Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 36, Indianapolis, Marion County, 8 February 1864 — Page 2

WEEKLY SENTINEL

MONDAY, - - FEU. 8. The Journal's .titanlli an Judge Per klD. Our very learned neighbor, llie central organ of the Republicau party of Indiana, nod mo?t of our readers have probably witnessed exhibitions of learned pigs, has been devoting the columns of that print iu wht we presume it regards reviews of the opinion recently delivered by Judge Pkrkixs upon martial law, military law, or the war powers or the President of the United States. In in issue of Friday it says the opinion "concludes with a labored attempt to prove that ihe rebellion aod the revolution were alike right, alike in origin, purposes and in defender against unscrupulous tyranny'in the governments they were resisting." The opinion makes do attempt of that kiod. It only asserts, go far as the rebellion id concerned, and which everv honest man must be willing to concede to be true.that the rebellion did not originate in an attempt to overthrow the government of the United States. Quoting the . language usel by the Court, "The rebellion consists in an attempt, if we hare read aright, to withdraw a certain portion of fjeople and territory from ander the jurisdictionof the Government of the Uuited Sutes to divide the Union, leaving" the North under the existing government, and placing the South under a newly created government." Upon this statement of the facta in the ease, for no intelligent person can denr that the Confederates before the commencement of hostilities sent commissioners to Washington to negotiate a peaceable separation, an equitable division of the Union, the Journal charges that the opinion attempts to prove that the rebellion and the Revolutiou were alike right. "It expresses no sentimect of that kind. All the rebels have ever asked is a division of the Union, "placing the South under a newly created'jjveroment." But if we concede all that the Journal charges, th.it the opinion is a labored attempt to prove that the rebellion and Revolution were identical in origin and purposes, the central orgau of the Republican party of ..Indiana should bave modesty enough end should be the last to call in questiou and condemn the expression of that sertiment from any source. After the election of Mr. Lincoln, and when secession appeared inevitihle, the Journal for months argued with both zeal and ability that the dissatisfied States had a right, or were justified upon the principles on which our government was based, ro sever their connection with -the Uuion. In proof of what we state. we quote the following extract from an ediiori 1 iu the Journal of November 2d, ItfC3: 41 We, htvhg established our governmeal by revolution, on the right of it people at any time to change government which is oppressive to them, cmnot deny that right to those who declare our government oppressive. What we claimed as our right we cannot deny to those who claim it of us and helped us assert our claim at the outlet. Th?y may be mistaken. In OUr judgement tbey are fat lly mistaken; but we cannot judge for them whether the Federal Oovernoient is too oppressive for endurance any more than England could judge for us. We know how eloquently may be urged the 'glory of . this great country," and 'the Uuion cemented by the blood of our fathers,' but it is all wasted beside the one plain, simple fact that if any State in this Union feel- the Union to be injurious and oppressive, a civil war won't change her opinion, in fact it is not calculated to change it; and if she trill not stay in the Union it will be cheaper and kinder to let her go. The argument that secession is unconstitutional, and involves ever 80 rainy violations ol law and party pledges, is little better than trifling with so serious a. subject. Men do not treat a revolution as they would a trespass, and urging the enforcement of the Constitution as a remedy for secession is just as wise 3 urging a man whose house id ou fire to keep it im good repair." Iu the same article the Journal declares that "secessiou is revolution," aid that the people of any dissatisfied Stale had the right lo withdraw from the Union if iu their opinion that government had become oppressive to them. There can bino more complete justification of the' rebellion than the argument of that print. The Journal in its reviews or criticisms only tikes exception to the argument of the Court. It does not attempt to controvert, as it c-inuot successfully, the legal positions announced in the opinion, ilence we must conclude that even the Journal considers that the usurpations of power by the President under the plea of military necessity are gross violations of the Constitution nmd the rights of the citizen which that instrument was created to tecure and protect. We copy another extract from the same editorial of the Journal from which we luve quoted, to show that it is now arguing for or sustaining a despotism in opposition to popular rights. It says: "We deem it superfluous te argue that a popular government can never be preserved by force. The act of compulsion changes it to a despotism so far as the parties affected by it are concerned. It is no government of theirt any longer, and despotism is simply a government that the governed don't create. Consequently if "coercion" preserves the body, it surely destroys the life of this great popular government. It secures us an union without unity, an aggregatiou of Slates without sympathy. And it does do more." -- After expressing such sentiments and justifying "coercion" which may preserve the body, while it sorely destroys the life of this heretofore great popular government, the Journal attempts to condemn the court and bring it into disrepute by attributing to it an opinion which it never expressed, bat which, strange to say, is identical with the sentiments it advocated when secession was threatened not only, but after Ihe overt act was committed. Certainly, the Journal shoold not object to the Court reiterating its deliberately expressed opinions. It occupies,' however, in so doing, a nitMt remarkable posirion. After stating that it was aupeifluous to argue that a popular government mi be maintained by -force, it has become a most violent advocate of force to maintain the Union, admitting at the md lime that such a Union is not worth preserving aud that this act of compulsion change the government to a despotism.' With such a record, cao we arrive at any other con elusion than that the Journal, representing the Republican party of Indiana, is the apologist of despotism? Ü1 The Washington correspondent of the Cincinnati E'-q-iirer says: The regular Democratic ranna, Hon. J L D.won, of Peiiinjlvaiii, President, and Hon. N Perry, of New Jersey. Sectary, was helJ last night (Thar! ly ) The only irnporUnt business transacted was the announcement of the following committee to prepare an address to the country. It i composed of one member from each Congres-ioaal Democratic State delegation: Maine, Hon Loren' Seu; 5ew Hampshire, Dtniet Mary; Connecticut, J. English; New York, Francs Kenia; Sew Je.-er, William Wrieht; Pennsylvania.. C Ii. Buckalew. L B i) Tlmis; Oiiio, Grge P.liss; Kentucky, Wm. H. Wadaworth; Indiana. T. A. Hendricks; Illinois, Jme D. Allen; Missouri, Wm A Hall; M'x-iiigtn, Au.'utiine G Baldwin; Wisconsin J liorii,J. A- McD-,ugll; Delaware, WilUrd 8 uUburv. Vt7 A leading Republican paper says that 'even If the Administration haa committed some nvi'ake, U Is n.ele8 to cry vet spilt milk." "Tu," sits Prenti. e "but we can't help crying over aeediewly spilt blood."

