

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All subscriptions invariably in advance. Address ELDER HARKNESS, 9 BINGHAM. $ecein at the Nortis.' Mr. Tkrhcse, of the 31st Indian. Volunteers, addresses a note to the editor of the Indiana State Journal, which he pronounce an -'invaluable paper," inquiring whether in the fall ol lfcCO it bad not stated that "if any Slat wished to accede, no man north of Mason and Dixon's line would say a word against it?' The Journal in response says that "a number of Democratic papers and speakers hare tried to interpose misrepresentation of our (its) views and misquotations of our (it?) language in regard to secessiou," ai:d theu puta in the following justi Scatiou of its course in lfcfGO-Cl: "When South Carolina seceded and some four or five other States followed, we said "that it those States would submit their case to the Union, and after a full and fair bearing of all sides, they were still resolved to go, we for one would vote to let them go.' But submission to the authority of the Union, and the permission of the Union for their separation, we made indispensable. In this view very maoy of the ablest - Republican papers of the time concurred. They believed that a war to compel submission would cost more than the seceding Stales were worth, and if let alone to make and mauage a costly national government they would toon increase taxes aud troubles to such an extent that the, peaple would force them back into the Union upon our own terms." The fact is the Journal did use the language and sentiment quoted by Mr. Tuhiji, and without the qualification that it now tut it made when advocating the right of secession in IS6'J. In its issue or Nov. 13ih, lfc60 the Journal siid : " They (referring to the secessionists) know very well that if they are determined to leave the Union, no Ilepublicau will care to hive them stay. A Union preserved only by intimidation and force is a mockery, and it is better broken than whole. If South Carolina and her associates in folly really want to leave the Union, tbey can fro without a word of objection from any man north of Mason and Dixon's line. Let all go who want to, we say, and let them go quietly, build up a new Government it they can, and when they find that it wont pay let thein come back on the old terms, kc." On the 15th of November following, reterring to the secession of South Carolina: "There will be no collision of hostile force anlese she makes it, for the people of the North will never raise or use an army to force any State to stay in the Union. "Coercion, we regard out of the question in any case." On the 19th of November, the same paper said: "We can imagine no evil equal to an American civil war. The separation of the whole Confederacy into independent nations would be harmless beside it." On the 23th of November, in discussing cession ane coercion," it remarked: We deem it superfluous to argue that a popuUe government can nerer be preserved by force Tbe act of compulsion chances it to a despotism, 0 far as the parties a ffbeted by it are concerned." , It theo proceeds as follows: "I each an Union worth preserving? We say no. Practically, then, coercion costs us a great deal and gives us nothing. Theoretically itco-U a still more, for it costs us oar consistency. 5 erst ion i$ revolution." - And now comes its justification of secession, or revolution, for it regards both theae terms as expressing the same idea. Says tbe Journal: We having established our government by revolution, or tbe right of a people at any time to change a government which is oppressive to them, cannot deny that right to those who deliberately declare oer 'goveroaneiit oppressive. What we claimed as our right we cannot deny to those who claim it of us, and helped us assert our claim at the outset. They may be mistaken. In our judgment they are fatally mistaken, but we cannot judge for them whether the Federal Oovemmeut is too oppressive for endurance any more than England could jude fr us. We know how ehxiuentlv tnty be urped the 'glory ot this great country' and 'the Union cemented by the blood of our fathers, but it is all wasted beside the one plain simple fact that if any state in this Union feels the Union to be injurious and oppressive, a civil war eannot change Iter opinion! in fact it is not calculated to change it,-a no if she tcul not slat io tbe Union, it will be cheaper and better to let ber go." We coul4 quote much more of the same sort. but the extracts we have copied are sufficient "to show that the South was made to believe that the North were equally anxious for a dissolution of the Union, (at least so far as the Republican party was concerned) and the Southern States adopted the trd'once of reception under the im pression that they would be allowed to go "In peace," using the language of Mr. . Tianos These arguments were not confined to the Jour nal, but similar arguments and expressions of sentiment were found In the most prominent Republican papers of the couulry. No disunionlit in the South ever made a stronger case in favor of secession or a division of the Union, than the leading Republican prints of (be North from November 186) to April lr6l,and could the Southern people in favor of division receive any other impression than that the party then coming to power would be wiiungto permit all the dissat isfied States go in peace? If the positions of the Journal and its co-Toborers were right in 1EC0, And it or they hare never made the effort to con-

trovert them, certain lj their course now in adTocatinjp different policy only show that they are false to (heir deliberately expressed convictions of right and duty. And with what grace do charges of "disloyalty" com from auch a a source?"

