Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 31, Indianapolis, Marion County, 4 January 1864 — Page 2

YEEKLY SENTINEL.

MONDAY, - !JAN. 4. The year eighteen hundred and stxtyihree has pxstand its record is ruade up. rTo us, 8 a peo pie nd"a nation, at bis beet filled with iaiportant and Interesting event. The civil war has been wnf J5er?ety"Jarid upon a sc To that has 110 pirallel iu history. Over a million and a quarter of men of one n ition have confronted etch other in deadly strife, and at a cost in treisure of at lost fifteen hundred millions of dollars. Notwithstanding this imioeiiie drain upon the resources of the couutry, a Urge portion of the people of the North hive enjoyed an apparent prosperity equtl, if not greater, than in years of peace. We know here but little of the evils of war. Onlj those wb hve tnversed a.couutry over which a large array h i pissed, can appreciate the blight anl curse which follows in the train of war. ", war ! wh it. what art thou t ' At once tbe proof and scourge of man fIl'n tat ! J Af'er the brightest conquest, what appear Of all thy lories t for the vanquished, chains! K r th prru I victri, what! alii! to reign O'er deflate uationa. The history of the war for the year can be briefly told, especially as iu imports ut events are fresh in the minds of all. There have been msny terrible battles, with fearful slaughter. Our arms have met with no rue reverses, but we have gaiued many decidad and important successes. The area of the rebellion has been considerably reduced, and the navigation of the Mississippi river, which, a year ago. wa ander the control of powerful rebel armies, has been opened, and ia now traverseJ by Federal war and merchant stenmers. This is the bright side of the picture, bui there is another and a dark one. These contests have beeu fought and victories have been won, but at a fearful sacrifice of life. Tens of thousands of brave and gallant meu who during tbe j ear just closed marched forth in health, in all the pride of life and buoyant with hope, have bit the dost lives v.ilu able to the nation, to society, and to their families. But the jear cannot be recalled. It hs fled, and it is almost impossible to realize, so fast has been its footstep, the mighty events which luve been crowded upon it. Let the dead burj the dead. To-day opens a new year. What shall be the l.Utory of 1864? At the close, as now, will two powerful armies confront eich other in battle array? or shall peace ttnile upon the land? 'Oh beauteous peace Sweet onion of a Slate! what eUe but thou U.vti safety, strength, and glory to a people?" During this year will peace be couquered by the overthrow of the rebel armies and the sub jugatiou of the rebel States? Our forces will be vastly augmented by the time the spring campaigns opeu, and it appears to us in o-er-powering numbers. From whence will the rebels fill op and increase their ranks so as to be able to meet and resist their foe? Their youths are mituriog, and from that source many soldiers will come, and l-ire numbers of their able bodied men have not ret beeu in the field. We must expect that the more desperate their fortunes become, as they yet manifest the spirit of determined tesisiance, the greater will be their effjrts. Tbey have vet resources left which they miy u-;e i;i the last extremity. They well know that if our armies succeed, the emancipation of their slaves will folljw. In the I ist exigency they could anticipate this action, emancipate their slaves themselves and put the ablebodied iu the field to fight with them for independence. May we not anticipate that the follies of the pirtT in power will force this policy upon the South? Aud what would be the result if tbe laves should be emancipated aud some five or six hundred thousand able bodied negroes pat in the field by them? Would the abolitionists, in that event, desire the war to be prolonged when their object iu favoriug its vigorous prosecution had beeu accomplished? Would not foreign cations then recognize them, when the? have only refused to do so on account of slavery? Under such circumstances what the prospect of conquering the rebel State- or of enilinj the war, no matter if we should double the three hundred thousand additional men lue President has called for? We h iv put nerroasj into our armies and would not the SiJih bejuiüel in using the same weapon? 'I he New Ye.tr Li before us. It will be au important one for the future of the country. A Presidential election it at hand, when the people will be called upon to approve or repudiate tbe party ia power. Au J th it election places new and grave responsibilities npon each an 1 every ciliz-wi. We believe th it pce h uor.iMe mid jus ieace coall ba c-Kipierei an 1 the Un'on ret wed by tbe re-ttor-.ttio.-i of the Diin vcr.nic ptitv to power. re?reentin as it does the con-sen-.nam of the n ition An! every ram wh thu- believes has a duty devolviug upon h'tn. grave and resp anible, Irotn which he cannot shrink. May we not c5l noon all wh sincerely desire peace and Union to give their time, their ability. and their roeius.to accomplish so noble a work? D.es it n t "e'i ive all iu entering a poo this new year.tnd miy it be a ble-sel year in its hietorv, to labor di'isrently for the true interests of (he nation, casting aside all personal ambition an I mere pirty prejudices, to restore the slory and prosperity and happiness of the old Union? , God grant it. Dea're not to live long, but to lite treil; Höht lung we live, not jreir. bot action tell. Abolitionism lief tiled We publish in this number two able essays upon the sut ject of slavery by one who most fully com- - prebended it alike in its moral, political and social berinrs. The essay was written by Bishop Exglaxd. of Charleston, in lF40,oneof the most giftel and purest prelates of tbe Catholic Church. The views he expresses are in direct variance with the sentimental philanthrophy and infiJelity of New Eugland abolitionists, wbote doctrines . ate ia direct conflict with the teachings and prin- - triples of Chrutiauity. Bishop E.xglaxd successfully combats the dogma that slavery U sinful, and when this underpinning of the . abolition argument is knocked away, the whole superstructure falls. The war was instigated by abolitionl-m, it is prolonged by the same cause nd it will be procrastinated so Ion:; as it in du ereeslh coonrilsof the nation- If our free in stifotions are overthrown ami a military despolistn i eubstffited, this work may be justly at tribute! t abolitionism. The peple need just - such argumetiU as are presented by Bishop E.xgtAtn to enlighten them upon the controversy in regard to slavery, and we believe the ouly hope for restoring aud perpetuating the beat govern meat to world ever nv, is In the public mind being dis ibusrd of fanatical abolition teachings. For that purpose we puldwu the essay of Riidtop Ejgiajd, and trut it will receive the consideration it so justly merits. There is one fact in connection with the history of the Afrk-an race which completely' demolishes - all tbe dogmas f abolitionism. With the aame mesM of improveuiftit thenejro on his native aoiljo far as the recor V of the p ist enlighten us.is the same now as be was in the beginning.aiMl the race never emerged from barbarism üntil it came in contact with the" white. If there ia anything lu providence or nature iu either the higher or lor Uw the truth we have stated ia the best demonstration thai the Maker of an all intended the white to be the superior at.d dominant race, and the commingling f blood, the experience of all will atteat, debases the physical nature of both, if it does not also morally and Intellectual-' ly. The mulatto Is short lived. And all the : teaching of history, both sacred and prof4n

are but 'confirmations, iio matter what the cause Or purpose, that the uegro race was Intended to be sulijectire to the white. 1 ;