lllow for Conat I tat liana 1 1,1 be rt y Decision ! tbe Supreme Cwurt of Indiana. We published on Monday last the opinion or

decision of the Supreme Court of tbe State upon the war power of the President or the military uthority of ihe representation of the government, u the present juncture of our public aft" iTrs this question is of absorbing intercut to every citizen, as it involves the rights, and duties and obligations of all who owe allegiance to the govern ment. As a matter of public interest, therefore, we reproduce the following comments of the Cincinnati Enquirer upon the decision of the Court, and commend them to the consideration of all who value constitutional liberty, and are ready, as were the patriots of the revolution, to maintain it with the pledge of their lives, their brtunes and their sacred honors. Says the En quirer: We publish to day a decision of the Supreme Court of Indiana, which is worthy the attention of the friends of constitutional lilWty It is an able examination Into the military authority of the government; or, according tJ the current phraseology of tbe times, tlie war power ot the Constitution; and indicate, in some quarters at east, the tendency to return to the better doc trines of happier days. The appellant in the cafe, a citizen, was arrested and imprisoned upon charge of having violated the order of a Pro vost Marshal, prohibiting the sale of intoxicating iquors to soldiers within the citv of Indianapolis. After his release he commence 1 .suit against the Provost Marshal, Captain ilcox, for false im prison men t. 1 he Captain, in his answer, justi fied the order and its execution by the command of his superior, the Provost Marshal of Indiana. The Common Pleas held the justification sum cient. and a bar to the suit for damages; and upon this the appeal was taken to the Supreme Court. The doctrine supported by the advocates of the war power, ana practiced upon oy tne Auminis trttion, is that the tact ! the existence oi war anv where within the boundaries of the original Union conferred upon the Administration the le gitimate power to suspend the civil law every here, and to subject the people to the operation of martial law, declared and executed by military officers, acting under the exnress or implied au thorilv of the President. 1 he end sou übt to be obtained was to reduce the citizen, so far as his obligation to obedience was concerned; to the condition of a soldier of the rmy, and to exalt. in all cises. wherever the Admtnis'rati on should choose, the military above the civil jurisdiction. It is strange that men professing to regard con stitutionat libertv as valuable should be found not only upholding practices in conformity with this i lea, but actually taxing their faculties to construct arguments in support of them upon principle, but it is no less true than it is strange It is a fact that there never was a despotism up on the face of theeirth that h id not its advo cates anion? those who assumed to be wise in matters of government, nd to be guided by mo tives of the most disinterested characterjand if be fore thi, in the United Slates, hopes of better things h d been entertained, nothing ts truer in the light of past events than that such hopes without foundation. It is not our design to review the decision of the Supreme Court of Indiana at length. The doctrines which it upholds are those which we hive, in our imperfect wav, endeavored to keep before the minds of the people, for which we have, in innumerable instances, been taxed with disloyalty. In the eyes of the organs f the Ad ministration, when appearing in the columns o the Enquirer, they have been the badges of treason, aud prool positive ot sympathy with secession. i eertneie-a, inev are doctrines wmiout the recognition of which no good can result from war, nor any safety follow peace. A return to them in practice is the ontv thing tha' can give efficiency to military operations, or preserve the country from that anarch? which now threitens to overthrow all law aud constitution and make despotism tbe only reluge from even greater misfortunes. The decision is an able and conclusive defense of the rights of the citizen and of the civil juris diction in all places where actual war does not exist. "The existing rebellion in tbe United States," says the Court, "vast as is its extent, is not general, but local. It is confined to the Southern States. It is a sectional rebellion. The risht of the military officers to govern bv martial law arises Irom the fact of existing or imm.'diately impelling force, at a given place and time, against legal authority." Governments bave no right to cre.ite war in a tranquil section. and in the midst of a peaceful population; and by virtue of such creation take tne rule from the hands of the civil authorities, declare new crimes, and constitute tribunals to inflict upon citizens, iu no wav subject to military rule new :ind barbarous p jnishmenis. Sits the Court: "We feel coustrained. then, to come to the conclusion that the w-r power of the President is limited to the simple right ot exercising ro irtu law. sim-jlv as a miiitarv chief, .locally and tetn por.trily, where actual or immediately impeuding lorce render it a military necessity. No other doctrine can be reconciled with the Constitution of the United Slates, or is compatible with the liberties of the people Lutirelv germatn to the matter in hand arecer tain reraaiks'of the Court having relation to the political condition of the rebellion its origin il design, and the etlect ol its succ-ss. To over throw the Government of the United States, de strov constitutional lioertv, and extinguish for ever all hopes of the existence of free institutions are the crimes with which the leaders of the re be'. lion are ch rged with having resolved to con sum mate 1 he war is, therefore, represented by the organs of the party in power as a war for lib erty; and we are constantly being told, in the face of its obvious untruth, that, it the S uth shall succeed, pone will be the hopes of freedom to mankind, now and fjrever Inleed, so strenuouslv determined are those organs to hive this falsehood bei e ed. th it to deny its truth has Ik en put udoii the footing of treason against, the Gov eminent: and the rime has been when he would be worthy to be considered a courageous in m who should due to aflirrn in a public assembly that we were simply fighting for the doctrine o territorial indivisibility, and that neh her civil lib erty nor the Constitution were, iu any way, nee essarily implicated in the result. In corrolora tioo of the views which we have sometimes ex pressed, therefore, we are glad to cite the opin ion of the Supreme Court of Indiana a body whose loyalty lew will dare to impugn: " I he rebellion itself did not origin ite in any attempt, as we have read its historv, to over throw the Government of the U tiled States: and now it is ostensibly prosecuted for that purpose The rebellion consists in nn attempt, if we have read aright, to withdraw a certain portion of the people and territory from under the jurisdiction of the Government of (he United States to di vide the Union, leaving the North under existing government, and placing the S-ulh under a newly createl government. . - That is to say, the people of the South are trying to do that which the ancestors ol the peo pie of the United States, North aud South, trie to do on another occasion, and succeeded. I he doctrine upoM which the first attempt was