. Tbe Position of the Democracy. . The Journal is exceedingly anxious to make a platform for the Democracy, and, using its stereotype phrase, it charges "disloyalty" upon the members generally of that organization. "True loyalty," it says, ' eannot mingle with disloyalty in the same organization " What is "true loyalty"? Iu a republican government, can it be any thing else but fidelity to tbe Constitution, its organic law? We can conceive of no other idea of "true loyalty" but that. Accepting that defin ition of the term as the only just standard by which the loyally of the citizen or a political organization can be Judged, we challenge theRepublican organ to fix the charge of disloyalty upon those who adhere to tbe Democratic party, individually or collectively. Fealty to the principles or policy of a party in power is no test of patriotism, or loyalty to (he government. If it was, there are but ' few of tbe prominent members of the Republican," ' or so-called "Union" party, but may be justly charged with "disloyalty" to the Government. The policy of the administrations under Jack box, Vax Beat. Polk and Bcchaxax were most bitterly and violently denounced by the leading members of the party now in power. If to question the wisdom of the measures of an Administration, or to criticise its acts, can be regarded as "disloyalty" to the Government, who in tbe Republican ranks is guiltless of thatcrime? The war with Mexico was pronounced unjust by the men who now give direction to public ufl'iirs, and this opposition gave "aid and comfort" to the Mexicans; but who questioned tbe right of the opposition then to freely canvass the m ensures of the party iu power? Was Chatham "disloyal" to the British Government in denouncing the war with the American Colonies as unwise and unnecessary? Yet, according to the Republican interpretation of loyalty, Chatham should have been regarded as a traitor for standing by the right and opposing a policy which he wisely foresaw was detrimental to the truejnterests of his Government. Then, as now, it required moral courage to stand by the rifht. That great English statesman would have been f.il?e to his Government if he had not boldly and manfully, as he did, oppose the measures of tbe Crown towards the American Colonies, although in rebellion. The present Administration is intensely partisan. Its policy is partisan not only in tbe conduct of the war but in all governmental measures. Can it be expected that those who entertain opposite views ns to the best means of preserving the Government and promoting its welfare, should surrender their convictions at the bidding of their political oppo nents? In that only are the Democracy "disloyal," and they would have proved false to principle and to their own manhood if they yield ed their convictions of right and duty in this lourof the nation's peril. What the Journal denomlna's the "worn out cries of abolitionism, Negro Equality, State Rights," etc, are now practical issues. The present troubles of the country are the results of fanitical abolitionism the attempt to force a ectional policy regardless of the rights and in terests of the diffVrent sections. But a short time ago tbe party now in power conceded that the States had the exclusive control of slavery within their limits "lh it slavery i local. and cannot exit without local laus." " And it only proposed to invoke the help of Congress to prevent its extension into the ter ri tori es. Now abolitionism seeks to force a sectional policy upon not only the States in re bellion, but also upon those loyal to the Gor ernment. It goes beyond this. The policy is to make the negro equal at least to the white man so far as political rights dJ privileges are concerned, and many advocate amalgamation as the be?t means of abolishing the di-tinctiou be tween the races. We only refer to these facts to show that what the Journal terms the worn out cries of "abolitionism" and "negro equality," which the Republican p-ry an earnest ly repudiated but a short lime ago, hare become a part of its political creed, and they are measures which cannot be regarded as anr less objectionable now by those who have alwsys op posed them than heretofore. Llbertf of opinion. The Republicans of Franklin county, at a recent convention held to appoint delegates to the "Union" State Convention, unanimously adopted the following resolution: Resolved, That while we are iu favor of extend ing to every one the greatest liberty of differing with us and the Administration on questions of national policy, yet we are as much as ever opposed to the dangerous' dextrine of the right of secession, and will, during the coining campaign, as well an at other times, oppose the enemies of our country wherever found. If this is an honest ext-ression of sentiment. the Administration party of Franklin county has displayed more wisdom and regard for constitu tional liberty than has yet appeared from their political associates elsewhere. All the Democracy ask is the liberty of differing, and expressing that difference of opinion, "on questions of national policy," and a free and pure ballot box to record that verdict and give it vitabty under the provisions of the Constitution. Tbe Democracy have no purpose but to maintain a constitutional government, pure and free, securing to every citizen those personal rights which the Constitution guarantees, and the only question that should be at iue is the best way (0 maintain and perpetuate civil and religious liberty. With the Administration party of Franklin county, the Democracy stand ready to "oppose the enemies of our country wherever found." If the coining political cimpaigu is conducted in tbe spirit of the lesolution we have quoted, it will be divested of all bitterness and the only effort, so far as the Democracy is concerned, will be to demonstrate the best policy to relieve the country of its present difficulties and restore the unity of the nation upon an enduring basis. Let there be a full and free discussion of tb-3 important issues and questions now before the nation and a fair expression at the b illot box, then there will be but little, if any, doubt, that the Ship of Slate will safely weather the storm which now threatens to enulph her. Amending the Constitution The great Gr.otoz Washixotox, whose birth day has jost been celebrated thronghont the country wttrt unaonted enthusiasm, spoke as fol lows in his farewell address: "Towards the preservation of yo.r Oovern ment, snd the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only th it vou speedily discountenance irregular opiosition to its ac knowledged authority, bat also that yon resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious ths pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forme of the Constitution, alterations which impair the energy Of the svstem and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown." '

