Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 35, Indianapolis, Marion County, 1 February 1864 — Page 1

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r t n IN 71 J VOL. XXIII, isO. 35. INDIANAPOLIS, IND., MONDAY, FEB. 1, 1864. WHOLE NO. 1,281

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WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL, rump aid rcsusaxp ktcbt moxdat at ti OFFICE, 50. 11 and 13 SOUTH JtSKIDIAS STEKKT. . (couu or rau. rrurr.) ELDER, IIAURNESS, & BINGHAM

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THE JDA.TJLTST STTTSTTXSTEXa Will be sent by mail or express to subscriber any point for sixty cents a month, or seven dollars a year. AH subscription Invariably In advsnce. Addrecs ELPKR IIARKSESS. A BINGHAM. The Eligibility- ot Governor .Tlorton. His Excellency seems much disturbed over :he question of his eligibility to hold tbo office of GoTfrnor for another term, provided he should be nomiuated by his political friend, and etecte-I at the eusuing October lection. In the Journal of Saturday appear a number of certificates from distinguished members of the legal profession, which read very much like patent medicine certificates mule up to order. While we entertain the most profound regard for the eminent abilities and lea ruin ot the gentlemen who give their opinions affirmatively in regard to tbe eligibility of the Governor to hold the office for a consecu tire term, we think any man of common ser.se, if not learned in th law, is as capable of forming a correct conclusion upon the question at issueas those who set themselves up to be pr excellence judge of the meaning of the Constitution upon the point involved. In fact, it seems to us that the opiuiou which ia paraded with such a grand flourish fails to comprehend the question at issue. The Trainers of the Constitution roast have had some motive in limiting the term of the office of Governor to "lour years in any period of eight years-" That object, and the debates of the convention illustraJe it, was to prevent the person holding the office from using or prostituting his position to secure a re election. What says the Constitution? We quote from Article V. Section I: "The executive power of the State hall he vested in a Governor. He shall hold his office during lour years, and shall not be eligible more thau four years in any period of eight years." Section 10 of the same Article reads as follow: "Ia case of the removal of the Gov. emor from office, or of his death, resign ttion, or inability to descharge the duties of the office, the same shall devolve on the Lieutenant Governor; and theGener 1 As Jo-bly sh ill by U w provide lor the case of removal from office, death, resignation, or inability, both of the Governor and Lieutenant Governor, declaring what officer shall then act as Governor; and such officer shall act accordiuglr, until the disability be removed, or a Governor elected." The Constitution makes no provis'on for the election of a Governor or a Lieutenant Governor during the term of office for which either were elected, but it expressly provides that "the executive power of the Stale" shall be rested in theLieutenant Governor "in the case of the removal of the Governor from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the duties of his office;" and when any of these disabilities shall occur to the Lieu'enant Governor, then the a m General Assembly shall by law declare what officer shall act as Governor. Tbe Constitution auticipites and - provides for the very contingency, in the sections we hare quoted, which occurred by the resignation ot Governor Laxe. He was elected Goreruor iu I860. On the 14th day of January. 1861, he was inaugurated Governor. On the lb'tli of the same month, we believe, he was nominated by a caucus of his political friends in the Legislature to sue ceed the lion. 0. X. Fitcu in the U. S. Senate, whose terra expired on the 4th day of March ensuing. Oo the I7th of tbe same month Governor La.ve resigned the office of Governor, and Lieutenant Governor Monro, by virtue of the Constitution, was vested with the executive power of tbe Sute. On that day, in the presence of the General Assembly, he took tbe oath of office aa Governor of the State cf Indian, assumed iu duties and wag duly inaugurated From that date he was just as much vested with the ex ecu live power of the State as was IIkxet S. Laxe when be was inaugurated Governor on the 14th day of January, 1861, three days previous. The Constitution vested the executive power of the Sute in Hexet 3. Lab from the 14tU to the 17ih day of January. ib6l, and by his resignation tbo Constitution vested the executive power of the State in Olive P. Mottos, who was duly elocted Lieutenant Governor, from the date that Governor Läse resigned his) office. By virtue of the Constitution the executive power of the Statte was vested in - Olivk P. Moarox precisely tbe nam a. it was In Hc.iar S. Laxe. Both have held the office by tbe same authority. And if it bad happened tbat Olive P. Mobtox had been removed from office, or if tie had died or resigned, or from any disability bad been una ble to discharge the duties of Governor, the executive power of the State would have rested in the Secretary of Suto Just as if he bad been elected by tbe people to that position, and he would bar served as lucb during the unexpired term. 8aji the Constitution: "In case of tu remor al of tbe Governor from office, or of his death. resignation, or inability to discharge tbe duties of the office, the aanse hall devolve on the Lieu tenant Governor." WKBsrrnt sava that devolve means "to fall In succession; to descend by in heritance; to be transferred." Upon the resign atioa of Governor Las, the executive power of the State was trtmferred to Olive P. Moitox, and O P. 31., by virtue of the Constitution, became just as much Governor as was IL 8. L. A od If bf death, resignation or any other disability, 0. P. 21. should become unable