made was that "the just powers of the government are derived from the consent of the governed " The acts of the patriots of ihe American Kevolu'ion are apJy deciibel in the very words in which the Supreme C urt of lmli ma describes the acts of the leaders of the rebellion; consisting "iu attempt to withdraw a portiou of the people and territory from under the jurisdiction of the Gor ernment of Ore it Britain "to divide the Union letving" England "under existing government and placing" America "under a newly created government. In denying to the President the right "to act upon martial law, aithout its having fira. de dared by the sovereign power of the Stale." tl: Court makes certain suggestions which call to mind facts (hit have transpired in Ohio not with out occasioning agitation Citing different con stitutional rulea whicti have beer cmed into effect in Inliant, the Cjurt con'.iiiues: "S were the arbitrary arrests for pretendei ilisloval opinions in violation of the constitu tion ll rir'ht of freedom of thought and opinion I hese d other arts in disregard or constitutional and legal rights all rest upon the same prnciyle. If the military could legally arrest and p'inisli Oiiffiu the appellant for selling gUsa of I qoor to a soldier, they could legally arrest mid punisn him for expressing what the might asume to ttvle a d 1 vl opinion. I Ihey could not legal!? punish him for the one they eon l.l not for the other A peaceful cWixen of the State of Obii was several months ago, arrested by military aolhor liy at his home, and imtrisoned He under ei a mock trial by a pretended Miiitarv Com mis shn, waa convicted and sentenced to banishment ander which sentence he still remains A Jude f the District Court of the United States, sworn t support the Constitution, and to recognize that instrument and me law made under it as hi paramount rule of judicial conduct, sanctioned iho-se proceedings, aod decided that the citizen of Ohio had no title, under the Constitution, to re drrse. The world, if it shall consent to take cog-

izaoee of qualities so insignificant, will hereaf- '

ter wonder whether that Judge was more knave, coward or fanatic. The decision which he ren dered in that case will, as long as it is remembered, be a monument to his disgrace, as the decision rendered by the Supreme Court of Indiana D the case before us will be a monument to his onor. But we hare no elaborate eulogy to be stow upon the Supreme Court of Indiana. Iu ecisiou stands in violent contrast with that ot tbe parasite who groveled, through filthy ways, to power among os. The members of that Court have done their duty, and that, under the rcumstances, is no slight praise, and, as one oi the lover of constitutional liberty, we give them our warmest thanks. An Ex aim pie. Our Democratic Senators, Congressmen and Representatives in the different State Legislatures may as well take an example from the heroic conduct of the opposition iu the French Chambers. Tbe following specimens of their courage and their disdsin of unwarrantable im putations arc well worthy of tbe imitation of those in opposition to their own despotism: "There have been several stormr scenes in the Chambers during the week; but the intemperate anguage has never proceeded from the opposi tion. These formidable blieen or twenty men are sure of their force and can afford to be mod erate and courteous to their adversaries. M Ttouland, the minister of state, was most unfor tunate, in a reply to M. Jules Favre, in using the ord Misloval as a personal epithet The moment the word was uttered the whole opposi lion rose to their feet and protested against it as unparliamentary; consequently, his excellency, the minister of state, was force to retract not a very dignified position for so lofty a functionary. AI. I liters, who spoke again yesterday, said upon rising: "lie had not the presumotion to imagine that anything he could s ty would-hange the vote of the Chambers, but tint he had something to aay about principles." Jules F vre said boldly the day before, that It was not with the hope of carrying their measures that they were now putting forth all rheir force; they felt, with a celebrated orator of the Itevoluliou, when he said, "We are but six in this ir.closure, bet we have behind ua all France. It is a burning shame that we, the inheritors and participators of many yeir of freedom, should learn i freeman's duty from the subjects of a despotism. But the grand position of these few men, standing out for liberty against the most powerful potentate of modern times, sur rounded with every appliance for his success and their destruction; is a lesso which, through the humiliation of the contrict, should burn itself into the American heart. Our friends, too, are but few in that euclosure at Washington; but they have behind them the people of the United States. Would that they could feel this, pio claim it, and net upon it. FltO.TI WAMIIMUTO:. Hew lite CCtfdicnl 1'ropake (o Itetonttruct" (lie Union the Heal fuels About the Southern Desire for ltecont ruction What Kind ot a (Celorulion" i 1'oatible llluttra tions of Of f icial Corruption. Special Correspondence of the Chicago Times.J Washington, January 26. It is understood that the Committee on Recon struction, (I mean the committee so called.) will soon m ike a report, recoiniuetiduig certain ac tiou on the part of Congress. The members of the committee are foolish enough to believe, or else thev pretend to believe, that the Southern people are longing for an opportunity of throwing off the yoke ol their oppressors, of laying down the weapons of their rebellion, and of accepting the terms of the Presideut's proclamation. Iu other words, that they wish to revolt from the Government which they have formed that they are anxious to liberate all their slaves,-and change the whole social fabric of the-south and that they are impatient to surrender up all their possess oris to a horde of New Euglaud Yan kees, and humbly accept whatever species of government and whatever pocial nnd political status it mir please Abraham Lincoln and Charles Sumner to bestow upon them. This is what this committee either believea, or pretends to believe; and its action will be based upon this pretended belief. I need not say that any euch belief is a delu sion and a snare. I k now that the public senti ment of the S juth docs not run in that direction. The unwise action of the adminis'ration towards the South, in relation to slavery and the conduct of the war, has unite! the Southern people as one man against the North. The Confederate government is far from being perfect; but, such as it is, it was established by the people of the Southern States, and is their wot k. Jetr. Davis is their President, elected by their votes. Their government does for them what the administration ot Mr. Lincoln refined to do It guarantees to etch State the rights of that State. Wh the United S:ates Government does that as it will do as soon as a Democratic administration comes into power, then the Southern people will be leady to return to'the Union. I am informed that the committee above alluded to will even go the length of asserting in its report that the Southern pe nde are so anxious lor the restoration of the Federal author itv that they will gladly abolish slavery and de liver up ther leaders in chains, if they can be once more received into the Union; and one pedantic member of the commute has written a paragraph for tbe report, in which such a "restoration" is