- .. From lbs yew York Jonrnsl of Commerce. . ; A Page of History. There' no passage in history which is more deeply interesting, none on which the pen of thr historian will dwell with more eloquence, than that which relates to the condition of the United States, its army and its capitol. ou the lastday of August, 16G2 The report of General Jt. Clellan now lor the first time collects aud makes clear tbe various incidents which are to fill this im porta r.t paee in our national record. We regret that the Congressional edition, the- Rebellion Record edition, snd other cheap editions uf the Report, are incomplete and inaccurate, omitting entirely some portions which present the most interesting and important view of the relations of General M'sCIellau to the Cabinet, the army and the country. The edition published under "Gen. UcClellnn's authority is accurate. Tbe omission was doubtless unintentional, some pages of copy having fallen from a compositor's desk, or been mislaid, in the Government printing office, and tbe re-printers who hare followed that edition hare produced imperfect copies. Gen-. ilcCle'.lan was not at that time remored from the comm ind of tbe army, but the army was remored from his command br an ingenious derice of the War Department. He was treated with contemptuojs indifference by Gen. Ualleck. When ordered to abandon the Peniusula he was so auxious for an iotervtew with Gen. Halleck, and a free consultation, that be proceeded from Harrison's Bar to the nearest telegraph station, and tliere finding that the wire were brokeer-un der water, he crossed Chesapeake Bay, arriving at Cherry Stone Inlet, on the east shore, about midnight. He immediately telegraphed to Wnshington, informing Gen. Halleck that he had come all this distance to consult with him. and request ed him to come to the War Department end of the wire. Gen. Halleck came, and sent a brief and somewhat ill humored reply. While Gen. JJcClellnn was deciphering this reply, (it was in their private cipher,) the operator informed him that Gen. Halleck had left the Washington office without so much as saying good nmlit. and that further telegraphing was useless ! Gen. McClell.in returned to his army, brought it awny from the scene of its noble exploits, stood himself, last mn of all, on the deserted ground, and left the Peninsula with the cutirictiou that a great error was in progres at Washington At Fort Monroe he wrote a dispatch to Gen. H tlleck, mournfully eloquent, speaking of the services of his brave ariuv, and begging Halleck to recognize them. Hesnid: "Please say a kind word to my army, that I can report to them in general orders in regard to their conduct at Yorktown, Williamsburg. West Point, H mover Court House, and on the Chickahorniny, as well s in regard to the seven d its and the recent retreat. No one lias ever said anything to cheer them, but myself. Say nothing about me. Merely give my men and officers credit for what they have done. It will do you much good and will strengthen you much with them if you issue a handsome order to them in regard to what they have accomplished. They deserve it." Verily they did deserve it. They were an army of heroes brought borne from fields of as C4lUnt fighting ns the world ever stw. But there was no reply to the request of their General. They received no kind word, no cheer, no iharks. They were hurried home, to be hurled into the jiws of denth under a commmdar selected to displace the general who had hitherto shared their fortunes. McClellan ca.ne to Alexandria. What was his position and relation to the army? He hiniH-.lf did not know. The process of depriving him of his command was going forward. Pope's Army of Virginia absorbed the Army of the Potomac. For seven dnys. lhat noble army disappears from history. It had no existence. McCidlau was left at Alexandria, still the cm nianding general of the Army of the Potomac, but there is un eloquence which every heart must teel in his simple narrative of what remained to Iii m of his.once magnificent command. Less

than one hundred men, many of these invalid4 and wounded men, were the sole representatives of the Army of the Potomnc! So (irand is the contrast which this nirrative affords between the d ya which preceded and those which followed the last of August, that it may by 60me be suspected as intentiotiaUhat the narrative is omitted from the incomplete editions of the Report. But we prefer to regiird it as accidental, especially io view of other and. numerous errors which occur in the s.i me editions The secret history -of political maneuvering at Wn'liintou, Hi lliis time, would, if nude public, ex(l:iiit the whole resp-xisibiliiy lor tbe disastrous campaign of Pope. The bluo 1 of our thousands lost on the fatal plains of Manages U chargeable directly on the intiignes of Washington pjliti cians of the radrcal pity, who only desired to remove McClellan from the public view, because they feated that the splendor ol his genius, the devotion of his army, tfe nobleness ot his char ter, mi.nht bring him before the people ss a tit man to lead the whole nation through wir to eace and union under the Constitution. For this, they intrigued, mid, they have wasted thousands 011 thousands of yotin live- poured out on fruitless battle fields. Aud some of this secret history may be recovered from a close examination of the dispatches and orders issued at Washington between the 29th August and the 21 Sep tember, Iffiy. Five days brief time, but filled with great events. The politician had succeeded. McClellan was debased und disgraced. He aska Halleck for specific orders as to what he is to do at Alexandria. Halleck replies, giving general orders and finding fault. "Ammunition, and particularly for artillery, must bj immediate lv Hent forward to Centreville, tor General Pope. It must be done with ail possible dispatch," telegraphs Halleck, at 1:45 o'clock on the 30ih. McClellan replies at 2:10 "I know nothing of the caliber of Pope's artillery. All 1 can do is to direct my ordnance officer to loud nil wagons sent to him." Hnllcck finds fault that Fianklin was not sooner sent forward. McClellan replies that Franklin h id no transportation and finally marched without wagons, and of course without amc'i.Miition t subsidence. Then McClellan sends a dispatch, which will be memorable in nil future times: "I cannot express to you the pain nnd mortification 1 bare experienced to day iu listening to the distant sound of the firing of my men. As I can be of no further uehere,I respectfully ask that, if there is a probability of the conflict being renewed to morrow, 1 may be permitted to go to the scene of battle with my Ftaff, merely to be with my own men, if nothing more; tlier will fight none the worse for my being with them. If it is not deemed best to intrust me with the command even of my own urmy, I simply ask to be permitted to share their fae :n the bold of battle. Please reply to this to night " No sleep th it lot g night in the little canrp at Alexandria r.verv moment thev expected the answer permit : inj: liieiu to share the fate of the army a fate which all the wisest soldiers were looking to with the most solemn apprehensions. But no answer came. Hot even the common courtesy of a reply was given, till the next day came Halleck s cold dispatch: "I cannot answer without seeing the" President, Geo. Pope is in command, by his orders, of the departmeu'. It was too much trouble for an v one iu Gen Hulleck's office to send to the President the night before, or even that morning, ami say: "The f ile of the nation hang iu the balance; McClel lan asks leave to go to (he held as a volunteer may he go?" But the insults were not yet ended. The same day, the 31s. of August, Gen. Halleck telegraphs McClellan:. "As