to discharge the duties of Governor, the executive power of the State would be vested in the Secretary of State precisely the sarne as St was in Hixrt S. Lax or Olivee P. Mot tox. So evident was tbe purpose of the framers of the Cou stitulion in this regard, that they made no provision for the election of a Governor even in the contingency of the removal of the Governor or Lieutenant Governor from office, or the death, resignation, or inability of either to discbarge the duties of Governor. "J. Mobkisox," in his opinion, as it appears in tbe Journal, and which is concurred in by "H. C. Newcomb." "David McDoxald," "A. O. PoETEJt," "J. D. HOWIAKD," "L. BAEBOVE," "Johx L. Ketch am" and "William P. Fishback," all very learned in the law. "suppose it will not be contended by any one that Governor Mubtow is ineligible by the letter of tbe Constitution." And that opinion con. eludes with the statement that they "entertain do doubt whatever ef the eligibility of Governor Moetom to the office of Governor, after the expiration of bis ' present iiteumbemcj." These distinguished and learned legal gentlemen concede that Governor Mobtox bs held the office of Governor from the 17th day of January, 1861. The letter of the Constitution says the Governor "shall hold his office during four years, and shall not be eligible more than four years in any period of eight years." We suppose Messrs. Morriso.x k Co intend to place this construction upon the letter of the Constitution. Governor Horton was vested with the executive power of the Sute on the 17th day of January, 1S61. Four years wiil not expire until the 16ih or 17th days of January, lbC5. Hence they "entertain no doubt whatever of the eligibility of Governor Moeto5 to the office of Governor" for three days from "the second Monday of January," 1 S65, provided he should be elected Governor at the next October election. In that event he will have held the office of Governor for four years, and the latter of the Constitution says the Governor "shall not be eligible more than four years in any period of eight rears."

Trrason and Confiscation. The Constitution of tbe United States was framed and adopted shortly after the close of the Revolutionary war. Its framers, most of whom had been engaged in that struggle, had witnessed the violent parous which had been engendered during the content, and the tendency of men, when excited, to transcend the bounds of justice and to net hastily and unadvisedly from the in- I fjuence of prejudice and suspicion. In a very brief commentary on that clause of the Const! tuiiott relating to treason, by Mr. Madisox, (see Federalist papers, XLIII ) the reason of the provision is explained "As treason may he committed against (he United States, the authority of the United States ought to be enabled to punish it; but as new fanglel aud - artificial treasons have been the great engines by which violent factions, the natural offspring of free governments, have usually -wreaked their alternate malignity on each other, the convention have with greitjudgme.it, opposed a birrier to this peculi.tr danger, by inserting a constitutional definition of the crime, and fixing the proof necessary for the conviction of it, and restraining Congress even in punishing it, front exteu iiti the consequences of guilt beyond the person of its utlior. Thus it is plain that tl Constitution meant to limit the punishment of treason to the guilty person alone." This provision is also consistent with the whole spirit of the Constitution, nnd consonant to the spirit of modern civilis uion and the genius of Christianity. , The spirit of this prorisioti was announce I in the laws of Moses, aa will be feeti from the following flotations: "Deut. c. 24, v. 16: The father shall not be put to death for the children; neither sin 11 the children be put to deuh for the father, Every man shall be put to death for hi3 own sin. "Deut., ch 19. v 15: One witness shill not rise up agaiust a m tn tor any sin, at the mouth of two witnesses, or at the mouth of three witnesses, shall the nutter be esuUlishc I. "Levit.,ch U, r. It: Thou -hlt not avenge or h'rtr any grudge against the childre.i of thy people, but thou shalt love thy neighbor as tbv self" Siys MoNTKsyuiKt: "The ChrU'.iin Religion is a strtner t- mere de-potic power. The mild nes o frequently recommended in the Gosnel is incompatible with the despotic rage wim which a prince punishes his subjects, and exercises him self in cruelty. Let us set before our eyes, on the one hand the continual massacres of the kings aud generals ot the Greeks an I Itxnuis, and on the other ibe destru -tion of people and cities, by those fimou conquerors, Zimce Beg and Jinqis Kaii. who ravaged Asia, and we shall see that we owe to Christianity, in govern ment, a certain p litic.il I w, aud in war a certain law of nations; benefits which hum in nature can never sufficiently acknowledge. It is owiog to this law of nations, that amongst Christians victory leaves these great advantages to the conquered: lile, liberty, laws, wealth and always religion, when the conqueror is not blind to his own iuierest." "As soon as a Republic has compassed the destruction of those who wanted to subvert it. there should be an end of terrors and puuishmeuts. Great punishments, and consequently great changes cannot take pi tee without investing some citizens with exorbitant power. It t. therefore, more advUablo in this otse to exceed in lenity than in severity; to btuwh but few, rather than many; and to leave them their estates. instead of m iking a vast number of con finest Lmis Under pretence of avenging the Republic's cause tbe avengers would establish tyranny. The purpose i not to destroy the rebel, but the rebel lion-. "Spirit ot Laws, Chap XVII I. The Republicans are like Jack, iu Swikt's tale of a Tub. when they meditate any rascality, they get down on their knees, roll up their eyes and begin lo pray. The Administration party are attempting to still further violate the Constitution by pretenJiug to m ike the confiscation act conform to it. CiECLLATlOX Or THE BlELE lion. S. M Bid well, one of the managers of the New York mole oc-iety, etated in an l.lre-Hi at Lenox, Mass . Iitst week, that l,200.0tnj Bibles nnd Tea laments had been printed and issued by the American Bible Society during the past year. Every ordinary working dv more than 4.00) are completed, being on an average of 7 per minute, and all Jon within the Society' building in r I. . . i . .i ii ow ior,eii;cpii roannixciur Ol nm mate rial. More thin lUO.OtnJ Bible aud Test menu have been given to the army; and 34)0,(100 have been sent beyond the rebel lines to the Sooth. The Soci-Hy's buildings and grounds are worth $.100,000, and all wert purchased and built by pnvate subscription. The Waste or Me. Tbe New York World estimates that the seven New York . Citv regi ments, wbich have returned from tbe seL of war to recruit their ranks, contain only fifteen bund red men. This estimate shows an average loss of about eight hundred men from each regi ment! Notwithstanding the enormous waste of money, that ia a waste of meo still more enormous in proportion to tbe trifling results it bas effected.