compared to the restoration of the monarchy in Engl ind al ter the death of Crom ell Such a "restoration" would be no restoration at all; for it would "restore" to the Southem people what they never had, inimely: a form of State government and a s-stem of social polity which they abhor and detect. The people of the South, in common with the people of tlie 'North, do indeed look forward to a resto ration that would restore to every citizen and to every State Ihj rights which were enjoyed from the day the Republican. prty came into power. Such a restoration is whit every goal citizen. North and South, prays for every day, and sin cerely hopes to see. Such a restoration would indeel find its ptrallel in the restoration of Charles II. and in the joy of the people of Eng-' land at that event. For that was not as rnueh the restoration of moinrchy; its was the restoration of the coiistiiutioual government of the country.' For that reason it waa that the people of England gave way to those manifestations of joy wb'ch Mactilav has described. The form of our government has been changed into a miiitarv despotism. Thebe-t of our ciii xen are arrested without warrant, and impris . oned without hope of release, or banished without law. The Constitution has been trampled in the dust. All this has been done by the usurpers who now insist upon being called "the government." When 'he voice of the people hurls them front the positions they disgrace, and a Democratic administration succeeds theirs, then there will he a restoration" of our former system of government, and there will be some hope of reconstruction. . What I said, iu a recent letter, about the corruption thit pervades every department of the rn litary service, h s just receive! t remarkable illustration. You remember CM-henck. of Vienna, and his man Fish; the latter appointed by Scheitelt Frovost Marshal of M iryland, iu which capacity he arrested hundred of worthy aud innocent citizens, sent dozens of delicate ladies across the lines iu nrd wnter, and cut up other didoes of that kind? Well. Fndf himself, the real arrester, has been arretted, and is now here, in the sme prison to which he sent scores of people far better than himself. The charges against him are of the most grave and serious nature, and involve fraud and corruption in tbe very worst degree A noise is being made about it; and there is no end to the stories that are being circulated about Fish, who, however, in all he did, only obeved Scheiick's ordsrs. A pretty pair, these ere," to in uiage the destinies of a great State. But. af ter all. there is nothing surprising in the matter. It is such men whom the administration delight! , to honor. Look at Ben. Butler, after squeezing a million of dollars out of ihe rich pi i mere and merchants of Louisiana, now trying to eke out another quarter of a million by selling permits to fish lor oysters in the waters of hi depart-'1 mem! .No one is allowed to take a single oyster from ihe great oyster beds of the Chesapeake, until he ha first paid a good round sum to But Icr for ihe privilege! And so it goes Wherever an official of (he Lincoln administration as power to do so, the people are fleece I and robbed, in order that these "loyal" men may roll in luxury. .. t7T At Gettysburg 2i,U!)0 muskets were taken. Of Ibese 24.0IW were found to le loaded, 12,0J() containing two loads, mid 6,111)0 from three to J twelve loads each. In numerous instances half - a dozei. balls were driven iu on a single charge of powder. In some cases the former possessor had reverie! the uual order, placing the ball nt the bottom ol the barrel and the powder on top.

rHon wAsiintiTin.

Plan of the llebeli for the Spring raiupalgn-Ktartlinar Itevelatian in tien. iTlcdellan'M He port How the Southern People are to be Despoiled of ttteir Homes. fSpfdal CorrekpondVnce of the Chicago Times. Washington. January 29. Mr. Scheock, of Ohio, made the astounding statement in the House yesterday, that the rebels were making a last despairing enort to raise men enough t i break through tbe Union lines, and to transfer the feat of war to Kortheru soil. Mr. Schenck is very much in the dark, and he has a very confused idea of the real military strength of the rebels, or of their designs for the cam paigns of 1S64. It is curious, too, to contrast the utterances of Mr. Schenck to day. with what be said, aud with what his fellow Republicans said, wo j ears ago. Two years ago Mr. Scheuck and his fellows declared that the backbone of the rebellion was broken, aud that the rebellion was on its Inst legs, and that, in feix months more, every vestige of rebellion would be crushed out. Well, here we are, close to the end of the third year of the war, aud now what does Mr. Schenck say? Why. that the miiitarv power of the rebels is so great that ther are going to invade the North a second time, next summer! Mr. Schenck is right this lime, but he has not told half the' truth. The simple fact is. as we will prove to our cost when the spring campaign opens, that the Confederates will have a far more cHeclive military force iu tbe field by next Marjh than they have ever had belore. I have seen several very intelligent men from :he South, qaite recently; and I am convince! from their accounts that the South will bave 500,000 troops, actual effectives, for the spring campaigns. My in formants all agree in this: that the operations of the Confederates wll be divided, first, to tbe recovery of Chattanooga, Kuoxville and East Tennessee, for which purpose Gen. Johnston will have 150.0UU; that this will not be attempted by assuming the offensive at first, but that General Johnston will retire toward Atlanta, intending to draw Gen. Grant after him into the interior, aud to defeat the latter there, and then return aud take possession of the points named; second, to the invasion of the rvortlj, to which task another 150,000 troops are assigued; third, to the defence of Richmond, Charleston, W ilmington.SavaLnah aud Mobile. Gen. McCleHan's report is now printed, and is in the hands of the binder. Con irres has ordered the printing of a very tne igre number of copies But I was informed last week bv a leading New York publisher, that he intended to issue an edi lion ot od.tHKi copies, in a neat aud attractive form, immeJiiiely In this way the public will at last get hold of this rcmai kable docu ment. 1 need not say that its revelations nre most startling. That your readers know alreadv. No administration in England could live a single dav after such damning proof ol its guilt towards a heroic armv had been made public. 1 hat the Armr ol the I'otoru ic nod its noble comm indcr were deliberately sacrificed in order to gratify the malisnity of Linco'n. the obstinncv of Stanton, and the contemptible jealousy of Ilalleck, no one can doubt tif'ler re. idiiif.', not this report merely. but the olli rial dispatches which it contains The publication t.f iliis report ought to be fufficient to make its illustrious author President of the United States; and doubtless it would do so. if a free election were allowed next November rs ,, ... . ror tne eopie win contrast tne wise statesmanship of Gen. McCIellan, a indicated in his leMers, with the sh illow nonsense of the wretched rail splitter whom fanaticism placed in a position for which he w so utterly unfi'teJ. In the language of a leading journal, which has hithero supported the administration: ''In this report we tee the well considered counsel of a far i-ighte I soldier turned from its purpose by trashy little epistles constructed upon the model first furnished by a Jack Bunsby. 