, The professed philanthrophy and the present schemes of atwlltlotiurn also demonstra-e pr.ncti" cally the position we luv taken. . The mortalitf among the contraband from both neglect and change of habits is mot fearful. Since the war began tens of thousand have b---ti thus eoianci pated not ouly from servitude but life. Massachuatt4h hot-bed of aboIiUoiiim and iufiJelitr, was the first State to get permission to raise ne gro troop and she put the whole country under contribution to fill her quotas and let her white citizens, who claim to be the peculiar friends of the negro, escape the d mccrs and privations of war. It is stated by authority that soon we shall have one hundred and fifty thousand negro troops in the field. The telegraphic report, revised by government censors, published to the country a few days ago the information that Jeef. Dans also intended to put able-bodied negroes into the field. If such be the ease the grand moral spectacle will be exhibited to the world of rifgrcfes meeting negroes upon opposite sides in deadly strife, upon tbe issue of slavery as the Republicans insist, and by the casualties of war helping to abolish the race. Thia may perhaps be the best way to exterminate slavery, and it is a Yankee notion, too. If the negro, as the abolitionists contend. is the disturb ing element in American politics, then they might very appropriately recommeud the whites on both sides to stand off, put the negroes into the field and let the war be prolonged until like the Kit kenny cats they may fight on until the combat ants are practically abolished In this way the great problem in regard to African eliverTand the future of the negro may be speedily solved. A few years ago the exrlamatiott of sympathy in regard to another r ce was, "Lo! the poor In dian! and it is not improbable that New England dogmas upon hlavery and its philanthropy for the black man may th inire it to, "Lo! the poor negro: The Abolitionists have a peculiar fondness for ringing the changes upon the expression in the Declaration of Independence, that all men are created dee and equal. They contend that that declaration includes the negro race. But how do they illustrate their theory of equality? They deny it practically and prove they have no conconfidence in the captdty of the negro, by placing over the colored soldiers white officers. There are hnndreds of negroes in the North who hare been educated and had every advantage of reading and observation, yet even the cultivated colored di n is doomed by his own professed friends to a poitiou of inferiority. They must do the drudgery, while white men reap the glory and advantages. We allude to thee matters to show that in spite of all fine spun abolition theories, the seutiment prevails generally that the Higher Law has made a distinction between the races, and the history of the two demonstrates it. S;avery has been a benefit to the negro. Bv comiug in con tact with the white race in that condition he has been vastly improved. Whatever of injury si ivirry has caused, the white race have been the sufferers And in the inyterious workings of Providence it may be the purpose to abolish the black race on this'continent to save the deteioration of the white. But the ways cf Providence we must leave for time to solve. The National Currency System. A meeting of bank officers was held in New York city on the 5ih of December last, at which the following report ol the committee previously appointed Messrs. Jous E. Williams and John L. Evtairr to report on "the National Btnk Currency Act. ns to its prospective effects upon the currency of the nation and the national credit," as read and adopted. The committee discuss the proposition submitted with great ability, in ood spirit and with evident 'sincerity. The currency system of a nation affects all of its citizens, and is one of vital importance not only to the nationsil creolf, but to iudiridutl prosperity. Hence n new svstero should be attemritel ithoutdue cooperation. This review of tbe National Hank Currency Act is most searching, and we think clearly demonstrates that it will be disastrous iu its operations upon the currency of the nation and the national credit. We h ive regirded the report of sufficient importance, 3 a clear exposition of the workings of the new currency system, to place it before our readers, and we think no one will rise from its per im. 1 without being interested, aud enlightened in the topics discussed. The Committee report as follows: At a meefiiig of b ink officers held on the 6th of Oe'ober, a committee w;ts appiintel to report hi the Nition.il Bink Currency Act, as to it prospective e.Tects upon tha currency of the nation and tne national credit: mid renorl what action, if any, devoltes upon the banks in the premises. The undersigned members of a committee ihns appointed, beg leave to report as follows: The system referref to in the foregoing resolution, is authorized by nu act passed at the I tt legion of Congress entitled, "An Act to provide a National Currency secured liv a pledge of Uni ted bt .tes stock , and to provide for the circula tion and rrf option thereof." How cldVeijr this suliject my be connected with vestel interests corporate or individual now iu existence, vour Committee do not nuke the object of their inquiry. A scheme "to provide a ii-tiioiial currency aecured by United State. stocks," 3 of iwo rast importance to tbe whole people and government of thia country, to be dwarfed by any partial, or mere professional conBiderntious. As men, therefore, accustomed to investigate question ol hn.tiK-e jurt as business men studv their affairs, your Committee desire to subir.it the result of their i esearclies. Not in any ipirit of cavil, or fault boding far from it but with deep convictions mat tne nutject is so crave, and fraught with possible consequences so momeutous, iliat the best thoughts of your Committee may litii to Uo it justice. Various amendments were pogrested before the passtgc of the Act, but not adopted: tliev may I be incorporated hereafter; oi, the law tnagCe re pruutl allrtyeiar, out, lor pre-ent purposes, it mo.t be regarded as it stands on the S; a tine Hook . Three imoortaut queatious demand serious consideration:' l?t. What is this scheme ' to provide a na lioiial currency''? , 21. Whit will be the efl?ct of the propose! currency on the interests ol" the eople? 3d. What will be the probable consequences to the National Government? First, as to the plan: Section 5 of the law provides that any number of persons Dot less than five, may become au association for the purpose of banking. Section 6 enacts that the opiul in cities shall not be less than $HK),Odü, but in the country it may be $.rU,(XK) . Section 7 provides that 3i per cent, at leat of the capital stock shall be paid in at the time of comniencii.g business, and the rem tinder in . 10 per ' cert, hut ilmetüs as oiieu as once in two months thereafter. Section 12 declares, "For all debts, cuulracted for circulation, deposits, or otherwise, each shareholder shall be liable to the amount. t tltir pr value, of the aharea held by him, in addition to the amount iu vested in such lure." Section 15 provides that erenr aociatiou hall transfer aud deliver to the Treasurer of the Urn led S-.t, uy United States bond, bearing interest, tu an amount not less lh.ni one third of the c tpiul stock paid in. Section 16 de clares thtt, upou making such traufer, the iu socimi'ju shall receive circulating" notes to the anw-unt of ninety per cent o tuc-h bonds. By way of elueiJ itin-the foregoing provision-, jour Committee will assume lint a national bank, with a capital of f,io00l), U lo be ornaiiixed. The aiu uol reuire-i to be pnid in, ia thirty per cert, thereof, say $15,000 One third of such paid in capital is to be invested in boud. ay......... .,.,, 5,000 Leaving a capital of $10.000 Ob depoaiuua; the $5.000 in bonds, circulating notes to the amount of ninety per cent, are to be issued to the bank, say, $ 1,503 Thea fourteen months are allowed in which to complett the pay metit of the capital, say tea per cent., or $5,000, every twe months. During which time, tbe bank