From the yew York Wc rid. A llepnbllcan Publicist on the President' Proclamation " Iuasmucb as the government of a republic is coil troi led by public opinion, and electious are only the niems by which this opinion is made efficieul. the agencies by which public opinion is lormed and enlighteued are not less wortky of attention than the measures and policy of the government itself. We therefore offer no a polo gy for giving promineuce to the opinions of an individual writer when they are supported by a skill of statement and force of logic which fit them to m ike a powerful impression ou tbe public mind. Dr. Orestes A. Brownson, the eminent and learned, but aomewhat erratic, Catholic publicist, announces in the January number of his Qarterly Review tnat be will not hereafter discuss theological questions in its puges, which will be de voted to philosophy, science, politics, literature, and the interests of civilization, especially American civilization. We take pleasure in com mending bis Review to our readers as worthy of their attention not as a guide of opinion, but as provocative of thought. Dr. Brownson, though a Republican and a partisan, bas a mind too teeming and vigorous to be the servile echo of any party or administration, and, like all inde pendent thinkers, he strikes out views worth consideration even when he is iu the wrong. In the January number of the review there is a bold discussion of the President's message and proclamation of amnesty, which so ridJIes the scheme of reconstruction therein presented that there is little left of it but logical shot holes. Dr. Brownson is an advocate or Senator Sum iter's State suicide theory and has in this same number a long article on the Federal Constitu tion, in which he wanders through a maze of political metaphysics to find authority for that doctrine. We do not choose to follow him into this labyrinth, but thought it necessary to state his position in order to show that he looks upon the subject of reconstruction from a Republican poiut of view. His article on the message is valuable as demonstratio the egregious absurdly of the President's scheme, on the supposition that the seceded State-1 are .-till in the Union. He, indeed, equdly demonstrates its absurdity on more general grounds; but iu the put of the argument just alluded to, he shuts up the President and his supporters in a corner from which there is n i escape without accepting the Stale suicide doctrine. This is a valuable service, as it re duces the abolition controversy to i single point, and maltet it turn on the truth, of the new crotchet of which Mr. Sumner is the inventor and sole p Hen tee. Dr. Brownson's positions cannot be so well stated as in his own language, and no reader will regret that ho large a portion of what follows is iu quotation marks. Dr. Brownson is, on the whole, rather an ad mirer of Mr. L'ncoln's character, or at least he credits him with as large a share of ability and good intensions as most of his Renuliliciu friends would claim for him. But he regirds the President's plan as all the more dangerous from the strong hold he has ou the respect of his party. "We honestly believe the plan unconstitutional, and fraught with hardly les danger to our republican institutions than the Southern rebellion itself, and all the more dangerous because it is not uulixely to enlist in its support so large a portion of the most fearless and devoted friends of the Union." He considers it ingenious and astute, "but it seems to us the plan of the poli tician rather than of the statesman, nnd to look more to the Presidential election than to the real wel tare of the nation." . Dr. Brownson does not object to the plan on account of i's betring on the Presidential election. But he objects "to putting forth so impor Unt apian with such a view and for such a reason " Dr. Brownson dislikes the President's plan primarily because it is an assumption by the executive of powers which belong to Congress. If he hud aimplv recommended the meisure to

Congress, and given his reasons, he would have proceeded to the full extent of his constitutional power. "What we object to ts the attempt by executive action, lo forestall the action of Congress, or to place the whole question in such n M)sition as to render it next to impossible for Coiigiess to refuse its sanction. The President proceeds on the assumption that be is clothed with the whole war pwer of the nation; an 1 as the war power is unlimited, while the war lattts he nny do ant dung he judges proper." The following paragraph sets in a rlear light the essential absurdity of the President's assumption: Vne civil organic tiioti of government cannot be (l.4i even by C ingress nnder the war power, und if done at all, must be done under its peace powers, as specified in the Constitution. The secede t Suites are still State-; that is, civil aud lo'iiioal 'organii itions in the Union, of thev are not. If they are, lii executive, neither under the war poaei.tior any other power, has any authority to establish no'ittry w any other governments within their limits. If they are not, their reorganization is the woik of Congress under its peace powers. The executive h is then, tu either case, nothiug lo do with their civil reor gairzition till Cou;re s Ins actel.and then only to e rry out the lav of Congress. Congress is competent to reorganize them under the peace powers of the government or it is not, for under the war power only military sroveuuncnts can be instituted. The institution or reorgauizition of civil government ial ways the act of thesupreme political power, of tho sovereign authority of the Sute or nation, aud it is the work of peice, not of war. The President, then, when he tells Congress it Must hold on to the war power, is the power under which the rebellious States are to be reorganised, forgets that neither he nor Congress can reorganize them under that power. The tnomeul we came to the civil reorganization of couquerel territory ttw belligerent rights have ceased, ani onlv the rights of peace are iu operation." Dr Brownson having thus conclusively, as it tee i us to us, dijp-tse I of the President's claim to act at all, and ot every claim to reorganize state governments under the war power, he turns lo the pretense of doing it under the pardoning power, and nukes nearly as clean work of that. "He claim, by virtue of his power to pirdon a general dispensing power, for daring to exercise which James II. of Kncland lost the crown of three kingdoms." The writer says be is the lasitman in the world who would deprive the President of the power to pinion and ot the attribute of mercy, "but." he adds, with significant emphasis, "we do not wish to see it very grossly abused."' Tho practical absurdity of Mr. Lin coin's use ot It is placed in a novel and s-riking light. AU be asks of any rebel, as the condition of a lull pardon and a full restoration lo bis political and civil rights, is that he take the oath of allegiance. All the prisoners ot war we now hold, under the rank of Colonel, hare tbe right under the President's proclam ition to de maud the oil and to bat Ire-ted as tree and loyal citizens the moment they have taken it " On tbe practical (Tor l of the amnesty, if carried out as propoted. Dr. Urowi sou's reasoning is marked by rigorous sense. We quote: - "We said we oljected primarily to the execu tive plan, because it is au executive plat., hrery feature of it ia marked by what seems to us an extraordinary assumption of power on the part of the executive 1 he I resident prescribes the oath, prescribes on what conditions the Slates 'id rebel lioo may recognixe State Governments, and be recognized and represented in Congress as loval States iu the Uuiou. Any one of them, with not les thau one tenth of the number of persons wbo voted in the Presidential electiou of IbGI, may recoitnize themselves as the State, and have the full Ftde 1 lep-eseutttioniu Ciuuret-r, to which the Stale ouder the census ol' Ie6 ) was entitled 1 Why, the President coull eaailv, by the distribution of Federal offices and patronage in any seceded State, unless there are fewer Union meu than ia pretended, induce al least one in ten. it assure of Federal preteoaou, to swallow without scruple the prescribed oath, or nil v num ber of oaiha he tni&bt preeeribe, and elect State auu rctJeral olhcers, whom he may choose to prescribe. With the Federal representation of eleven States, who would be his nominees and creatures, and the number from the other States he could always command by the distribution of the Ditronsge of the government, the executive could easily grasp for himself the whole power of the Union, reien as an absolute prince, perpetuate by re elections his reign during life, and reduce the functions of Congress to that of simply reg istering his edicts; or, if it should now and then show a disposition to demur, be could, after the manner of Louia XIV, hold a lit de justice." Dr. Brownson does not impugn the motives of the President, who "seeks power only aa the means of doing good." Bot this only rendara the scheme the more dangercus. Tb- scheme ia