many as possible of the new regiments rhould be prepared to take (he held. Perhaps some more should be sent to the vicinity of Chain Uridge." .. McClellan replies that it is General Casey's province to attend to the new regiment, and Gen. Parnard's to order others to Chain Bridge. "By the War Department order I have no right to give them orders. Here was one of those very common Washington complications under tha present management. "I have ixWVseen the or der," replies Halleck. It was the lat insnlt of the War Department, that order, devised In the same spirit which a few weeks later dictated the order sending the victor of Soulh Mountaiu and A ntietam to report at Trenton. The order was decisive. "Gen. McClellan commands that por tion of the Army of the Potomac that his not been sent forward to Gen. Popes commind. How they müit bare chuckled at the War De partme; t ovr the keen wit of this order. It w as issued on (he afternoon of August 30th, and af ter tbe receipt from Geu McClellan of bis dis patch of .2.1(1 Y, M., saying:, "I have no sharp shooters except the guard around my camp. . I have sent off every man but those, and will now send them with the train as

you direct. I al l also send my only remaining Kquadron of cavalry with General Sumner. 1 can do no more. T"1 bow have every man of the Army of the Potomac who is within my reach."-' ' -. ' " i Certainly it was sharp satire, rery keen end bitirg wit, which dictated, after that last sentence, the words fcf the order; "General McClallan commands that portion of the Army of tbe Potomac that has not been pent forward"! But the morning Of the 31st brought to Washington some startling intelligence. Halleck had been for four days busy reducing McClellan's position, neglecting arid even insulting him. The President and Secretary of War had yielded to the radical politicians who were bounding the young general; Snd on the evening of the 30th, when the War Department issued its order, Washington radicalism was jubilant, and all believed that there was truth in Pope' dispatches, and that he was sweeping the rebel array with the besom of destruction. McClellan was down, and a great victory won by Pope. Men who were in Washington that night will remember the triumph of the radical faction. But tbe next day a change came over the spirit of the radical dream. Halleck telegraphs McClellan that he had not seen the order, and he evidently begins to think that possibly they have been a little too fast in Washington, The news from Pope is not rose colored to day. ' McClellan begins to loom up again to day in the minds of the managers. "You will retain command of everything in this vicinity wet temporarily belonging to Pope's army In the field 1 beg of you to assist me in this crisis with your ability and experience. I nm entirely tired ont." So says Gen. Halleck at 10:7 P.M. on the 31st. Well he might be tired. The experiment had failed. The whole plan of abandoning the Peninsular campaign and disgracing McClellan was proving a disastrous failure. The "ability and experience" of McClellan was now worth thinking of once more. At half past eleven that night McClellan telegraphs Halleck that Pope is defeated, the road filled with wagons and stragglers coming toward Alexandria, that Pope's right is entirely exposed and that he fs?ars the gravest consequences. He adds "To speak frankly and the occasion requires it there appears to be a total absence of brains, and I fear the total destruction of the army." "I shali be up all night," says McClellan from Alexandria. "I shall be up all night," Says Halleck from Washington. It wg a fearful night The morning brought truth from Pope's army and wisdom to the heads iu Washington. McClellan is sent for. AH day disastrous intelligence comes in. McClellan is ordered to take command of the defences of Washington, but his orders are limited. They do not yet dare to face the indignation of the radical politicians, who would have seen Washington destroyed rather than McClellan restored. But the morning of the 2d leaves-thein in doubt no longer. The hope of the nation hangs on the man they had disgraced and ridiculed on the 30th. The President and OPDfral Halleck seek McClellan at his house aud "commit everything" to his hands, dirt-ting him to go out ami meet the returning army. The crossing of the Totomac that day by McClellan is a scene for long .remembrance. The shouts that went over the 'hills, tbe exultation of men who had regarded themselves as doom ed, but who now welcomed orders, w isdom, gen ius, " ability and txperience," all which they had proved and known this has been described and recorded. How the general took the shattered army.restoroJ its morale', led it into Maryland, and in fourteen da) s won the victories of South Mountain and Antielam; how Halleck complained of his slow march to South Mountain, and radicals everywhere growled sullenly over the salvation of the capital by McClellan this is already, history.

Itcvolullon ol the Connecticut Democratic Mate Convention The following are the resolutions unanimous ly adopted by the conservative men of Connecticut: Rtsohed, That the principles heretofore enun ciatad by the Democracy of this State, in convention assembled, IVitlii'ull v discriminate t'etween the respective powers of the Slate Governments and those con fcrred upon the Federal Govern ment; and we do solemnly reaffirm the same, confident! v relying upon iheir f uiireinacv for the safety and prosperity of the country, and the per petuity ot us institutions. liesolofd, 1 h it as the Constitution has been the only guide ami light of the Democratic party in all times past, we now recognize iu war, as in peace, no other standard by which to judeof measures, and no other guide and light for our political action. lietolrea, that it Is the grand mission of the Democracy to restore the country to its former condition the Constitution to Its rightful supre macy the cnnalitv of the States under it -their right of supreme local legislation in their domestic concerns the freedom of tiiounht the freedom of speech the freedom of the press the freedom of popular suffrage tensions freedom the right of private judgment the .right of personal liberty, oith its necessarjr concomitant, the writ of habeas coipus the inviolable rights ol private property under State laws the independence of the ju:ik-iry the rieht of trial by jury the right of the civil authority to hold the military in strict subordination rights which have been wantonly violated by the present Administration, and the intelligence of the people thereby insulted aud their judgment outraged. llrtolvrJ, As the deliberate opinion of this convention, that the party in power does not in tend to preserve the Constitution which we re cured from our fathers, and is not conducting the present war for that purpose, but for the purpose of revolutionizing tlie domestic institutions of the Southern States, and of establishing a new government, with despotic power, upon the ruins of the old Union. Ketoltrd. That the entire perversion by the abolition Republican party of the object oftfhe present war, as declared by Congress to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution nnd preserve the (Juioii with all the dignity and rights of the several States unimpaired" to a pestilent abolition crusade