'If yourplau is better tlnn my plan, then my plan is worse than your plan,' says the President chosen to rule over thirty millions of reople lf so be that this chip's gone down,' sars Jack'Bunsby, 'why so; but if so be that this ship aro't gone down, why bo also.' And Jack Bunsby 's nonsense is the less nonsensical ol the two." A nice little plan for stealinz tbe homes and furniture of the Southern people, as well as their barns, granaries and cattle, has been cunningly introduced into ihe Senate by Mr. Wilson, of Massachus tts, in the guise of "A bill to secure homerte.tds to persons in the military service." This bill provides that all lauds in the S uttieni States, with certain unimportant exceptions, shall be deemed "unappropriated public lands." under the operation ot the confiscation act, and shall be subject to entry, under the provision of the homestead law, by any offifer or soldier, black or white, who shall have serve I two jears during the present re-hellion; the houses ntid buildings erected on the lands, with their con terns, to go with the lauds theinselaes. The design und purpose of this bill shows pliinlv ihe object of the Republican patty in prolonging the war. The leaders of that party are already provided for, in the way of fat contracts, offices, &c; and tor more than a year past they have been promising the rank and file of their partv that, at the end of the war, each mm should have a snug farm in Alabama, or Georgi i, or Virginia. It is in order to lulfid this promise that this atrocious bill is now brought in by Senator Wilson. Suppose a Southern man was President, and that Southern men controlled the action ot Congress, would not the hole world ring with indignation if a bill w ere passed to confiscate the estate of Northern men and confer them tipou Southern soldiers? Surely the enormity is none the less because the deed is to be done by the North. The e i os.ii ion of the unconstitutionality of the confiscation act, which was made iu the House, on the 26 ih in-t , by Fernando Wood, was au effort which reminded me more of the constitutional arguments of Dtniel Webster than any thing that has been heitrd in Congress for a long lime. It was literally unanswerable, and it will rem tin unanswered N-r w is that part of Mr. Wood's speech, which enforced the expediency of bringing the war to a close less wort ay of a 1 miration. X. f ire Hundred Thouaund More. The country will be astonished this morning at the announcement that Mr Lincoln h is ordered a drslt on ihe 10ih of March next for a niifÜcient numb r i f men to mike hilf a million in all, counting (he recently secured volunteers and re enlisting veterans. ,: - This call will occasion great disappointment in such parts of the country us have pi ite or almost secured th: r quota under the call for three hun dred thousand men. The mingled indecision and precipitancy of the administration in ihesa. conflieüng orders will, disgust everyone. At first three hundred thousand men were called for without reference to the veterans. Then it waa provided ihal every re enlisting veteran should count on the quota of the district he was orii nnllv taken from Atter nearly every county in the North had put forth extra exertions t- filj ud their several complements, we now have an order for two hundred thousand more men. So large a draft at any tune would be a seriou tax upon the resorces of the country, but it will be borne all ihe more unwillingly on accouut of the obvious bid faith of the government from tbe Start. It is not probable that more than two hundred thousand men have yet been raised under die original call; and in the month which is yet to come fifty thousand will be the number, at the outside, of the new lecruits. This will leave a quarter of a million of men to be secured by the new draft. If it is designed to secure that large complement, from seven to eight hundred thousand men must be drawn, unless, iudced, it is the intention of the Administration to throw out the exemption fee, and cut off the various pleas by which exemptions for disability have heretofore been secured. Upon the city of New York this draft will come with peculiar severity. On account of the singular inefficiency of Supervisor Blunt, who has had the charge of recruiting in this neighborhood; we have not yet secured five thousand of the eighteeu thoumd reiuird ot us under the call of Ociober 17 1863. Under the new call over thirty thousand men wdl bo required fioni the city of New York, and consequently Ovesixths of our quota will have to he drafted. If the Board of Supervisors are at all in earnest in having New Hork make a creditable record, they should put some competent person in Blunt' place. Ilii eouduct ia the more reprehensible, as instead of attending to his special bu-ines, he employs his clerks to write notices for ihe daily papers declaring that the quota is rapidly being filled, for the purpose of deceiving the commutiitv. It is very clear that recent advices from the South must have seriously alarmed the A Iminis (ration respecting the probabilities of the coming spring campaign. Notwithstanding the account which reach ua from the Confederacy of the hr liiesa of supolies and the despair of the mid die classes, it is evident that so far as military power is concerned, the rebellion has never been stronger than it will be found to be when the Spring campaign opens. The rebel Generals bave a much shorter line to defend, while their armies are larger and better calculated to resist

the advancing forces f the Union. It may be that all the halt million men who are called for

will be required. We think, iudeed. they will be needed; but it is discreditable to the Administration that this was not foreseen months ago, be fore it stultified itself by calling for three hundred thousand men, and giving out to the country that the districts which raised the men voluntarily would not be called on for further sacrifices, and theu, after the money had been laid out and the various counties a:,d towuships heivily taxed to secure volunteers, tbat it should break faith with the several localities, and make an additional call, which was not expected and could not bave been provided for. -,. - T It is given out from Washington as a justifica tion that trouble is anticipated with France; but this we do not believe. The situation of affairs in Europe is too serious for Napoleon to add to his difficulties by a gratuitous controversy with this country. ' ' It is also hinted that the exemption clause will probably be stricken out of the enrollment act by Congre; but this doubtless is to stimulate volunteering. -New i ork World. The New Order for a Draft. A draft ia ordered, but we do not expect there will be anv dralt. as only two, or three, or five hundred thousand men are dem anded the number is indefinite undoubtedly the "swarms" from Massachusetts, the "three times three hun dred thousand" promiscuously located, and tbe "flaming giants" abidiug chiefly in this Sta'te, . will "block tbe roads in their eager haste to "leap into the fight." Inasmuch as the "interests of God and humanity" cau only be promoted by fighting, tbore engaged in those interests, and who have solemnly pledged themselves to their advancement by steel and gunpowder, will redeem the pledge. It is not tc be Imagined that plucky, Puritanical,pious philanthropists will shrink