cunuingly devised, and admirably devised to make the executive practically tbe government, and even the Mate, and to open the door to wholesale political corruption, and to force the people to cheat themselves out of their honesty and their liberty." This absurd scheme of re organizing with one tenth of the legal voters leads the' writer to suggett that the President seems to have inherited from bis old English Whig ancestry something of the doctrine that "government can only be carried on by trickery and corruption." But what be most insists on is the logical absurdity of the scheme, not its cor-, rupting tendeucy. It is so utterly inconsistent with the idea that the seceded States füll exist as States, that those who maintain it ."are capable of maintaining, in spite of the logicians, that of contradictories both may be true." Here is a detached scrap of bis argument' "The General Government ca-jnot interfere in the internal affairs of a State recognized tobe a State in tbe Union, and is as much bound to respect the Sute constitution and laws not repugnant to tbe constitution and law of the United States, as the State is bound to respect the constitution and laws of the General Government. If the President denies the seceded States have ceased to exist, he has no right te institute either military governments or civil governments for them, or to prescribe tbe conditions n which they may become States again, and be restored to their rights as States in the Union, for they are. on the supposition, already States in the Union. So much must be clear to the veriest trro, and ought to be clear even to ourradicalconservativo friends ot the Times. If the seceded States have ceased to be States, and Income simply population and territory belonging to the Union, then again the Presioeut bas no authority either to reorganize them or to prescribe by proclamation or otherwise the conditions on which they may reorganize and be recognized as Srates. In either c.uie, the executive actkn is revolutionary and indefensible, as much so as the action of secession itself. There is no principle known to our Constitution, ritten or unwrittrn, on which the action of the executive can be justified, or even palliated." -. Dr. Brownson portrays the beauties of te re construction scheme with great boldness id felicity of touch. No person will object to the length of Ihe following extracts: "A Sute with nine tenths of its population disloyal and excluded from the ranks of its polit ical people, evidently could not sustain itself and discharge its proper functions aa a State in the

Union. It would have to be held up ani nursed by the government, and thus would be opened the door to political intrigue and corruption, ex ceeding anything we have yet known, even in this city. Its representatives in Congress would be virtual nominees of the Admiuistrition, and the Congressional Districts would be only so many "rotteu boroughs" owned by tie government. No election would or could be free. Be-i-i'les, with here and there an individual excep tion, the men who would take the oath and be allowed to vote would be the weakest and least energetic portion of the population. Tbe portion of the Southern people who have tbe most character and are the best fitted to govern and look after the interests of the State or the Uniou, are precisely those who would be excluded by the test o uh. The majority of the voters would be composed of government employees, adventurers from other States, with very little honesty or principle of any sort, nod without any permanent interest in the State, or connection with it. Here is a grave consideration. . . "We cannot understand why one Union man in South Carolina, Tennessee or Louisiana, should count for ten in Massachusetts, New York, or Pennsylvania We know no reason why they should hare any vote at all, while the great, the overwhelming majority of (he population nre in rebellion. "But that majority are politically dead." Then do not count them as a basis of repiescnUitioii. Abstract them from the whole popula'ion given by the census of lb(0, nnd take onlv the remainder as the representative population. You cannot do that legally. The State is the State, and yuu must count its whole population or none. Then do you not see the gross inequality and absurdity ot pretending that they are Sta'es in the Union, with all their Federal rights unimpaired? Moreover, the Union men in the eleven seceded States rrc not citizens of the United Status They are enemies, and are declared lo be so dt the Snnreuie Couit in the Hiawatha case, nnd hare been since the 13th of July, lSCI.nnl their territory is enemy's tcrri tory, otherwise the President could never have placed it under military governors or blockaded the Southern jorts. The Supreme Court have decided that the war we aie earn ing on is not a simpie wir against insiire.n individuals, Out a territorial civil war. whici) m ikes every man, woman, and child in the rebellious territory an enemy. The interdict inut be reirored from that territory before these Union men cease to be enemies, and that cannot be removed so long as the law of Conressof the 13th of Jul, 1C61, remains unrepealed, and thegrcit majority are still hostile, without a gios abuse of executive power. We do not know that even these Union meo in the seceded States are any better than the Union men in the organized territories under the government of the United States. And why should they, any more than these, have a federal representation and an electoral vole?" . . The relentless logic of Dr. Brownson does ex edition like the knife of a dissecting turgeou. If thcie was any life iu the viciim at the beginning ot the opera'ioo, it is cut into too mall pieces for any to remain at its clo?e. From the Kos ton Pilot. -.va r.amonde and t lie Irish National t-mlr. the managers of the Irish National Fair at Chicago are determined lo surpass anything of the kiud ever held in this country, in the extent, variety, and rarity of the articles to be presented for disposal. To add to the attractions of the occasion they have onened correspondence with the most eminent Irish orators, elocutionists, Lc, to grace each evening of the Fair with their talents. They have the pleasure of announcing that the first response they have received is from the talented Irish Reader and Elocutionist, Miss Teresa Esmonde. The following is the letter in which she volunteers to come to the Webt and give her services free for the glorious object of the rair. The managers feel that it is unnecessary to speak of Miss Esmondc to the people of Chicago, where she is so well known and appreciated; but they would say to those of their countrymen and women who hare not been fortunate enough to hear her that her manner of rendering the glorious songs and billads of the dear old land is unapproachable, and bas met with unbounded applause from the press and public throughout the land. But what endears her most to her countrymen is her heroic and generous patriotism. ' . ,' When Prince Albert landed in Waterford, a large crowd was assembled and gazing with sul len indifference at the pageantry, an officer of the English navy, mortified at the cool reception the Prince was receiving, stepped forward and shorted, "Irishmen, this is His Roval Highness, Prince Albert! Three cheers for the husband of our beloved Queen!' But, quick as thought, be fore an answer could be given, Miss Esmonde, who happened to be iu the crowd, exclaimed In a voice loud enough to be heard by all, "Irish men, who will dare to shout for Prince Albert in tbe home of Meacher?" ft is needless to say that the "husband of ccr beloved Queen" received no cheers on that occasion. To the Lady Managers of the JrUh Matlofl fair; La ii w: Most cheerfully do I respond to the roanHcers of the National Fair, to give a reading in Chicago, for the grand object in view. I am only too happy if any feeble effort of mine can iu auy way assist that Ireland, whose daughter I proudly claim to be, in the final struggle lor freedom. How fondlj co I hope that throngh the united efforts of all our race. I may yet see her happy and freo. Iiere let me express regret by sympathy and deep feeling fur the death of that great Chief, the brave nod true-hearted General Corcoran, whose loss ij irreparable to the land he loved so well, and to achieve whose independence he would have willingly sacrificed hit life. . Winking every success to your underUking, I remain, ladies, your obliged friend and fellow country-woman, Teresa Esmonds, Brookltk, N. Y., Jan. 1561.. C2TA Doctor of Divinity did a fine thing tbe other day in ringing tbe changes on "He that hath enrs to her, let bim hear." "He that is accessible to aurcuUr vibration," said ; the Doctor, "let bim close the gates of bis tympani