U doing business, receiving individual, or even United State Government deposits, on au active capital of $UI,0U01 f

Section 19 require the - p vvment. semi annu ally. to. the United States, of half of one. per centum on "The amount of cimjlating notes, say one per cent a year. Section 20 declares that the notes shall b received at par in all parts of the) UniteJ blates, 111 payment of taxes, excises, public lands, and nil other dues to the United States, except for duties on imports, anj also for all sal aries and other debts and demands owing by the United States to individuals, corporations aud as sociation witbiu the Uuited States, except inter est eu public debt. Sections 2, üö, 27 nnd 2, provide Tor the protest by the holder, and redemption by the United States, of the circulating holes of any bank which may tail to redeem them, at the office of such association, in "lawful raouey of the United States." Section 41 requires every such association to have on hand, at all tiufes, in lawful money of the United States, an amount equal to at least twenty five per cent, of the aggregate of its outstanding notes of circulation and its deposits: provided, however, that clearing-house certificates shall be deemed to be lawful money in the possession of any such association: and provided, further, that any btlancedue toany as sociation, organized under said Act, O other pla ces. from associations in Boston, New York, Philadelphit, and other cities named, may be deemed a part of tbe lawful money required, to the extent of three-fifths of the said tweuty five pewentum Your Committee believe the foregoing analytical summary embraces the substance of the "Act to provide a National Curreucy." The bills are receivable by the United States for all dues except for duties on imports, and may be paid by the United States to all individuals, corporations, and associations, except for interest on public debt. But they are not a legal tender between man aud man, nor has any bauking institution a legal right to pay them out in discharge of its debts to an individual or corporation. This disposes of the first inquiry "What is this scheme." &c. To the second iiiquirj." What will be the effect of the proposed curreucy on the ioterests of tbe people?" your committee respond: Perhaps the most attractive feature, with regard to the national bank currency, is the prevalent Idea that it is to be a currency of uniform value all over the United States, from Maine to California; and, indeed, its being secured by United Sutes stocks, favors this supposition Look at the practical working of the t-cheme, and sec whether this be well founded or fallacious. It must have beeu observed by all, that tbe applications for banks under this law, though numerous, are for small amounts, many of only $50,000 or $GJ,0;0 cipiul Your Committee know of very few which aie designed to do a legitimate banking business. There m iy be others, but from the small amount of capital of more than a hundred of them, aud ih locilities of several, your Committee strongly su-pect them of being intended for biuks of circulation only. not regular business banks for defiosits and dis counts, but hat are known in our Western SlaUs by the expres-ive term "Wild Cat Bauks." It will be borne in muid that the bills of the-e banks are not redeemable at an agency, like the country banks of New York State, but only "at the office of the association." There the bills must be pre-euted for pavmeut, iu lawful money of the United Slates, and if not paid, protested; then takeu to the Comptroller of the Tie.'sury. in Washington, who after thirty days is bound to redeem them. But how nrc the people to make such presenta tion? Or how can even any institution, if it were disposed, afford to do it? All the bills, w are toIJ, are to bo printed from the same plate, hiving only the locality and number to distin guish oue from another. Now, is it to be pre suined that any person will be able lo discrtmi irate between them when all look so neirlv alike: If not, what is to prevent a large a mount of bills, having their legitimate homes in Minnesota, Ne vada or C ili.'oriiia, but their places of issue a a ti' ii . - among tne brokers in wan street, irom oeing circulated in New York or any neighboring city? Suppose ei.ht or ten millions, belonging nominally iu ns many different Slates, to be put afloat in New York, how can the city get rid of them? By what process procure a redemption of this uucuirent money? Whose bu.iuess will it be to save a hundred dollars of this bank, and a thousand of that, and send them to Wisconsin or Da kota, only to be protested, returned to New York, then sent to Washington, and niter thirty days redeemed there at par? (Jr. suppose the man in business has taken these bills, and has a note to pay tit bank; the bank cminot receive bis "national currency," be cause it has no leagle right to p'y it out to either depositor or bill holder What, then, can he d i? lie has but one source of relief; he must t ike the bills to the uncurrent money broker peihaps the very m hi who issued them and submit to a discount of from one to five per cent., according lo the distance of the place aheie the bank is sup, osed to have "a lucal habitation" and a number. The man who thought he had a currency of "uniform value all over the United States," find'4, when he leaves the broker's office, that he h ts one or two hundred dollars less than when he cute.etl there. But it is not merely the business man who is to suffer. This depreciated currency, will become the general medium of trade. The laboring ni iu and poor woni .n, when thej make their sni ill purchases, will find five or ten per cent, added to the price they would be required to pay, provided they could ofler legal tender note. Is it fair to throw this unnecessary burden mi t lie poor aud iuor.iLit ? Who ij benefited? Only the mm who perverts the legitimate use of a b inking law of the United States, which, however, by its own impcrlectious, h is stimulated his cupidity and instigated unsound banking. If more currency is required for the legitimate business of the country, why shoulJ not the government avail itself of the opportunity to is-ue a further amount of leg 1 tender notes7 They do furnish a curreucy of uniform value less the expense of transportation iu every part of the Union Whereas the National Bank currency is not hwfut money, and. being jmyable in diil'erejl parts of every State, mut be subject to the laws of exchange, which are as iiit'ilh'. 'e as the I iws of gravitairon, and neve.-'siinte a discount eti bank bills pty able at a distance fpuu business centres, eveu when redeemable in spe io Paper currency, merely, is poor enough at bet; why then bhou'ld the goTctnmctit be illitig to .rive the people au inferior paper currency, when it commands a supe: tor one? Th it is the question! Anotlver mint deserve consideration. The lolal amount of currency authorized by the National M ink Act is th.ee hundred millions of dollars. Does any one believe that so large a ruin can be added to the present paper circulation of this country without causing undue inflation of price in every commodity? The h mount of legal tender notes in circulation may be set down at $4W. 000,00(1 In M.y last the bank note circulation of the loval States amounted to ." 1 0,400,0011 Total iüfet.-l'.io.noii Now, if you add to the foregoing $300,000,000, National Bank currency, will not the inevitable teudeocy be to a great depreciitiou of paper, as compired with gold, creaing enhanced prices, and iurreascd expense of living to every class of society? It mu.-t be remembered, too, that we are on the eve of a further issue of ''legal lender," in the form of ircasury notes beiring five per cent, intere-t. Thee notes are a legal tender for the fce of them. Fifty millions have recent ly been sold by the government, under a law authorizing the issue of " $400.00(1,000; leaving 4350.000,600 yet at the disposal of the govertii.enl. Can it te considered wise, or nrudent, to create a larjie amount of- new bawk currency under the-e circumstances? Your Committee do not state that, in their judgment, the present issue of legal tender notes is in excess of the wants of government and requirements of business. They nre aware that the average amount of legal tender notes held by New Yoik city banks, for sereral months past, has not exceeded twenty millions of dollars, although those notes now constitute the reserve or me Hutu of settlement In place of specie. Had this currency been superabunJant, it would have shown itnelf as it certainly has not in large accumulations at the principal cities. New York, Boston and Pnil idelphia. V a rioos causes combined h ire created an increased demand for currency; and the following may be regarded a among the principal one?, "namely: (1st), the withdrawal of specie from commercial nnd inerciuttle transactions; (21), the advance in prices of all cotmndiliw; (3d), the. shortening ot credits in every branch of bu sines; '4th), the large payments to the army and navy, and other war disbursements. This leaves out of the account the whole Western country which, by th annihilation, two ar.d half years ago, of its banking institetions (founded on State stocks.) was completely emptied of paper currency, and bad to be filled up anew, not only to the measure if its former fullness, but far beyond it; for the United States hasteen baying largely of almost all the products of the West; and not only the United St tea Government, but Europe also, has been a purchaser, and all has been paid for in "lezal tenders." Indeed, the demand from the West for these notes is eonnaotly inctrasiof , being larger