for the total destruc tion ttf State equality, is an infamous waste of the nation's blood and treasure llesolxHd, That the grand scheme of the present Administration to fill the country with national banking associations to supplant the banks of the several Suites to monopolize the whole paper currency to draw the whole bank ing capita! of the Slates ami the people under the suiHrrvision and control of tbe Treasury De part merit and to concentrate the whole moneyed power of ihe country in tbe bands of the rresi dent is a bold and daring encroachment on tbe well known and universally acknowledged rights of the States; more dangerous even than that great enemy of liberty, a large standing armr. Hrtoitxd, That the gross mismanagement of the war, and the needless expenditure of large sums of money, make the Administration moral It responsible for thousands of lives uselessly sacrificed, and the addition of hundreds of mil lions of dollars to the burdens of the people; and while it is made the interest of the multitude of retainers which the Administration has gathered around it to continue the war and the present ruinous expenditure of tbe public money, no sincere effort will be mado by those in power to bring tins unhappy conntct to a close; and we agree with high Kepublican authority that. should Mr. Lincoln be re elected, not onlr will the dignity and honor of thecountry suffer," but "the war may continue to languish duriug his whole administration, until tbe public debt shall become a burden too great to be borne. Rttolwd, That tho cause of free institutions awd sell government must never be abandoned. whatever may be the cost of time, treasure and blood; that while the Constitution of the United States gives power sufficient even for the present terrible exigener, yet in Its letter and snirit it deprecates confiscation of property, political exe cution of persons, territorial organization of States, and forcible abolition of slavery. RttoUtd, That the gallant soldiers who have lacrificcd the comforts of home for the hardships and dancers of the 6M, to preserve the institu tions established by Washington and nis com patriots', are entitled to the solicitous care of the Government; and we pledge to them our best efforts to promote their welfare ana secure lui justice to them on all occasions. ... w..a i. m., i tSST"Say, Pomp, where you get dat new hat?" Why. at de Shop, of course.", " What is do price , ob such an article aa dat ?". " I don't know nigger : fAe thopketptr tcatn't dar."

Tb Jtesulte ! the Kadlcal Fotlcf, If Successful. A cotemporary thus illustrates tbe probable results of the radical schemes in the conduct of tbe war and the management of public affairs, if they should be successfully carried out. Tbe facts presented are worthy of consideration by all candid men who are sincerely desirous of promoting the true interests of the uation: We do not hesitate to affirm that the policy of the Administration carried out in tbe Southern Sutes, would annihilate Southern productions for all the purposes of commerce, and reduce it at once to tbe minimum for support. This de preciaiiou- would be continually and inevitably increasing. Tbe great staples of the Southcotton, suear, tobacco and rice, are the productions of African labor, and they must continue to be so. But all experience proves that tbe African will not work unless he is made to, and he cannot bo made unless he is a slave. We may alter his condition in some respects and call him tree. If really free, he won't work, except for subsistence. If be does work, it is because some master makes htm, and because, though nominally free, he is really a slave. It follows, that the abolition of African slarery in the South is the abolition of African labor; but that is the abolition of cotton, sugar, tobacco and rice; that is to say, of all those productions of the South which have made its wealth, and have conduced so essentially (being the main elements ot its commerce and manufactures) to the wealth, prosperity and power of the Sörth. - - - In proof that the emancipated African will not work except for bare subsistence, we appeal to facte wherever he has been emancipated. Witness first the exports of St. Domingo In 179, just prior to emancipation compared with those in le26, some thirty years after that event : . 1789. 1626. Sogar, lb 163.405 220 32.864 Coffee, lb 68.151.180 32,19 784 Cotton, lb. ....I... 6,26.126 620,a72 Now, St Domingo produces no sugar, and actually imports the little it uses. . Its principle ex ports are coffee and logwood, the coffee being gathered wild from the mountains, or from the old abandoned French plantations ; and the log wood indigenous to theistiind; is to be hadjsimply for the labor of felling the trees. Thus cultivation has ceased in St. Domingo, as to all articles of exports. In the year 1600, with slave Africuu labor, the "West Indies exported 17,000,(100 pounds of cot ton; the United States, 17,7c9,803 pounds. In 184U, the West Indies (free African labor) ex noited 666,157 pounds of cotton; the United States (slave labr,) 713,941,061 pounds. Wituess Jamaica. The value of its exports in lBUUand 1S10, some twenty years before eman cipation, aud in 1853 and lt-54, some twenty years after emancipation. Years. Val of Exports. lBt)7 3,033 234 1H1Ü 2,303,579 1853 837.27G 1854.. 932,316 While the production of the free West India Islands dwindles to almost nothing with free Alricau labor, from magnificent results with slave labor, we ece the productions of slave labor constantly increasing in gtand proportions. Thus the exports of Cuba (slave) in 1826 were valued at f 13,809 ,388,nud in 154 at $31,083.73 1. "The freed West Indian negro," says an English authority, will not till the soil for wages; the free son of the ex slave is as obstinate as bis sire. He will cultivate lands which, he bat not bought for bis own yams, mangoes and plantains. These satisfy his wants; be does not care for yours. Cotton and sugar and coffee and tobacco he cares little for them. He eats his yams and sniegers at 'buckra.' " iloral aud material retrogression has marked and will mark all communities composed of emancipated slaves. There are four millions of slaves in our Southern States. Let the North be assured that their emancipation will annihilate th production of Southern agriculture. Not under the hands of their old masters, still less under the hands of Northern intruders, inexperienced iu the culture peculiar to the South and in the management of the negro, could Southern production be successfully prosecuted? The North is insanely striking to utterly destroy the sourcea of its own prosperity. Never before has such fatuity been witnessed.- The man millions that flowed annually into Northern pockets di rectly and indirectly from Southern sources will be utterly lost by the triumph of the Administration policy in the emancipation of the stares. There were some reason but very little right, some shrewdness but very little conscience, some policy but rcry little honesty, in war upon the South to re lore "the Union as it was. and the Constitution as it is;" but a war of the North upou the South for the abolition of slavery, is the veriest extravagance of suicidal absurdity and wickedne.-a. Such a war can only be conceived nnd prosecuted by God abandoned fools and inadmeu.