From the New Tork Metropolitan. What we are Fighting for The Case Argued. New Yoek, August 19, 1861. Dear Sie: In the World's issue of the 3d inst., there is an anicle entitled "Give us the best Officers." which explains to its readers "What we are not fighting for," and theo subjoins a further deo- . laration to let them know "What we are fighting for." Having chanced to read this article, and believing its contents untrue, I have made, and venth.'W to send you, the following observations upon it, that yoa might cause them to be published, if agreeable. Instead ot referring to that paper's columns for its statements concerning the two points above mentioned, I transcribe each of them in full before I make any remarks upon it. In so doing, I deviate, perhaps, from what is customary on such occasions; but my object ia that tbe reader, who has not those statements at hand, will thus have the whole case, pro and con laid before him, and, consequently, be the better able to judge which of the two parties is in the right. Yours very respectfully, Phil. V.

As to the first point, the World says: "I. We are not fighting to subjqgate the South. It is a wrong impression thai the North wishes to control the "South. The. only wish is, that all should acknowledge and recognize the Federal Constitution as the great chart ef our liberties and civil duties." Well said; ouly it is not true. Is it "a wrong impression that the North wishes to control the South?" One should pray it were so; but tbe 'uu . The present war, it is pretended, has been occasioned by Hie necessiuu . Southern States from the Union; and the seccs sion of these States, it is notorious, has been caused by the North having now even officially declared that ehe intends to deny their citizens the use of such rights in the common territory as the Constitution has secured to them. What, then, are we fighting lor? If it is true, as the World affirms, that "the only wish is, that all should acknowledge and recognize the Federal Con-tit utiou as the great chart of our liberlies and civil duties," well mty the .North lay her arms down, and better far would she have done had she never taken them up at ail. For that the Federal Constiiu'iou is the great (and only) chart of the liberties and civil duties of the American citizen, the South always did, and does now at this present momeut, recognize in the fullest e;use of the word. "II. We are not fighting to extinguish slavery. Slavery is recognized under the Constitution, and the .North would not interfere with the rights wbich the Southern States enjoy, by the Constitution, in regard to their slaves. Only their owu persistence in rebel liou can damage slavery." By the writer's leave, all and everv word of this clear profession (except only that "slavery is recognized under the Constitution") stands before the world convicted of falsehood by the past as well as the present. Would not interlere? And what else has the North been doing these thirty years but working bard with all her might to extinguish 6laverv? With the sole view of accomplishing this end. every art has been resortexuto; all sorts of means -opun and secret, public and private have been made use ol, and all unlawlul. These are tacts, too certain to be gainsaid, too well kuown to need remembering, too numerous to be here even bare ly mentioned. But, to pass everything else over in silence, who is iguoraut that the secession of the South em States, on hose pretext our country is now forced to undergo (if it can) the wholti trial of this calamity, has been the natural, the necessary effect of the above mentioned declaration of the North (bat her fixed determination is not to al j low the citizens of the South the use of their property in . the common territories of the i Union? Or is the cit'zens' right lo use their property in the common territories less clearly and positively guaranteed bv the Constitution than it is in their native States? I would fain learn iir wlmt part of that ins rument is the line ol' difference drawn, by which the writer of the ubove-quoted paragraph, or any man, may think himself justified in .(Tinning that "the North would not interfere with the lights which tha Southern States enjoy, by the Constitution, in regird lo their slaves," when the North openly professes her iutention to be, "To refuse the citizens of the Southern States the right of setting with their slaves in the common territory of the Union!" "III. We are not fighting for rapine and plunder. A Mcred regard has been, and will be, paid to person! properly .except where it is employed to resist the General Government, or to t'nrther the existing rebelliou. . There is no intention to invade the privacy ol domestic life, or in auy way to injure ; and the high-minded sol diery b tth o Hirers and men would scorn the imputation ihrowu out for the sake of effect bv certain military leaders." Agai.i-t this prortamation aud chivalrous announcement I should have no observation to make, except as regards t lie threateueJ condemnation and seizing of personal property, "where it is employed," ihe writer says to resist the General Government, or to further the existing rebellion " But, as the justice of such seizing is only dependent upon the justice of our fighting, and as the ju-tice of our fighting is altemp'ed to be vindicated in the following explanation of "What ae ie fighting for;" therefore I leave here the in ttter untouched. For the res., 1 would cheerfully subscribe to the sentence that "both officers and men would scorn the imputation" referred to in the paragraph; although have beird it related by creditable per, sons that some of those eng iged in raising men against the Siuth have actually enticed them to go by laying before them the tempting prospect of rapine aud plunder, siting, "you may be sure, every one of your, to come back rich with the spoils