this autumn than ever liefore. This currency the peonle are satisSed with. It is a direct prom

we of the Government, pure and simple. It holds every dollar of property in the couniry, corporate aud individual, pledged lor its redemption. Xy act of Congress it is a legal tender, ind has re cenilr been so pronounced by the highest tribunal iii the State of New York. As lawful money. it is as good between individuals as between the Government and au individual: it pays bank debts as well ss shop debts, without soy discount whatever, i ' i . -"--.( But, it has been pertinently asked, wold you continue this paper currency in the .form of legal tender, forever? is this issue, made from the necessity of the case, to become perpetual? Certainly not. The lemedy is very simple. When the wsr ends, the disbursements of the Govern ment will be at once reduced one half to two thirds. 01 course, then, the Government, to that extent, ceasing to pay out legal tender, the volume of circulaliou will decrease. The notes will also be converted into interest-bearing securities of the Government, aud then cancelled the United Slates having no further use for tbeni; and thus, in two or three years, the legal teude notes will be reduced to a minimum mount w 1 as low a sum, that is, as the people may desire I when they may be redeemed in specie by the j Government, and re issued cr not. There is no necessity, therefore, as your Committee conceive, for tbe creation of a nations' bank currency. as has beeu suggested in Washington iu order that it may be substituted bv the Government for le cal tender currency Besides, if the legal tender should be withdrawn to make room for the na i lional bank currency, what then will be left, with which to redeem that national currency, at the counters of the banks? Not pecie, surely, for 1 they will hardly be expected to buy that at forty to fifty per cent, premium, or to pay out at par in the redemption of their bills! And it may be justly feared that tht-se national banks will come to create a powerful interest throughout the conn try in favor of a protracted suspeiudou of specie payments, which it would be to their advantage to continue for an indefinite period. This is a very serious consideration, and is. of itself, suffi cient to excite great apprehension in view o' such probable result. Is it ag safe to luve a bank pa per circulation without any specie at all iu the banks, as it is to keep a bank currency which is protected already by a handsome specie reserve in hand? Indeed, the proposed substitution of bank cur rency for legal tender, would be a direct loss or injury to the Govern ment Suppose, for instance, the three hundred millions bank currency should be used by Government iu place of a like amount of legal tender withdrawn, would not the Government lose the interest on that sum, which, at six per centum, amounts to eighteen millions annually? Besides the Government being obliged to hire money, in some other way, the people must be taxed lor the inteiest 011 it, in addition to what they now piy. The Govern rnent certainly requires all the aid th it can be got from the ue of its legitimate credit. The people have, therefore, a direct pecuniary inter est in this question; for the treisury would not only lose thereby an annual interest of c-iuhteen millions of dollar', but it would lose the use of three hundred millions which it now has without interest, neiived from tint amount of legal ten der no US; except, indeed, to the extent it might dispose of its Kecurities in competition with other sellers for such bonds as m iy be lodged for national bank currency The people are now supplied with a satisfactory currency, but in the national bank currency they would have one that is f ure to become more or less depreciated by its very nature. Cm any one doiibt, then, the effect of the proposed currency on the welfare of the people of this country would be extremely injurious? It now lemains for your Committee to present their views under the third head, viz: What ill lie the probable consequences of the currency to the Niitional Government? This is by fir the most serious and important onsi ler itini ot all. Curiency tu av de; re -i ite. Ia livid i il.-i miy lose or stifiVr, and the nation still continue prosperous. But il the creiiit an I integrity of our National Government iliall be impaiied by the operations ot" stupendous banking scheme, unwi-e in its inception, untime'y in its birth, and fraught with tendencies of evil consequences, it were better, far better, that it had fallen still born. Th it jour Committee may not even seem to exaggerate, they will state what appears to them to be the simple state of affairs which, under the chcu instinct's, sooner or later, is sure lo exist. The United States wiil hold, in charge of the Treasurer at Washington, its own bonda for the security and final redemption of the circulating note of the national banks, under an express provision, that after protest at the office of emission, the Government will, cither by a sule of audi securities, or by assuming them, redeem the prote.