from the performance of solemn duties and vows, because their fulfillment involves personal danger. Being blessed abundantly as a nation with this "salt of the earth," we look to it with confident faith, not only for preservation from the draft, but from other ills. If we are deceived in this generous construction of character, and there is to be a dr ft, there are sundry pertinent inquiries concerning its objects, manner, aud probable results. If we are deceived, it is, and will be, for the reason that the courageous Christian cohorts to whom we have alluded have proved, and will prove, false to the pledges m tde, with so much of seeming earnestness and solemnity. .They pledged them lives to prosecute the war alone if its purposes were ouhjected to their requirements. The redemption of the pledge is iiow demanded. If they are not able or willing to fulfill, the Democratic party will engage to close the contest, if it be prosecuted for the purposes proclaimed by Congress aud the Administration at its commencement. The avowed obiect of ibis new call for two, or three, or five hundred thousand men is to crush the rebellion. The rebellion against the Constitution and the Uuion is already subdued. The insurgent States me now combating confiscation, emancipation, t eueral spoliation, military domination. State disintegration, unconditional subjugation, and numberless other actions unknown to the Constitution, devised by the present Administration. Five hundred thousand anditional men nre required to enforce these measures. Under this call, public safety, not less than justice, demands that the action of Enrolling Boards should preclude all idea of unfairness. The drafts generativ, hitherto, have not been fairly conducted. Democrats are justly suspia a a - a cious that tne party iu power nave operated f raudulently under llie coiifci ijition law to gratify partisan animosities, to shield their own adherents, and to obtain partisan ndvantnges in our elections The Presidential campaign has opened ic fact, although tbe candidates are not nominated, and partisan feeling is intense and bitter. The people shou'd not, and will not. submit to a manipulation of the draft, which discriminates fraudulently in favor of party. We state the fact plainly and advise all parties to mate clue pro vi ion ror securing ana assuring fair and open action iu the premises. As to results: more than a million and a half of soldiers have already been employed to com pel the South to accept the terms ottered. v e have no faith that two, or three, or five hundred thousand more, with those now in the service, can enforce submission to them. We may be able to occupy her tcrritorv, and even this is doubtful, but while these terras are continued, our armies will be confronted by the same people who now oppose thrm, driven to desperation, inured to danger, and stimulated by passions which absorb all feelings und considerations in the fierce and unrelenting desire for vengeance. Chici i jro imes. Wendell Plilllipn and in. Lloyd Garrlaon on Hie Administration. At an anniversary meeting in Bjslon on the night of ihe 29 f of January, a spirited debtte occurred bwtaeen Wendell Phillips and Wm. Lloxd Garrison upon the conduct of the Admin ist ration The former emphatically condemned, while ihe latter ns explicitly commended the policy of President L'licoln Mr. Phillij s said: "Either the North must rise in the opinion of unanimously crushing Ihe President into submission, or we must have a differ ent leader for the next four t ears If Mr. Chase should give up hi b ink system, the nation would be eighteen million a year richer in the im mtnse mtetesl which goes to these National Banks, which in ihit tv or forty years would ny the wiioie war debt, and tct this man is called a financier. We have a right to demand that the doors of the war power shall not be closed until the whole hideou cancer i destroyed. Perhaps with Chase for President. Butler in the War De partment, and Fremont at the head of our ar mies, we might close the war in two years; but. after all. public opinion is what is wantid. V it h the Tribune. Evening Post and Herald at coin mand, even Judge Toiisey can be made to have regaid to justice. The Sutes idi u"d be kept out til the South answers like a face in a gl sst the North in her in stitutions We luve bought the right to sav so with a he -a'omb of lives. Wh v does the President relinquish it? lfi mihr have done when the Liberator was started iu 1833, but it is bu. violation of a pledge in lbül. ard therefore, concluded Mr. Phillips. 1 sir veto the amnesty proclamation. and will to mv di;ig day. Mr. Girriso'i, in rely, referred to Mr. Phillips' recent remark in Music Hill, "that the Presi dent s character a as a sun so bright that we could not see t'ie 'e-v spots up in the surface,' and to night the gentleman hid spent an hour in blackening Mr Lincoln all over, styling him a a hv noer ite, an I ready to saciifice the honor of the North to a sham peace .' . Has not the Pre-ident g me ts fast and as far as the people would "ist tin him? 'No, nj." Mr. Liiucolu has traveled as fast toward the ne gro as popular sentiment would warrant him in doing Butler and Giant have sustained the President's loIicy. I Renewed cries of "No, no. "J And what said Mr. Garrison about Fremont? Events have occurred within a year.greatlv to diminish tnv faith in Fiemont. Not a wort) have we heard from him in reference to the proclamation of am nesty. What a glorious opportunity was there lost. Then we have the arming of lOO.tHXi blacks, and still not one encouraging word from f remont. Mr Phillips said: It is not fair to criticise him when he is forbidden by the government to speak a word. Mr. Garrison No! he to be m agntiimous. has alwavs had a right Stephen Foster said the strangest event of history was the nomination for the Presidency by Win. Lloyd. Garrison, in T remont Temple, of the raan who is holding the sword of the Union at the throats ol a cnillioiitf slaves. The sentiment of the audience appeared about equally divided en the subject. General Jeeepli Jhnln We observe that the intelligent Richmond cor respondent of the London Morning Herald expresses the fear that Uen Johnston may be inlie.iced in his present p isit'Oii by the popular clamor. He mav dismiss all such apprehensions. Gen. Johnston does not hold In any desrree of re spect unenlightened public opinion. He is going lo do just hat he thinks best, and will stand as firm as a rock upon the basis of his ownjudg ment. And a more solid judgment iu the art of war no military man of this day possesses. We regard him as one of the roost consummate soldiers whom this great strugsle has produced, and ' look forward with a high and hopeful spirit to the fulue of his gretit army. We have watched him from Ihe beginning, and our admiration of hi in is greater at this hour than when ho fell like a thunderbolt upon the columns of the enemy at . Manses. Gen. Joe. Johnston Is no ordinary person, either as a soldier or a man, and we have an abiding faith that the fact will be demonstra ted next spring beyond the cavils of the moat captious. In the meantime let the critics and croakers "cultivate the virtue of patience and charijy. Let ihm try to form some faint conception of their own perfect incompetency lo sit In judgment upon military men, and withhold, their censures till they have facts and results before them. (RJcnmond Dispatch.

THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS.