gathered from the well stored houses of the Southerners. , But, with regard to the World's editor, 1 am ' at a loss how tu make that chivalrous proclatua tion agree with certain passages in the letter of "his rpeiial correspondent", in Washington, dated August 1st, and printed by him iu the very next column of the same piper, under the caption "The war for ihe Union!" Their tenor is as follows: "You hive heard of the drunkenness, marauding, rapine, aud even bloodshed, wbich prevailed, along the avenue until this week;" and a few lines below: "Look at the license given tu our troopa from the outlet . . .the unpunished robbery, incendiarism and violence perpetrated, iu defiance to ordeis.on the march.." This correspondent, we -must believe, alludes to ascertained facts, and speaks from personal knowledge. What sort of correspondent would he otherwise be? And a special one. too! Unless, then, the World's editor has reason of bis own for understanding those passages in a different sense from what their words plainly and neccssArily signify, it seems that the high tone of eulogii'iin which he pays to the high minded soldiery must abate somewhat fioiu his correspondent's letter. I will admit that the import of th.tse pn&sages little affects the officers, supposing them unable to make their ordern obeved by undisciplined or undisciplinable troops; although the expressions "the license given o our troops," aud "tbe unpunished robbery, incendiarism aud violence," would make one ihmk otherwise; but certainly it does fully affect the men, whose mind, and character, aud resolution to do, are therein distinctly and completely ruough delineated. On the other hand, one may consider that it is not iu the officers, how extravagantly soever multiplied, but it is in the men that consists, as to numbers and material force, almost the whole of that which goes by the name of soldiery. Yet still, in that communication from Wahington, there is one good thing which highly recommend? our soldiers, and deserves carefully to be taken notice of it is their impartiality. They are, in fact, represented as having no ref pect of persons, but as being determined to treat their friends and their Joes alike. Tbe World next proceeds to declare the second and most important point of its undertaking. and say: " "VOAT AU riOHTIM Mt. 1. To uphold a Government constituted for the benefit of all tbe people in the United States.and which has been ruthlessly assailed, with a view to weaken or destroy it." These are common place expressions which, though they might be true in an indefinite sense, yet, in. a controversy between two parties, can serve no purpose, as they have no meaning, unless good proof is at the same time given that the application of their import Is true as intended by the writer. Whenever general words are cot ac cotapanied by such proof, and their meaning is, consequently, left in that loose condition which

their literal sound gives them, theu they may be, and but too often are used by both parties in differently, each to justify itself and condemn the other. Thus, one politician recommends a measure to the people, and assures them that in its adoption consists "the public good of the country;" whereas his anugonist protests against it, and assures the same people that "the public good of the country" consists in rejecting that measure, and in adopting the one which he himself propoees, diametrically opposite to the former! Whence it is plain that the efficiency of general phrases must needs depend upon the evidence which fixes their vague meaning so as to make their application true in tbat sense only which is employed by the speaker. And as this generally is not done by the orators of either side, bence the blunders so frequently made by the people In both adopting and rejecting the proposed measures, respectively. They are carried away by the sound of those general words, which they believe true by implicit faith. The worst of it is that it is tbe people themselves only wbo pay the penalty; as if they were' the only, or even the principal, an tbors of the mischief 1 Perhaps they are. In the present instance no such evidence bas been given us by tbe writer of tbe above quoted paragraph. Not only so, but there are good reasons for turning his general proposition into a sense which is exactly the reverse of the one he insinuates. For, to wbich of the contending parties may be justly Imputed the design of weakening or destroying our government, past experience fully proves. The South has never done or attempted anything that might be construed into sucl. a design, or tend to such a result. On the contrary, she has constantly (though not always with the came T"V"i w,,;ch is aTpitv, and in a manner her fault,) endeavored to nm fnr j,er citIzens those rights inviolite which the Consu.guarantees to ihem. Now, it is obvious that the effectof these endeavors, if successful, could have been no other but to strengthen and more firmly establish our government. If that writer knows aught that has been done by the South, contrary to what I have advanced, I desire him to prove it (not from politicians' speeches, but from ascertained tacts,) and I am ready to join him in condemning her. For, while the two parties are engaged io fighting upon the field, or taking some rest in their camps, we may quietly examine into their past dqings, and bring to light what has placed them io the sad position they now occupy toward each other. It is only thus that the people at large (who are the supporters of the war, aud the chief, if not the only, sufferers from it,) may be made to understand the causes which have brought it upon them. Then, and not before, can they say to themselves, "We now see what we are fighting lor" The North, on the other hand, has done al most nothing else, during these thirty years and more, hut to employ all means, though