-ted notes. For a time all miy go on swimmingly. The banks will get ouUiheir cir dilation, and incrcise, from time to time, tilt a bank, originally of $5'J,000 capital, will hire swollen its uointiiil capital and increased its circulating notes to .5'.lil,0'j0, without perhaps ever having redeemed, even with legal lender. $10, OO'J, at its remote home ofO'.-e. But panics have periodically come upon us. They vlll probably always come. An incictsed volume of paper cm rency is oui ci v no guarantee that we are io-s subject o ihem now than we have been heretofore On the contrary, i.s not the public credit more liable to a coll ipse than it ever was? And besides, tliis law permits ihe cxiabli.-hmeiit of a new "letb ink pjslen," (the firsi phase of which is already seen iu this city.) which is liable to do far more harm, public and private, than eveu the old one did. In a pinie, 'he bills of batiks are sent home for leJempiion The notes of merely circulating banks, whe I er under tie national law or under the law of the State of New York, are likely to be protested for non-put metit ; for such banks do not k?er specie, or other lawful money of the United State, with which to redeem the'r bills. They count on keeping their bills atlo.it, a their only source of profit. Tl-.e bills of a national bank being protested, are sent t Washington for redemption. At such a time, in a crisis, the Government has no spare lunds with which to tike up bank bills. Importations have f illeu oft, the receipts for duties are lessened. Nothing re mains but to put the United States: bonds on the market, and sell them for what tliev will bring The amount is large, but there is nb help for it. One third of ihe who e ihrec-hundted millions niy be returned to Washington, uo.Ier protest; but suppose th amount is only lulf that sum, who is to be found, under such c-rcuuisunces, to bid even lift cents on the dollar forli tv millions of Uni'el St ites bonds, especially when it is known that thete are two hundred and fi.'iy millions more that may le force 1 01 the mn kwvU nler similar circumstances? Where then- is the credit of the United S'ates Government? Pr orate, broken down, in the vain ir.rt to u-iain a so-called nation t! curtency. Why houM the people for one moment countenance a plaii fraught with such danger, or even such possibility of danger to our country? Very likelv. too, this - Utility may befall us ah' n r.ot only domestic troubles h iniiKs but foreign c implications mod threaten the pence of our land. We have already jen in this State the opera tion of a like law ol New York, oi a small -cale. New York State stocks are selling t presnt at a I trire advance over par; but in 1857, when outy a few hundred thousand dollars iu them were forced on the market to redeem bank notes secured by them, they were sold at a reduction of more than thirty per fent. Suppose twenty-five millions had been thus tbnwu on the market, can anyone doubt that they would have gone below fifty? '1 his is a trifling amount compared with the millions that may be "rushed" home for redemption, under the national currency system. The disastrous consequences will be proportion ate to the magnitude of the transactions. For, after all, this Act of Congress is only a modified form of the New York free banking law of 1838, with the best points of the State law left out. Your Commitree have aimed to show the nature, and inherent defects, of the National Currency Act They h ive described the evils which will befall the people of this country il the cur rency tiecome depreciated, as they believe it Inevitably must should this system be persevered In; and they have attempted to portray the dis 19 astrous consequences to the character and credit of our general government, if it allow itself to be involved in this uncalled for and dangerous financial measure. It would have been eay to show that the welfare and interest of the United Stales CJoverntnent are identical with those of the people, in the existing bmk capital of the loyal States now amounting to three hundred and thirty millions also. In the circulation as before stated, one hundred nd sixty eight million und deposits much largrr ttiM; inasmuch as these banks are the financial instruments for wielding the concentrated capital of the country. Bel your Committt have porpiwiely avoided everything of a private or even a local character; being1' desirous of treating the subject as ef general, rather than special Interest. They have looked at it from a national point of view, a patriots and n-t as partisans. Tliey havs regarded the well l eing of the whole community, and not the Interest of any on cbtas, calling, or profession. A "Loyal League Union Club" gave a grand ball in New York Wednesday night. "Practical snpport:" : . - - ?