SENATE. Wasoi.nstox, February I. The Vice President. Hamlin, presented the resignation of t-en a tor Bayard of Delaware. Mr. Djvis of kentut kv rose to a personal ex planation ol the course imputed to him by the Senator from Maine. Mr. Morrill presented the credentials of Sena tor Reed Diddle, elected to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Senator Bayard of Delaware. the resolution ol Jar. JjoliUIe, requesting the appearance of some persons connected with departments, before the Committee of Investiga tion, was taken up. Grimes supported the resolution at length, as an act of justice. The departments introduced a long letter from Donald McKay in defense of Asherwood and the Navy Department. HOUSE. Various resolutions proposing increased pay to pensioners, to give further protection to emigrants going to the territories, Sie., were adopted. Mr. lJl.-tir ofiered a resolution for the ppointment of a select committee to inquire into the operations aud results of the Treasury Depart ment trade restrictions as to commercial inter course with the rebellious Slates; whether frauds have not been practiced bv its agents, and favoritism shown. - Debate arising, the resolution was laid over. Mr. hldi id' e offered a resolution instructing the Committee on Military Affairs to inquire into the expediency of repealing or suspending the conscription act; and, in order to secure the men necessary to put down the rebellion, giving in creased pay and bounties to voluuteers. Mr. Stevens moved to la r tne proposition on the table. Carried b4 to 42. Mr. Grinnell offered a reslution declaring that a more vigorous policy of enlisting persons ol Afrcan descent in the army should meet the approbation of the House. Adapted. The House resumed consideration ot the bill to revive the rank of Lieutenant General. Mr. Garfield opposed it. Thev should wait until the war is over before confernng the title Mr. Schenk, in voting tor it. would d i so with out in the least degree wishing to be understood as interfering with the President a selection. Mr Evans opposed Ihe bill. Mr. Washburne, of Illinois, spoke of the ex ploits of Gen Grant. Mr Koss offered au a mend mend ment recom mending General Grant for the position of Lieu tenant General, which was agreed to III against 12. The bill was then passed yu against 41. The House then went iuNi Committee on the bill amendatory of the enrollment act. Several amendments were discussed. Nothing of im portance, however, was done. SENATE. WAsntXGTox, February 2. Hon. George Read Biddle. from Delaware, ap pea red aud took the oath ot ofhee. Mr. Sumuer presented the petition of Kichard 1 ates. Governor of Illinois , petitioning Con gress to exercise its constitutional power for the immediate abolition of slaverv throughout the Uuited States, liefen ed lo the Committee on Slavery. Joint resolutions of thanks to Gen. Thomas and Commodore Ringgold pere passed. Mr. r essenden presented papers relating to an increase in the salaries ol certain consuls: also a communication relative to destitute passengers lauded in foreign countries by rebel pirates. Ke lerred to the Committee on Commerce. Mr. Üixrlittle's resolution, requesting the departmeuts to send a pets n to represent them be lore the Committees ot Investigation, was taken up. Mr. Hale snoke in opposition. 1 he debate will be a lengthy one - Mr. Hale opposed Mr. Doolittle s resolution as unnecessary and productive ot mischief, its effect being to turn every committee into a common Justice's Court, before which pettifoggers would appear and indefinitely prolong its ses sions. Mr. Doolittle defended his resolution, staling that he considered its adoption necessary to fulfill euds of justice in the matter of investigations into frauds in which the beads of departments were anxious for scrutiny as any Sen a tar. Mr. Trumbull opposed the rwtolution. Further consideration was postponed till Mon day. The enrollment bill was then taken up, the question being on Uendcrson's amendment limit ing freedom to the wives aud children of slave recruits belonging to disloval owners Mr. Sherman opposed the amendment. He was in favor of taking 11 the si tves we needed into the service. but me should pay loyal masters a reasonable compensation for them, lie thought by a carefully pi tf iied law we ought to enroll the slaves ot the United States and secure them their freedom for their services, and he was pre pared to vote for a comprehensive system of emancipation, with a just compensation to loyal owners. Mr. Carlisle obtained the floor to reply. Adjourned. HOUSE. Mr Schenck explained the differences between the Senate bill and the substitute recommended bv the House Com mil te on Naval Affairs. Mr. Chandler rrnde a speech on the confisca tion bill. Mr. Broomall mnde a speech in favor of the confiscation of rebel estates. The House went into committee ou the Senate bill amendatory of the euiolliuent set. Mr. U vis. of Aea 1 oi k. replied to Mr. CaandIcr, saying that the country could not exist on the basis of such patriotism as his colleague ex Dressed. ' Mr. Audersou spiritedly replied to William F. Allen, who some days ago made allusious to him He charired Allen with sympathizing and apologizing for treason. Mr. Allen responded, reiterating that Ander son's election to the House was bv the aid of the bayonet The colloquy was of a sharp personal charac ter Adjourned. SENATE. Washisgt jx, FebflPsry 3. The enlistment bill was postponed until tomorrow. The report of the Committee on the Judiciary in the Hale case was adopted arid discharged. Ou motion of Mr. Fessendeu, the Senate took up the House bill aj reported by the Committee on Finance. ith amendments. Mr. Fessenden explained at length the effects aud merits of the committee s amendments. . The consideration of the revenue bill was postponed until to morrow. Mr. Sumner presented a protest from Germane of Bviston, against the President' scheme of leconstructioii. Referred. The Senate adopted an amendment to ths revenue bill, leaviii'' a tax ol 60 rents on all spirita sold or distilled and remove.! for consump tion. or ou sile previous to the 1st of July next. The bill repealing the acts allowiug foreign goods to be imported into Cam la through the United Slates, or exported from Canada through the United States, was referred to the Committee on Foreicn Affiirs. A bill was introduced equalizing the pay of soldiers. Adjourned. HOUSE. The House went into committee on the amendatory enlistment bill. Mr. Myers proceeded to show that if. aa bad been asserted, the draft was unpopular, it waa because of certain traitors who had striven bv their speeches to render it odious. Mr. Williams made a speech in faror of the draft. The debate here closed, and the committee proceeded to discuss the amendments. Adjourned. SENATE. Washixoton, February 4. . On motion, Mr. Wilson's joint resolution equalizing the piy of soldiers iu the army taken up. was ' Mr. Wilson explained at length the grievances ruffered by colored troops. Mr. Conuess introduced an amendment placing colored troops on a similar fooling with white troops. After the pnssage of the act the debate was continued at considerable length. On motion of Mr. Fessenden, the revenue bill was taken up. Mr. Hendricks moved an amendment inserting 40 cents instead of 7ti cents per gallon on liquors distilled and sold or removed for consumption. or on sale after the 1st or July, IJ01, and 40 cents instead of BO cents after January 1st, 18G5. He supported his amendment at length. Mr. Fessenden replied. Mr. Fessenden said we would tax articles to obtain revenue according to what It woald bear.