forbidden by the letter as well as the spirit of the Constitution, in order to prevent tbe citizens of the South from enjoying their rights, which that instrument has secured to them. Of which endeavors, it that writer does not thiuk otherwise, I affirm that, according to the clear est dictates of reason, s nd. upon the plain princi ple that the effect must unavoidat.lv be produced by the working of its own cause, the consequence could have been no other, but to weaken at first, and in time to de-troy "a government con stituted," as be justlv savs, "for the benefit of all the people In the United Sutes." They have, in fact, succeeded in breaking it asun der I think he will not ask of me to give proof of such efforts made by the North as I bare alluded to in the preceding paragraph; nor can his readers be in need of it. If this were the case, I would refer them 1st. To the open as well as secret arts which the has practised iu tbe Southern Sutes for enticing the slaves away from their masters; 2d. To her press throughout, in the shape of tewspapers, tracts, pamphlets and books. These are even now, and from numerous sources, largely distributed amongst the men of our army, aud made to reach as many slaves in the interior of the Southern States sä pos-ib!e; 31. To her preachers of abolitionism, even among the clergy: -lib. 'To "the personal lilxerty bill," so called; Stli. to ber attempting to invade the South anna la manu, and excite there a general insurrection of the 6lares against their masters; tnh. To But, since we are nt present upon the subject of a war, under which litis country is actually wasting away before our eyes, it Is here sufficient to point out its direct and immediate causes. For this -I would refer them lsr. To the official records of Congress, whose motions and debates since 1S13 present to the world uo other spectacle but that nl a continued, uninterrupted struggle between the two sections ol ihe country, tbe North attacking the South to wrest from her ber couslitu'ional rights in regard to the common Territories of the Union, the South defending herself agaii'st the attacks ol the North, in order to hold those rights firm in her hand, 2J. To "The New England Emigrant Aid Company," incorporated by act of Legislature in the Sute of Massachusetts, "with a capitsl," says the report of a Committee on Territories in the Seu ate, "of five millions of dollars, invested in bouses and lands, in merchandize and mills, iu c innoti and rifle, in powder aud lead," who.-e purpose was that of filling Kansas Territory with people devoted to abolitionism, mid ready to employ all means to hinder the Southerners from Kettling there with their slaves ; 3d. To " The Kansas' Aid Society," organized in the citv of Washington by the very toemlter of Congress of both Houses, of which association, one of its honorable members assures, in public testimony ander oath, that "the leading primary object was to prevent the introduction of slavery into Kan sas," and to this end circulars were issued "to tbe people of the country, of the Northern States particularly, urging that steps be taken to ioduce persons from the North, who are opposed to slavery, to p there, and prevent its introduction. Are not these things true? or are they not telling? It seems they are. But not to mention other p irticulars, I would refer tbe World's readers to the announcement made by the North both at the time when, in the late Presidential electiou, she was striving to get, and ever since she has got into official power, namely, that she is still determined to carry out ber purpose, not to allow the citizens of the South to settle with their slaves in the common territoritories. For although such an announcement on the part of the North is no new thing, but only a repetition of what she had always proclaimed,' yet still, considering the particular time aud circumstances iu which it has now been made aud acted upon, it was now a thousandfold more significant and weighty than it could have been ever before. One may regard it as the great seal affixed to the public record of the North's former attempts against the South; ""embodying not only a solemn approbation and confirmation of them, but also a further promise never to de-ist from renewing them uutil they arc crowned with success. It was the last drop that fell iu a vessel already too full. For this announcement of the North has directly caused the Southern States to secede from tbe Union; the secession has been made by the North, the occasion, or pretext, of calling the people to arms for invading the Southern Sutes iu order to treat them as rebels, and reduce them to subjection; this iuvasion tbe Southern Sutes are now resisting; aud this is the war. I believe the readers of the World do now clearly see "What w i are fighting for." Ppilo V. To be continued. Id Spain, a woman ca her marriage i-etaios (aa.with us) the oame, the proper name, by wbich alone she has been baptised. She also re tains ber tprlliJm, or surname. The children not unfrequently take the surname of both their pa rents not with a lisjnnctive lies, out witn a conjunctive y (and), a Don Francisco Quevedo t Viilegss. Wbcn the rank of the mother is considerably more exalted than that of the fa ther, the auruaroe of the rootlier ia sometime taken alone. CoEai rnox -Corruption in the Treasury Department at Washington, frauds in the Navy Department, in the Commissary Department, in Ohio, in New Orleans, in every department of the government and of the array, and treason in the Custom house, among tbe leaders of tbe Rc publican party, should lead honest mew to realize the true character f those who are controlling the government. tS?Nbe mess HC of the Governor of Ohio oe ti mates the toul loss by tbe Morgan raid in that Sute at $7, WU.