The Letieni of the f ounders of the

Government ; The dangers which tbe wise and patriotic men who founded thV Government feared might befall it, are row up-n the country.' They provided every safeguard ginst these evils through con stitutional enactments which their sagacity could anticipate and suggest, but they could not in every way prpvld for the protection and security ol the liberty ol the citixea when the Constitution, which was designed for that end would have no more force or.-ritality with the administrators of the Govern ßeit than the parchment upon which it was written. One of the most able and far seeing statesmen which the Revolution developed was AniAMuct Hamilton. lie not only stood pre eminent as a civiliun, but he attested Ins pa triotisin as a soldier. liaatiLTOX was in favor of establishing a strong central government, and he labored earnestly to give that direction to the chart of government which he took an active part iu framing. Although entertaining these convictions and earnestly advocating them, guided by the lessons of history, he clearly foresaw and predicted that a civil war, such as is now being waged for the purpose of coercing unwilling States to return to their allegiance would, in all human probability, result iu a dissolution of the Uniou the very disaster which tho war is profeseJlv prosecuted to avert. In an article iu the Federalist, referring to this subject, be thus gives expression to his opinions: When the sword is ones drawn, the passions of men observe uo bounds of moderation. The suggestions of wounded pride, Ihe instigations of irritated resentment, would be apt to carry the States, against which the arms of the Üuioo were extended, to auy extremes necessary to avenge the nffrout. or to avoid the disgrace of submission. The first war of this kind would probably terminate in a dissolution of the Uniou.' , This was written about three quarters of a century ago, and if it had been said now, the present troubles of the country could not be mot e forcibly jKirtrayed. The h'story of the war illus tratcs the sagacity of the predictions of Hamilton. "When the sword is once drawn," said he, "the passious of uieu observe uo bounds of moderation " Such is the experience of the pieseut rtruggle. Moderation diminished as the war progressed, and to-day schemes of subjugation and extermination are entertained and advocated which would hare shocked the sensibilities of the nation at the beginning. The war has progressed near three years upon a gigantic fcale for the avowed purpose of restoring the Union, and if the policy of the p irty in waging it should be successful it would probably terminateiu a dissolution of the Union, for it cm uo longer be called a Uniou wheu one wart ol it is pinned to the other by biyouets, and held as subjugated provinces. It is uo longer a government of conscut, but of force not a Union compose 1 of independent aud equal States, such as the Constitution designed it. In alluding to the coercion of dissenting States by the force of arms, HamiTox remaikcd: , A project of this kind is Utile less roirtantic than the monster taming spirit, which is attribu ted 10 the ftbulou heroes ami dctni srods of an tiquity." This was the opinion ol wise and patriotic men who had emerged from a seven yc.fs' war, and eil understood the dangers to republican iusti stitulioiis which au appeal to the swurd would develop. It would be wise if the pre.-tt it Government would heed the lessons of the Fathers of the Republic. They clearly foresaw that wheu those to whom were intrusted the administration of the government left the moorings of the Constitution, disregarded it obligations and permitted pission to control them, there would be but little hope for the preservation ol the government they estab lished That condition of artVirs is upou us and unless there is a speedy restoration to the old pubs, the feirs that iI.tuii.rox expressed that the first war of this kind w-u!d probtbly terminate in a dissolution of the Union, may become his tory. Trie only hope ot rreseiW:ig Americui liberty an hfree imtiuitious is in the people being once more guided by liie lessons of wisdom and patriotism inculcated by the men who pledged their lives, their tortuncs an I their sacred honors lo achieve them The interest 0 Hie .'State lcbt. We see from ihe Si-ate Sentinel that Governor Morton ad vertiMjs iIht, throagh Winslow, Linier k Co, the interest on tie Sute debt for list July, nod the interest filling due in January nexi. win o.' p sia. 11 .Messrs. Wu.ttiuw, .Lrtiiier ,& Co., have concl'idei to pay such interest we are glad of it As it is u voluntary payment in ide for the Jsiate, wnhout authority, the peo ple ot tne slate are 111 mi i-e bound to compen sate the doners of ilie $.'1211.000. In thi arrangement, we very stroiii.lv mi qecl there is su at tempt b' ween tae IJ veru.tr and the donors of this m iaiticent gilt, sim l ir to that which ex isted betwM:ii the G ernor and hs brother Bill Morton, Mr. Vajen. Mr. Sulgrove and uthe-s, in their coiilriris to ud t!ie General Government in sustaining Jts credit lie fore the wolrd iu "sup pressing tne retieii.oii. If Winslow, Linier & Co , labor under the im pression that the people of this State will quietly submit to authority n-it conferred upon Governs Morton, and fill contracts which he illeg.timate lr enters into, tliev tnv find it difficult to get their monty returned. 1 1 this tronb'e should en sue, as we veriiv orneve it ni, we Ml in u ive no sympathy i;!i thom if they should never receiie a farthing of their advances, we shill not deplore it, for the reason lint the are cogtiixuit of the fact, that the hole transaction Itetaeen them and G ivenmr XI ton is fraudulent and without the authority ol law. We are of opinion that the people of Indiana luve not so far forgot their on State pride, or the dignity of their tu iiihod. as to permit a lot of officious and relfi-h iufermM-Ilers to assume the cue nnd keeping oliheir affiirs. Asa proper rebuke to Mich u laciou iuipci tinenre, we trust and ho(e thu a prompt refusal miil be given, ag linst the recognition of any pari or Jior tion of this transaction, and thereby let Governor Morton, ami Winsiow. LurerJkCo. know that it is better that they attend to their own business and let that of others alone. In this connection, we desire to siy that the loregoing is but a part and parcel of Governor Morton's system. He h is inmaged to commit the commissioners of some of the counties, so far as to have them appropriate money out of the treasuries of their counties for purposes not knowu to law, to aid the Governor lo accomplish his own corrupt purposes. Kvery doll ir thus acquired from county boarns, was obtained illegally, WHS a fraud upon the taxpiyers a corruption fund placed at the disposal of the Governor to aid in advancing his schemes to aggrau dize himself. We ho;e the honest oppres-ed tax payers of eich of these counties will refuse to submit to a taxation that will refund to the treasury one dollar of the fund so abstracted, and compel the individuals composing such boards and ihe treasurers of such counties out of their individual means to return to : lie treasury the sums they caused ti, be drawn therefrom for such purposes. W hope to hear of suit being brought against them for this money. The morality of the officers in the Republican party seems to have tun riot in all kinds of outrages; let them be mule to answer from their estates for the amount of which, by their malfeasance in office, the people were plundered Covington Friend. A Specimen of n I'olitlcal Clergyman A irllitlBterlMl Wltticiaru From the published proceedings of a recent public meeting held iu San Francisco we copy the following: "Among the mary speakers of the evening was Rev. Thomas Starr King. who. alluding to the work of the Sanitary Association of the Pacific Coast. Mid: 'We had rent $400,000 in fold to suftWing soldiers at the Eist $4ci5.()00 rather, through the blessed influence of Providence and Salmon P. Chsee, and these two were a team when harues."icd together." The piety of the political clergyman Is well displayed in the closing lines of the äbov in the very reverent allusion lo "Divine 1 Yovidence and Mr. Chase as forming a grand teim when harnessed together." It rs no wonder that the churches are losing the respect of the jieople when such clergymen as King are its authorized exponents -Cinclnnajjnqnlrer. " ' - -

, For tbe Daily PUte Sentinel. The inequality ol Conscription. t In a TH-imitive state of socfetv, where the mass