and the tax would fall on the consumers of

iquor wherever it was sold. Mr. Hendricks amendment was rejected Mr. Doolittle moved to recommit the bill with nstructioDS to report a proviso taxing liquors on hand prior to July Ist 2U cents per gallon. Rejected, 14 against 23. Tbe bill aa amended bv tbe Finance Commit tee was then passed. After an executive session tbe Senate ad journed. , . . ; HOUSE. . , Mr. Kasson reported a bill relating to the cap ture of cotton aod tbe disposition thereof. Re ferred to the Committee on Wavs and Means. The Printing Committee reported in favor of printing 10,000 copies of the foreign Corres pooderne for tbe use of the State Department. Alter some opposition the resolution was pissed with 17 nays. - The House then resumed the consideration of the amendatory confiscation bill. Mr. oodbrtdge argued in favor of restrait inz the persons of rebels, and confiscating their property. MrCox moved to lay the resolution on the . table Di sac reed to. 71 to fc3. Mr. Kernan made a sDeech opposing the pass age of the resolution and also of the confiscation act. Mr. Wilson spoke in advocacy of tbe resolu tion, which proposes to do only what the Constitution authorizes. He expressed bis surprise that the lovers of Ihe Constitution opposed tbe meas ure, its object being justly to punish traitors who ought not to be shielded and who were not to be pacibed with olive branches and honeyed words. 1 he House ordered the previous question on the passage t f the resolution. Mr. V ilsou. of laws, considered confiscation as the living law of the land, and therefore it was before the House. Mr. Pendleton moved to reconsider the vote by which the previous question was ordered, and the passage of the resolution. Tbe motion was laid on the table by two ma jority. 1 he speaker then announced the question and the passage ot the resolution. Mr. oorhees moved to adjourn. Mr. Craveu moved that the House adjourn till Monday. These and other resolutions were evidently designed to prevent action on the confiscation resolutions, and occupied more tbau an bour. votes being taken by eis and nays At quarter before five o'clock Mr. Divis, of Maryland, moved to adjourn till to morrow. Adjourned. Washington, February 5. The Senate was not in session to day. HOCSE. The House refused to adjourn till Monday, and proceeded to vote on Holme' motion to table the resolution amendatory of the confiscation act, which was disagreed to 77 to fU. Several motions were made and voted on by yeas and nays to delay lime, when an accommodation was arrived at concerning the actior on the joint resolution, namely, that Messrs. Blair, of M issouri. Smith, of Kentucky, aod Prut n shall speak, thn a vole shall be taken. Mr. Bla'r opposed the pending motion, saying it made an issue between the. President and those who, as a parly, suppoitel him. Mr. Smith of Kentucky favored the confiscation of all rebel property. We should whip this hellish rebellion down. Mr. Pruynol New York made a speech against secession, but claimed the privilege of insisting that the Administration should act in obedience to the Constitution. The iesolution passed: ayes, 82; noes. 74. The joint resolution as passed amends that of July, lt-62, making it read that no punishmeut or proceeding under it shall be so construed as to work forfeiture of estate of offeuder, contrary to the Federal Constitution; provided that no other public warning or proclamation shall be required than that made by the Pieaident on the 21t of July, '62, which shall be received and held suffi cient in all cases now pending and that may hereafter arise under said act. The House theo adjourned until Monday. We copy the following from the fort Wayne Sentinel: We give below a copv of a circular issued by the Lincoln League in tins city, aud cent to the faithful in all the townships in the county. It provides for a verv thorough organization, and unless the Democrats should follow tbe example, and have a similar effective organization, it cannot but prove highly serviceable to the Lincolnites aud disastrous to us Forewarned is forearmed; the Democrats can now see what their adversaries are doing, and ought to take immediate measures to meet aud fight them with their own weapons. CtRCVLaK. For the purpose of thoroughly organizing the Union men ot Allen county, the Central Committee recommend the following: 1. The Union men of each township to select three or five active, reliable men, to act as a Township Committee. 2. Such Committee to select one number for chairman, one for secretary and one for treasurer. 3. Such committee to divide their township in such convenient districts as they may deem advisable, and assign each to one of their number. . 4 The duty of the chairman is to call all the meetings and make regular reports to the Central Commit'ee. 5 Tbe duty of the secretary is to keep a correct account of all meetings, and a correct ae count of the number of voieiaof each class reported to him by the District Committees. 6. The duty of the treasurer is to collect such funds as may be ordered to be raised by tbe Towubhip Commitiee, and pay out the same aa they may order. 7. The Township Committee to meet twice a month until June, and after that once a week till the Presidential election. 8. The chairman of a Township Committee, or one that lie may select, fhall teport to the Central Committee oi ce a month until June 1st, and after that once a week until the Presidential election. 9. The duty of a member having charge of a district, is to make out. a full and complete alphabetical list of voters, classifying as follows: Union (U;! Copperhead (C;) Doubtful (DO Illegal (I;)1 and as soon as possible report the same lo the Township Secretary. IU. He is to report to the committee what persons or documents are necessary to influence doubtful voters, and to attend to the matter without delay. 11. Before the election, to see every Union man in his district and to gel his promise to beat, the polls before 12 o'clock ou the day of election. 12 Ascertain the name of every dilatory, or sick Uuion mau, and see that proper means are provided to secure bis attendance. 13. Make your arrangements to have your conveyances at the polls, ready for service. 14. Have your challengers selected and at tbe polls erly. 15. Impress upon all Union men the importance of not only being at the polls early, but to remain there until they are closed, and to insibt that two Union men at least shall constitute a part of the Election Board 16. At 12 o'clock, send your conveyances for, all absent Uuion men. 17. Appoiut some one to remain at the polls until the vote is counted out, aud immediately bring the same to the Central Committee. JH Urge every Union man to subscribe for county Union paper. Isaac Jexkixsox, Moas Daaaa, Jr., B. W. Oaklet. J. L. Williams, D. P. Whxdoü, Central Committee. Sayt the Washington correspondent of the New York Journal of Commerce: The great feature of the debate in tbe House last evening was a speech on Confiscation from Mr. Ed g er ton. of Indiana( He came here with a high reputation and his first speech has given bim a very high position among our national legislators. His arguments were clearly and eloquently presented, and the whole scope of bis feeling on the subject of the rebellion maybe' understood by the single declaration that be made, "that the work of true restoration must begin in the hearts of the people, in driving out hatred and malice and mean cupidity, iu restoring reverence for the Constitution and Its sacred obligations, in a disposition to temper mercy with justice, iu a disposition to burr in oblivion the lollies and sins of the past. So long as we have men who can sincerelv talk In that strain, we must not dispair of the Republic. . EfT" According to Max Miller, a well educated roan in conversation uses ouly about 3,000 or 4.000 words. Eloquent speakers may command 10,00, Shakspeare wrote all his playa w.th 15,. 000, Milton's works are built up with 8,000, and the Old Testament says all it has to say with 6,642 words.