John ."I organ In rtlctiitiond lie Visits the Lib by Prison Addrea t hi Trtspn. Prem the Hie lira und Kuquirer, January 11.1 On Saturday the city's guest, Get eral John H.--Morgan, escorted by His Honor, Joeeuh Mayo, Mayor of Richmond, Acting A djuUnt General R. A. Alston, Mr. Bruce, M. C, from Kentucky, and number of o'-bers, paid a visit to the Libby ' Prirton. where an opportr-riity was afforded them of inspecting that famous receptacle of Union sentiment, and the parties who gave it viulity. These in round numbers, foot up considerably over a thousand an aggregate sufficient to make a most respectable regiment, so far as mere numbers are concerned Geueral Morgan and party arrtied at the priou about 11 o'clock, and. on making their wishea known, were immediately conducted on a tour ol inspection General Morgan, on arriving up stairs, where the prison era "most do congregate," was immediately conducted into the presence of tbe "author of the Maine Liquor Law," the whilom Brigadier General Neal Dow. An introduction took place, -twben Morgan obesrved, with one of those inimitable smiles for wbich he is so noted, "General Dow, lam very happy to see you here; or, rather ' I should say, eiuce you are here I am bappy to see yon looking so well." Dow's natural astuteness and Yankee ingenuity came to his aid, and he quickly replied, without apparent embarrassment, "General Morgan, I congratulate yoa on -your et cape; I cannot say tbat I am glad yoa did escape, but since you did, I am pleased to see you here." Tbe conversation then became gen- ' eral between the two, during the progress of which Dow admitted tbat the views of the South, its people and their treatment of prisoners of war, had undergone a material change for the better in the last few months. Gen. Morgan also bad an interview with the' notonon - ,tt., ji . l . nt previous to bis visit, been released from close confinement for attempting to escape from prison, and restore! to his old place among the other officers. It has been conjectured, by persons wise in reading the motives of men by their actions, that this man hoped, on his entrance into tbe the prison, by taking the most ultra position on the ejuestions dividing the North and South, to become the leader aud host of bis fellow captives. If such was his desire, be most sigmlly failed, as it is known that he is by no means popular among them; "on the conti ary, quite the reverse." Streight is a tall, raw-boned, broad cheated, sandy haired, big whiskered, -uncouth looking man. with arms awingiug like the wings of a windmill in tbe doldrums He has acquired a considerable quantity of disjointed information on a variety of topics, while pasturing in the literary fields ' of Yankeeland. Knowing a little ot everything, and not much of anything, has made him a free . thinker, and ready adherent of all the isms peculiar to his section. He does not, it is said, believe in a God or Devil, which is not at all wonderful, considering the locality from which be hails. Gen. Morgan said to Streight, in bis interview with that individual, tbat it was his desire to ameliorate the condition of all the prisoners in our hands, and he would do so as far as lay in bis power, despite the fact that some of his own . meu had been tied up by their thumbs and subjected to other cruelties abhorrent to human nature for endeavoriug to escape. The interview between the two seemed to be mutually satisfactory. If the sketch we hare drawn of Streight . presenU that individual in an unaraiable attitude, be has only himself to blame for it. All of tbe officers in the Libby can not be placed in the same category as himself it would be surprising it they could. There are many of tbem persons of education and refinement, and who, under a different sUte of affairs, would display these kinder impulses that dignify and adorn human nature, even in its most depraved state. Even in these . modern times, we may readily conceive that there is such a thing as a passably good man being "moved and seduced by the Devil." Hardly any one will deny that the upholders of Abe Lincoln have been operated on by the gentleman in black. While the majority of the prisoners seemed -gratified at the visit of Morgan, and all pleased at bis personal experience, so different from what their imaginations had depicted, tbe Kentucky otCceis expressed tbe most unqualified delight at seeing tte favorite son of their own Sute. They expressed themselves openly not only as delighted to sei him. but delighted also that he had escaped from prison and was once more at liberty. Some of the expressions used by the Kentucky Yankees elicited tbe decided disapprobation of their wooden-nutmeg compatriots; but nothing could repress the expression of genuine Kentucky feelings on the part of the Federal officers from that Sute toward "the great bandit." While at the Libby, General Morgan vlsled tbe hospital attached to the prison, and gave high praise to Surgeon Wiikius and bis co-laborers for their efficient conduct The General said tbe , hospitals were all that could be desired, and kept iu true military style. The only drawback to the pleasant reflection induced by their visit, was the existence of a fact wbich unconsciously leaked out during its progress. Ou fed eral occasions, lately, owing to the Inefficiency and want of industry or attention on th part of the Quartermaster charged w ilh the duty of furnishing fuel for tbe use of the Libby, the imprisoned officers have stood shivering for davs in the cold. On Christmas day, it appears, the lankees went dinnerless, because there was no wood to cook their food. A few Mats thereafter, the dinner tables used by the officers were consumed for fuel to cook their lood with. Doubtless au inquiry would show that the officers aud guards of tbe prison were n i better off. This sUte of affairs should not exit-t.

The wood is here, and a little industry would make it available- The party to blame in the matter should be stirred up with a particularly long pole. HkaDQCAETEES MOHGAS'S CaVALET.f ' Decatve. GA..Jan. 1,161. SoLDir.as I am once more among you. after a long and painful impriuonmeri.I am anxious to be again in the field. 1 therefore call upon all the soldiers ol my command to assemble at once at tbe rendezvous which has been established at this place. Your country needs your services; the field of operatious is wide, aud the future glorious, if w only deserve it. Remember bow many of ; our brave comrades are still pining in a felon's c;ll. They call loudly on you for belp. Tbey expect it of you. Will you disappoint them? Come at once, and come cheerfully, for I want no man in my command who has been sent to bis duty by a Provost Marshal. The work before us will be arduous, and will require brave hearts and willing bands. Let oo roan falter or delay, for no time is to be loet. Every one most bring his horse who can. Those who cannot will bare them furnished. Joh Mo&oax,' , Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S. How Soldier are Treated Hiker's laland Disgraceful Proceeding. The Brooklyn Daily Union says: Horrible stories about robberies and outrages on the volunteers on Riker's Island, are brought to us by an army officer. If true, they reveal a -horrible system of positive crimes which reflect disgrace on all concerned. Our informant sUtes that recruits when ukeu to the Island are placed in line upon the parade ground, and there one by :- one stripped naked, regardless of weather, to be searched lor concealed citizen clothes; that this search lasU from an bour to aa boar and a half, during wbich time the shivering men art kept ia . . the open air, and then sent to comfortless wedge tents to freeze, sicken, and perchance die, from the effects of this barbarous exposure. Furthermore, is said to be practiced, a eptem of the roost eha melul extortion. During the excessive, ly cold weather, some of the men bought little sheet iron stoves, worth $1.25 at reuil in tbe city, to place in their tents, for which they were charged the sum of $10 each. At one time, the ouly well on the Island was frozen up; for two . dsys, the men were without a supply of water, and, when water was brought tbem by lighters, it was so foul from the vessels lo which it had been brought, as to be unfit for use. At tbia time, it is said, water wss sold for $5 per canteen . full. Forty cents were demaoded and pid for a sixpenny 'pie, and twenty fire cents for a paper of chewing tobacco. - - ?FMore shells were discharged in tbe singlti battle of Gettysburg than were employed ia all the battles Napoleou ever fought. . Tbe State of Connecticut bai fiÜed ber quota and 500 over. Tbe loss of life on 'the Frwoch railways t$" ' only one in seven millions of passengers.