of the people aje on nearly tbo same level as to i -. e I. property, tne inequality oi requiring irom cavu man the same amount of personal service or its equivalent, for the consti notion and repairing of roads or for other similar public works, is scarce ly noticed. In the neighborhood of cities, if the greater part of the real estate near to such public works is ia tue bands oi a lew persons, this inequality is more evident : and in cities it is so manifest tn&t the personal sei rice system is not reported to. . -This system is not an 'equal one because nseful public expenditures commonly benefit the wealthy more than the poor ; and if a nation was composed of poor men only, the exjicnses of its government woald necessarily be light : and besides this, poor men hare not the same abilitr to ,"kx burdens for tbe tmbüc benefit. (whether the tax ts one of time and labor or of money ,) that ric men have, lo tax a poor man as many days labor as a rich man is taxed is as unequal as to tax both the same amount oi money. The prineiplo npon which this system is based, is that of placing burdens of the same weight, for the public benefit, upon erenr man, withont any regard to the amount of hü prop erty. Ihe assumed obligation of every aide bodied man, rich or poor, cither to serve in the ranks of tho armv for a certain time or to tar nish a snbstitnte, bears unequally more on the two classes than the burdens just referred to. The rich will nearly always procure substitutes for prices which poor men are unablo to pay, but which are often mere trifles to the wealthy ; while the poor are forced into the ranks without any opportunity of escaping. The poorer classes may often feel that the system is an unequal one, without obsenrin wherein the inequality consists. It consists m requiring them to bear burdens as great as arc imposed on rich men, and m onermg as an altcrnatirc an opportunity of escaping from personal service which only nch men can avail themselves or. In order that this inequality mar be more manifest, we may transpose the substitute law, without changing its provisions, so that it will read thns, (and this is in fact its correct reading,) every able-bodied man that Is drafted, whether be is wealthy or poor, shall be taxed an indefinite amount, cxinal to the market priee of substitutes at the time of tho draft ; but if anv one Is so poor that he cannot par this tax, he shall be forced into the ranks of the army for three years. In comparing tho burdens placed on each class, tho fairest method is to take that kind of burden which is commonly chosen by those who have money enough to permit theru to choose, the price of the substitute. The same amonntof tax, the price of the substitute, is nn posed on the poor that is imposed on the rich ; and as the poor man cannot pay it, he is compelled to work it out. It is trne that this money is not paid directly into the treasury, but the law makes it the equivalent of the personal ser vice tax, and therefore it is in effect a tax levied bv the Government. To an intcllitrent freeman. however, scarcely anything can really lie the equivalent of luvoluntarv servitude. If the same principle was applied to the im provement of streets and the construction of other public works in large cities, its inequality would be mannest to cverv one at a glance. Suppose that cverv able-lmdied man in such cities, whether owning a million dollars worth of property, or living in a rented hovel, was compelled to work the same number of days or to hire some one else to work that number of davs for him. It mightbc pretended that tho law was equal because the same burden was placed on every man ; but this U precisely what makes it unequal, for the oor man has not the same cd, if necessary, for alleged disloyalty. These remarks arc not iutended to apply to all the wealthy, for all of them do not approve of the destruction of liberty of conscience and of the independence of freemen by conscription acts such as that now in force. If it is said that patriotism should induce men to serve willingly in the ranks, for less than their services are worth at home, it may be asked, do the wealthier classes manifest that patriotism themselves.? If they did, in any jnt war drafting could not lie ncccssarv. To the wealthy, the substitute law assumes the form of a jiccuniary tax ; and to deal fairly, jjoor men should nlso lie allowed the option of a pecuniary equivalent for personal service so proportioned to the amount of their property that it will be possible for them to pay it. If they are not, the law punishes men for being poor. then slow in volunteering. ' Bnt if society is benefitted, those who procure the benefit should not le made losers, above others, for the public good: its cost should be equitably distributed among all the tax payers. What then is to bo done ? say the wealthy and influential classes who ate in power. We will not go into the ranks : wj will not consent that these poorer men shall lc paid as much as their services are worth at home; and if we permit such an increase of wages, the same increase must be made in the pay of the whole army. We will compel them to go by a draft, for they will hardly bo able to pay tho market price of substitutes: but to present some apjiearance of fairness, our names also shall be enrolled. Wc will first gamble to sec ujon whom the burden shall fall, instead of dividing it proportionately among all the tax payers ; and then after catching in the net large numbers of men who cannot cscajo because they have not the money to hire substitutes ;" those among the wealthy who are losers by the ;rame, can avoid personal service in the ranks by employing substitute?. If any one shall attempt to influence public opinion, to have the conseäptioii law rejaialed, by showing its inequality, we can have him irrcstIt may lie pretended too that even in just wars, troops cannot always be raised without conscription. Whether they can or not, the principle of enslaving both the consciences ami persons of men by ntrcmpting t compel them to take human life in wars which their consciences do not approve of, is wrong, and should never be adopted. Cat if in a just war, snch wages were offered as would lie an inducement to men in moderate circumstances to enlist ; is there any reason to believe thai 'the volunteer system wonld ever be inadequate t Suppose however that after the enlistment of those who were willing to accept lower wages, the pav offered in the military service was found to be "less than those who remained at home could earn in other employments : this presupposes that men arc willing" to serve the public for less than their sen-ices arc worth : nor would it bo strange if they were ability that the rich one has, to pay taxes, whether in money or in labor. The proper method is to tax all in proportion to their wealth, and then with the proceeds to hire men to do the work for whatever their services are worth: and this is the proper plan also for raising armies. It may bo objcted that drafted men have already been offered the same pay as volunteers ; bat the amount of wapes for which one man is willing to serve does not determine the value of the services of another ; and there can be no hiring where the service is compulsory and the bargain is all made by one part v. Men iu a state of slavery receive a certain allowance at the pleasure of the master, but they cannot 1 aid to be hired. A fair and effectual plan for raising volunteers in a just war, (and only such should be waged,) would bo this; that those who are well off, as to projierty, should consent that the wares offered to volunteers should be fixed at as high a ratc aa thev can possibly afford to pay; and if that fails, and the wealthy find it more economical, they can voluntarily go into the ranks themselves. But if they will make no 6uch sacrifice of private interests for the public good, they should not seek to force. others to do so. The usual argumjnt for military conscriptions is, that a draft appears to be necessary. But the only reason upon which such a supposed necessity could be based, generally escapes observation. Is it that the poorer classes fail to volunteer in proportion to their numbers ! Xo ; onlv that the classes who are better off have thus failed. On account of this it will be said that a draft is necessary. But will it usually 1 found that such a draft brings into the ranks men from the wealthier classes who have been slack in volunteering, unless as officers t Bv no means. A draft commonly results only in forcing an additional number of poor men into tho ranks, who lacking money cannot avoid service ; and in the hiring of other poor men to take the places of richer conscripts. The remissness of the wealthier classes in rendering personal service is pravely made the occasion of ft plea that there is a necessity for additional forcible conscriptions from the poorer classes. - Although it cannot be denied that it is as unequal to tax a poor man the same number of days service that a rich one is taxed, u it would be to tax them both the same amount of money; it may be objected that it would bo inconvenient to draft men for terms of service of different length. Bat this distribution of burdens in proportion to property might be practically attained by providing that if divßfd men failed to tntT ihe rank tfSf thould U FINED, A XX EQUIVALENT, A CKHTAIIf PROrORTIOH OF THEIR MOMITT, a tenth, a fifth, a third or other proportion. This would place the rich and poor, with respect to the pecuniary equivalent of personal service, relatively on the same level. If the failure was regarded also as a political offence, disvhaxcHiKttXT might Im eddd. Such a provision