New Verk Democratic Sttftto Convention. The New York Deuiocraiic Stale Convention met in Albany on Wednesday last. Hon. Auas J. Pabkkr was chosen President. The committee appointed for that purpose reported the following names as delegates to the National Convention. Delegates at Large Horatio Seymour, Onedia;Deau Richmond, Genesee; Isaac Butts, Mon roe; Augustus Belmont, New York. Alternates Alonao C Paige, Schenectady; Philip W Ens:, New York; Josiah T. Miller, Seneca; Geo. Beech, Greene. PlhTElCT DKLRUATKS. 1st District Jacob Piatt Carl!," Abraham 0. Thompson. 2J John 0 Schuüi tker, Benj. Prince. 3d Saml. D. Morris, Thos. II. Farron. 4th Daniel E Delevan. Henry McMahon. 5th Oswald Ottendorfer, Ignatius Plynn. 6th John Kelly. Henry Hilton. 7th Michael Connolly, Luke F. Cor.ans. 8th John McKe.in, Gideon J. Tucker. 9th Samuel J. Tüdcn, Thomas McSoedon. 10ih Abraham B. Conger, William Radford. 11th Eugene A. Brewtter, Geo. Bennett. 12th Robert A. Andrews, William Chamber lain. f3th Manly B Mattice, Jacob Hardenburg. 14th Amassa J. Parker, N. P. Hinman. 15th James S Thayer, Emerson E. Davis. 16th Jese Gav. Augustus C. llaud. 17th William J. Averill, Darius W. Law rence. 18th Livingston Spraker, David T. Lamb. 19th Alfred Chrk, Sherwood S Merritt. 20th William I Skinner, Levi H. Brown. 21st J. Thomas Spriggs. Asa S. Sherman. 22 i Sidney T. Fairchild. WilUrd Johnson. 23d -Frederick Hvde, John A. Green, Jr. 21th William C." Beardsley, Edwin M. Anderson. 1 25th Benjamin F. Anjel, Henry 0. Checsehro. .... 26h John J. Taylor, Duncan S. Magee. 27th Marshall E. Chainplain, Lamac ' A Ward. . 28tb San ford E. Church, William C. Rowley. 29ih W ashingtoti Hunt. Linus W. Thayer. . 30lh John Ganson, At P. Laning. 31st John C Devereaux, Hiram C. Miner. ' The following resolution was adopted: Rr$oltd, That the delegation to the Demo cratic National Convention, to be appointed, is hereby instructed to enter that Convention as a unit, and act and vote as a unit, in accordance with the will of a majority of the members thereof. And in ease anv of its members shall be appoluted delegate by any other organization, and shall not forthwith, in writing, decline such appointment, his seat shall be regarded as vacaüt, and the delegation shall proceed to fill the same. aa it is hereby also empowered to supply all vacancies by death, absence, resignation or other wise. The Albauy Argus of Friday says; "No new platform was adopted. Thedeclara tion of principles put forth in September last had been universally accepted by the party, and was unassailable by its enemies. No question has arisen since which called for any further decl.ra tion of principles. Alter , years of struggle, in which the most patriotic sacrifices for the country had ennobled a heroic, devotiou to the Constitu tion, the position of the party was risible to all. There still stands the Democracy of New York with the noble and patriotic Gor. Seym rar at its head."

Connecticut Democratic Convention.

The Connecticut Democratic State Conrention met in New Hiven on Wednesday last. Hon. W. W. Eatos. of Hartford, presided. The following State ticket was nominated: For Governor Origen S. Seymour, of Litch field. For Lieutenant Governor Thomas H. Bond, of New Haven. , For Secretary of State James H. Hovt. of Stamford. ' ' For Treasurer Andrew L. Kidston, of New Haven. For Comptroller Lloyd E. Baldwiu. of Wind ham. . . Previous to balloting for Governor, it was an nounced that Hon. Thomas H. Sxtmock declined to be considered a candidate. The delegates from the several Congressional Districts nominated the following gentlemen as delegates at large to the National Convention at Chicago, and the nominations were ratified by the Convention: ' 1 1st District Hon. W. W.' Eaton, of Hart ford. . 2d Chas. R. Ingersoll, of New Haven. -3d Wm. M.Converse, of Franklin. 4th George Taylor, of New Milford. ' ' Tbe delegates from the various counties were also chosen, as follows: Hartford County A. E. Burr, of Hartford. New Haven Nathan A. Baldwin, of Milford. - . New London F. A. Allen, of New London. Fait field W. F. Taylor, of Danbr. Litchfield Roland Hitchcock, of Winchester. Windham F. S. Burgess, of Plain field. Middlesex Isaac Arnold, of Haddam. Tolland C. F. Sumner, of Bolton. Each delegate was empowered to select t substitute. The Democratic Party and Slavery. It has for some time been the cue of the ad versaries of tbe Democratic party to stigmatize it as a pro slavery party, and to excite prejudice against it as the patron and apologist of an institution which is condemned by the civilization ot the age. That this is an unjust imputation- on the Democracy of the northern States, is dem onstrated by the broad and undeniable fact that slavery was abolished in all the Northern States in which it ever existed with the warm approval and hearty concurrence of all tbe people of those States without distinction ot party. No North ern Democrat ever opposed or regretted the abolition of slavery iu the State of his residence. much less ever prODosed or wished its re estab lishment. The head of a family who takes the most careful pains to train up bis own children in the principles of Christian virtue, gives tbe strongest possible evidence of his approval of those principles, even though he may not think it his duty to Interfere with the domestic discipline of bis iufidcl neighbor. If that neighbor happens to be his partner in business, the fact that they are members of the same firm confers npon neither any control over the household of the other, however strongly be may disapprove of