would prevent also the destruction of libertv of

conscience ; for as no government is infallible, a nation may at any time engage in a wsr which many jnnt men cannot coiiscicrtiouslr approve of or nssist in profecuting. And it las never yet been found possible to bring: the opinions of all honest men to an apreement with reference to wars or political theories. If conscription is retained ft alL it should le with this modification, fining delinquents in pro portion to tnetr propcrtv; lor DcmiIcs the in equality of claining the same amount of person ai service irom tne poor ana tne ricii, and tLG destruction of liberty cf conscience bv forc ing men absolutely Into the military f crfice ; if no provision whatever was made in a conscription law, allowing any equivalent for personal service, tnis would prove one of the very strongest inducements to brifiery on the part of many wealthy persons actnstomcd to a life of eae oir unfit to enthrre hardships, in order to avoid being dralled or to j urcl:ae f f mmisncns. As to the proposed plan of repealing the three Lundrer! exemption clause in the present conscripticn law, this would render the provisions of the law mucti more aristocratic than they now are; for the wealthy would still employ substiiutes, while that class of poor men who might le able to pay three hundred dollars, but unable to pay a larger snm tor snrsrirutes, would then be forced into the ranks without any alternative. Whatever may be their pretended object, the real dehurn of conscriptions is nearly alwavs either to force poor men into the ranks ; (for nt h men scarcely ever enter the ranks, conscription law or no conscription law,) or to persecute or destroy honest men whose consciences do not approve of the war in which a nation may at the time be engaged. A FitiE5i or Libestt. STATE ITI:.VIS Wood is selling in New Albany r.t $4.75 and $5 per cord. Capi. Pare, Piovost SIsrshsl for ihe t?th District, estimates that there is yet 1.Ü00 men to fill its quota under the last c.ill for troops. The D emociscy of Dubois county meet on the 4th ofjanusrv loFelect delegates to the Congressional Convention. Seven saloons were closed at New 'Albany by the po.-t commttvUi.t, Ust Friday, charged with Sellins liquor contrary to law. The sma!lr.ox it. fprediij at an alarming rateiu the Indiana Peiuici ti;ti v, at Jt ffersotix ille. Ten cases aie at j resent under treatment in the prison hospital. The Jasper Courier says that recruiting in Dubois cotuty "is as chill as some of the Lincoln measures" and ui s;es the loiing men to hurry out of ihe drait and recure the M!endid bounties. The Kuckport Democrat 6iys that one fourth of all the name.- on the printed list of the names duelled in th.it couety utject lo the draft aie spelled wrong ind will not be answered to when called for. This is certaiuly a bad spell. The New Albany Ledper of Wednesday says there are nearly six hundreJ recruits at Camp Noble, in that city. They all go to the credit of tbe Second District. It is thought the number will be increased to ore thousand by Saturday night. Thomas Tinkll, sn old offender, has broken the Sj euer r t-oi.niy j v tw ii e. the lapt time by picking a hole through the wail. The Rock port Democrat suggests that Tom had better be permitted to run at lar-.-e to save ihe county esrenr e, uutil the new j iii is built, lor the Grand Jury has frequently reported the old one to be of no man. tier of account. Firm Disteht. HrciiAan Raleigh, E?q.t Chairman of the Congressional Central Commit tee, and iU behalf, has called n convention of tbe Democracy of the First Congressional District to meet in convention at Viuceuue. on the ih ol Jauuary, to select delegates to the National Convention. The 54:h Indiana regiment returned to this State on Ihe Sreimer Atlantic, which arrived at New Albiny on Friday l ist Their time having expired, they will be mustered out of the service. Sixty-nine of the regiment re enlisted at New Oilcans, and mini of the remainder will re enlist after spending three or four weeks at home. Pikk IVtMT Hogs The foüowinjr described bops from Pike county were recently picked in Evansville: From Jamis Evans of Petersburg, one weighing HOI pounds nett, and teu. lt mouths old, averajriny JteD pounds nelt, and one (rom Jamkh B.ibklb, weighing 735 pounds nelt The hogs aie what are called the Chester Whet e. and w ere introduced iuto Evm-a-ville by Mr Zkb a H. Couk, r.nd into Tike county bv Goodlet Morgan. DfcATli or Tilt Ol.ust Mam i the Nobthwtsr. Loi.is Diiile, one id' the old settlers of Tippecanoe county, nnd conceded the oldest man in llie Noithwcft i1 perh-ip in ihe Union, died at IU rcsidet.ce in Jack son township, on Thursday hist. He was in e hunöicil and seven vests hi He was Im.ih in ihe Colony of Virginia in I75i He has M'lis over seventy years of age. lie retained his faci.lt.es to a remat kable degree lierond his ninetieth venr. ai d his sight and hearin'; weie not much impaired at the lime of his death. The funeral took place on Christmas oay f Lnf.-i rette Courier. Caxmltox An its BtbiNtxs The Cannel. Ion Reporter thus reft rs to the business of that enterprising town, iu ptoeiess and prospects: The activity ol tl.c co.il bn.sine.- t th's place Ims iio precedent Since L;ilineIfon was a coaling point. 1 be lerage Imly banks ire ss follows: D Newcoinb & Co W. E & C. Cl .rk K rWvth.. jie'.ils if the tiifltrctit .7,000 bush. . 400 . 600 . 400 " . coo ..7.2W) " Chas Hern , Patrick Mcll-m American CskiicI CJojiI Co. Total 10.200 Which, at 15 cents per luishrl tb3 price receiv ed at the liver, makes $l,f:-,0 rer day, or $474,300 per annum, nearly one-half million dollars. Besides this, every other brunc h of business ia poshed to its utmost craci'v. L-ibor is in demand and rates hih. iliroly a steamboat lands at our wharf, without teavinc from one lo fifty persons who hnve n-me brie to locate. Real estate is rcctiving a great imretss nd tenant bouses hre in treat demand. The merchants were never so busy and their stores and warehouses are filled to ova flow ing with goods of every description. 1 his is the time for our c:tir.ens to wt-ke up. The enterprise of tbe place operating for one united purpose can soob place Cannelton ami Perry county on a ptr with Xew Albany and Flojd county in wealth, enterprise aud population. Joiinsox CorxtT. Pursuant to notice, a meeting of the Demotracy was held ia Franklin on December 26. for the purpose of appointing delegates to ihe Eighth of January District Convention, to be held nt Indiana; olis. On motion. W. S. ltaysdale was elected Chairman, and D. D. Uinta Secretary. On motion, two delecates and their alternates were appointed from each tow nship, and two froan the county at ltrpe, to represent the Democracy of Johnson in the Eighth oi January District Convention. The following is a list of the delegates appointed: Franklin Township D. O. Vawter, ü SI. Alexander. Alternates W. H. Barnett. John Whiteside. liiue River Nicholas Branningsn, James Kelly. Alternates William Sied. Charles W. Snow Nineveh George White, William Pochard. Alternates J II. Pudnej, A. V. Pendleton. Ilenaley O W. Muselman, Warren Coleman. Alternates D. Montgomery, Samuel Green. Union John Harris, Henry Demarew. Altarli ate GeorjjeGandiwIier, Peter Dcmaree. White River Dunel Dty, Jacob Dowell. Alternates James Collins, Ephraim Wyrick. Pleasant John A. Polk, Hiram Ii eery. Alternates Dr. llibbs. 0. D. Eceles. Clarke George Cutsinger, H oratio Jones. Alternates Peter Heck. J. R. Carver. For the county it larre W. H. Jennings, Franklin Hardin. Alternates Dr. L C. Gary, Dr J. T. Brenton. On motion it was ordered that sn abstract f the minutes be published in the ttewtinel and Herald, whwa the meeting adjourned. W. L. REYSDALE, President. D. D. Basta, Secretary,

!l