its management. But can there be no virtue unless it be of that meddlesome and intrusive kind which violates the sacred right of distinct families, or of distinct communities, to be exempt from the officious and censorious surveillance of neighboring families, or neighboring communi ties? D:ea a man cease to be virtuous because, in addition to other virtues, be practises the dis erect and peace prompting virtue of minding his own business? Besides the great cardinal fad, on which we Insist, that the Northern Democrats have proved iuer aonorrence oi eiavery uj assisting in expelling it from their own States and boiling the doors against its return, they hare expressed public and constant satisfaction at all move ments towards its abolitiou in other States, br the people of those States, and equally decided deprecation of the arrest of such movements br impertiueul outside interference. We could, if necessary, nil our columus to overflowing with citations from the documents, speeches and writing of Democratic etatesrnen, in which it was urged as a strong point against the abolition crusade of the lat thirty years, that it had put back emancipation m the border clave States. Is this a Fpecies of argument to be used by men who approve of slavery and desire its con ti nuance? The pro slavery stigiu.i attempted to be fixed on Northern Democrats is a calumujj'it has always been repelled as a calumny throughout the lit d controversies which have prevailed since Hie annexation of Iexas. Among Southern Democrats the slavery issue was earlv merged in the higher iasue of the right of the States to control their domestic a Hairs, and as it was only by attacks on slavery that this right was assailed, they were led to defend the outpost as if it were the citadel itself, and there by furnished a pretext for the calumny against the Democratic party. But the Democrats of the Nortb. in repelling tbe calumny, have steadily asserted that it was not slavery which they mi.-Vied to uphold, but only the constitutional right of each State to determine for itself (as the Northern Status had done) when it would abolish slavery, or whether it would abolish it at all. The facts we have here stated sre of such general notoriety lhat no person tolerably ac quaiulcd with our political history will be likely to deny them. It only remains to apply tbe principles which underlie them to present issues. I keep in my house a small ucquarium and a few cenary birds, and my neighbor, whose taste difers from mine, is a sntke-fancier. He keeps a oage of poisonous serpents, whose breath in fects the atmosphere of hi ap turnouts aud imimpttirs the health of his family.-1 have no more right to enter his house and killor uncage bis serpents than he bas to enter iune and break my ucquarium. But suppose he has disturbed the peace of tho neighborhood , and committed a homicide upon one of my children ; although I cannot enter his house the officer of the law may, and if 1 am summoned as one of a posse to assist in the arrest and the criminal resists, his snake cage may be broken to pieces in the mrlft, and the life trodden out of the hissing monster, without any grounds of action for trespass. No magistrate could have issued a warrant for killing the serpents; but the officer of the law, once legally in the house, is not responsible for any damage which may incidentally be done in overpowering resistance. Wbe ther it be the noxious snakes or costly porcelain dishes that are destroyed, it is all the same. And so, when our armies are legally within the Southern Sutes for the purpose of overpowering re Bislance, those who make, the resistance have simply to thank themselves whether it is their crop, their commerce, or slavery that is inci tally destroyed Now, so far as we observe any deviation from the principles which w have thus stated in the form of a parable, it consists either in an assumption that because the officer of the law is not responsible for damages necessarily incident to the discharge of his duty, he may therefore do all other damage that he can; or in the contrary assumption, that because the officer had no original right to enter the houe, or kill the snakes, he is obliged to leave them in good health. Neither assumption is admissable. The radicalsargue as though it were tbe duty of the officer when once in the house, to. lay about him and do all the damage in Lis powgr. But he cannot go beyond the necessity of executing the law. Even if the homicide was committed because the man's neighbors quarrelled with bim about his snakes, it by no means follows, as tbe radicals contend, that the snakes must be killed to remove the cause of the homicide and prevent its repetition. Tbe law runs into no such wbimscys. It merely justifies the damage which may be incidentally done in its own execution, and, in this respect, it regards all property alike. . When the South entered upon this war, they deliberately exposed their slave property to the perils and vicissitudes of a military contest, and they must take tbe consequences. Tbe Democratic party of the North steadfastly holds to tbe same principle of non intervention which it has always insisted upon as tbo true constitutional doctrine. As it would not interfere to destroy or cripple slavery, though disapproving it, so neither will it interfere to save slavery from the conse quenres to which its own friends have exposed it N. Y. World. tlfThe editor of the Lafayette Journal is a a bigger ass than there ought to be. He should be rut up into half a dotea medium-sixed asses. Louisuille Journal.

Hon. iVlillarü Fillmore on the IV a r. The following i an extract from tbe eloquent address deliveted by the Hon Millaed FiLLMoae, February 221. upon the occasion of tbe inauguration of the great Central Fair at Buffalo: ' But now, ala?! all this is chanced. Three years of civil war hare desolated the fairest portion of our land loaded the country with an enormous debt, that the sweat of millions yel unborn must be taxed to par; arrayed brother against brother, and father against son in mortal combat; deluged our country w ith fraternal blood whitened our battlefields with the bones of the slain, and darkened the 'sky with ti e pall of mourning. Yet these appalling calamities which as yet have touched our city more lightly than aby other in the land, have imposed upon us new duties, which must be promptly met and generously discharged; and new burdens, which must be patiently and cheerfully borne. We cannot.in our humble capacity, control the events of this desolating war We hear its thunders and matk the track of its desolation, and most meet emergency as best we can, but never despair of the republic. It is no time now to inquire whether it might have qeen avoided. Let those who seek light on this subject read Washington's Forewell Address. Nor are we now to criticise .the conduct of those who control it, awarding praise here and censure there. Tbe impartial historian will do thin when the passions engendered by the strife have cooled, and parti zau prejudice, petty jealousies, , malignant envy, and intriguing, selfish ambition chill be laid in the dust, and it is hoped, buried in oblivion. And much less are we called upon to predict when or bow this war will end. Let those who seek light on this subject read Gen. Jackeon's Farewell Address. But let us hope that an all wise and merciful Providence will incline the hearts of the people. North and Soulh to peace to a lasting peace, with a restored Union, cemented by fraternal affection, under our well tried and glorious Constitution. Nor is this the time or plsce to express an opinion as to tbe policy that ahouid be pursued to reach so desirable au end. But one thing is clear, that much must be forgiven, if not forgotten, on both sides, before this Union can ever be restored; and therefore it is to be hoped that all unnecessary acts of cruelty, or wanton destruction of private property, or insult, or insolence, in triumphing over a fallen foe, should be avoided; for, all such acts only fire the heart of our adversary with resentment and revenge, and thos protract the war, increase its horrors, and leave a sting which will render re-union more difficult, if not impossible. But it must be apparent to all that the first step toward bringing this war to a cloee, is to conquer the rebel army. Any negotiations for peace before this is done would prove abortive; and any professed clemency to those in arms, who defy our power, wou'.J be a mockery which would be treated with ridicule and contempt. But when we have conquered their armies and disposed of their leaders, then let us show our magnanimity and generosity by winning back the deluded multitude who have been seduced or coerced into this rebellion, by extending to them every act of kindness and clemency in our power, and by restoring them to all tbeir rights under the Constitution. This I conceive to be Christian forgivennes aud tbe best policy, and the only one which can ever restore this Union. But to accomplish this, the Administration must be supported in all its conttitutional efforts to conquer ana disperse the rebel armv; and here let me remark that present appearances indicate a more bloody campaign the ensuing season than any we have yet had. The course of events has done much to incite tbe South and intensify its hatred to the North, and desperation will lend energy and boldness to their efforts. It is never wise to under estimate the power of your adversary. We must, therefore, give up the contest, and consent to dissolution, which, I venture to say, no man who lores bis country is prepared to do, or we must send an army into the field sufficiently strong to ensure success; for if we do not conquer aud disperse the rebel army the ensuing campaign, the war may be protracted indefinitely, and finally end in separation, dishonor and utter ruin of the country. I fay, therefore, that the Administration must have sufficient men and money, and this though we may net always approve of tbe use that is made of either. We can only act in this matter through tlie powers that be. Any other course would produce counter-revolution that would end in anarchy. " Under Which Ii Ing! A new aspect begins to come over national affairs. We have been taught for some few years, long years they have been, too, that the mind of one man wa the controlling power of our Government, and that under, first, the doctrine of saving the "life of the nation" in a terrible "emergency," and second, the doctrine of "military necessity," there was ne limit to tbe power of that mind; that it was treason to find fault with its decrees, copperhead im to oppose its whims, rank heathenism to worship in a chut cb lhat did not pray for the success of bis policy and his measure There have been men that doubted, hesitated, and were loath to give up the freedom of thought and action of which they once boasted, who were finally w hipped into the traces; there Lave been others who have been brought into the traces; there have been yet others who, in the baste of events, in the terrible strait which the couutry had fallen into, came to the conclusion, with some hesitation, that the best course was to adopt the one mn power doctrine and permit the reins of authority to rest in his hand, and acting on this deliberate conclusion hare honestly supported the measures of Lincoln, while they really believed some of them to be imprudent, impolitic and dangerous. In the main, therefore, tho doctrine came to be accepted by the dominant party in the country, aud preached in pulpits and announced on platforms everywhere, that he was a traitor who approved the policy of the present Administration. We foresaw that long before the clofe of Mr. Lincoln's presidential term many who had advocated this doctrine would see its fallacy, and repudiate it. That time is already here. From all parts of the country, from bank officers, financiers, farmers, mechanic, from lawyers and professional men, from political clubs and organizations of various kinds, are coming protests and various forms of opposition to the administration of Mr. Lincoln. Hitherto arguments hare been abundantly used to discourage political controversies, but now even tbe Tribune invites "tbe utmost freedom of opinion and expression" in reference to the next Republican candidate for the Presidency, and while advocating this license immediately declares against tbe reno ruination of Mr. Lincoln, as follows: "The practical question, then, is this Has Mr. Lincoln proved so transcendantly able and admirable a President that all consideration of the merits, abilities, and services of others should be postponed or forborne in favor cf his re election? This is a question whereon, pending the definitive selection of our candidates, there fhould be the utmost freedom of opinion and expression. W answer it in the negative." These are a healthy indication. They fbow that the principles of a free government are not altogether forgotten, and also iudicate that at the close of tLe preseut Administration the people intend to place io power an administration which will be their representative. The manifesto which has been issued by the friends of Mr. Chase, doubtlesa with his authority, is one of the most remarkable evidences of a return of radical men to the love of free discus eion and a free press. Mr. Lincoln is roundly abused, his "tendencies" are severely hinted at, his policy by no means indorsed. Fossibly after such a publication as this, we may see conservative end Democratic organizations allowed to express their opinions witbont being secured of a desire to get up riots; and newspapers which oppose the policy of the Administration may escape suspension by military process, or mobbing by abolition rioters. When it is remembered that roeu hare been banished from tbe country, have been imprisoned in fortresses, have been persecuted and adicted, for no more severe treatment of Mr. Lincoln's policy and administration than is now commenced by the friends of Mr. Chase, we may well believe times are changing and that the people will think for themselves. N. Y. Jour, of Com.

EST The New York Tribune is. opposed to the nomination of Lincoln for the Predency. So is the New York Post, one f the ablest .! the Republican journals. . w.'-

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