Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 26, Indianapolis, Marion County, 30 November 1863 — Page 1

71 CI 071 J VOL. XXIII, NO. 26. INDIANAPOLIS, IND., MONDAY, NOV. 30, 1863. WHOLE NO. 1,272

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WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL, rmimm & rviuwii itiii mint at rat XEWSEXTINEL OFFICE, a 3 SOUTH MERIDIAN STREET, . ELDER, niRRNESS, & BIXGIIAM

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Advertisements leaded and placed nnder the head of Special X.tlces, Ctfeen lines or orer, will be cbaged double the usual rates. Tearly advertiser to pay quarterly. Announcing candidates for offices of every description He rharvmt at the rate of t SO for each name in tbe Daily, and $2 In the Daily and Weekly, the tame to be in 11 cases, paid In advance. Legal dvertlsemnt inserted attbeexpenseoftbe attorneys ordering, and not delayablefor thelega I proceeding, but collectable at our nsnaltime. Publishers not -ao-onn table for the accuracy of legal adrertiementbey ndthe aaaonnt charged for tbelr publication. ELDER, IIARKXESS A BIM3HAV, Proprietors Ipdlane State Sentinel ). M. TILFORD, President Indianapolis Journal Company. T"cCB JD A.TLTST SENTINEL Will He ent by mull or express to subscriber; at any point for sixty cents a month, or seren dollars a year. All subscriptions invariably in advance. Address ELDER H.VRKTVESS. BINGHAM. The Tlasrniluele of .Stale Power. I From tbe Constitutional Union f Philadelphia. Why does the citizen of any State, of Per.usylTtnia for instauce, owe obedieuce to the Consti tution? Simply because the ordinance) of a State Convention, adopted serenity years aco, has made that Constitution obligatory upon liim. Tbe hieh and solemn act of State authority is all that binds the citizen to obey that instrument Bat for the act of a Contention which in 1767 declared the sovereign voic of Pennsylvania, the citizen of this State would to day owe no respect to the Federal Constitution. The acts of all other States and their citizens were powerless te impose upon him the slightest obligation to that instrument. This waa illustrated in the case of Rhode Island, a State that was acknowledged as outside of the Union and entirely independent of the Constitution, even after twelve other States had araeuted to that instrument, rud were effectually associated under the jurisdiction of the Federal Government. Why were tbe citizens of Rhode Isl.ind entirely exempt from every provision of the Constitution, while in twelve other Stales the citizens owed to that instrument implicit obedience? Simply be cause, though the Conventions in those twelve States h.iJ assented to the Constitution, the power competent to establish that instrument within Rhode Island had not yet spoken; the sovereign will ofthat community bad not yet been declared by a State Convention; the Constitution had not yet been sanctioned by the only power competent to give it validity within that State, the collective voice of that community bad not yet Riven consent to that instrument; and until such consent had been given, the individual citizen dare not, without treason to his Slate, obey the Federal Constitution as a binding law. Did the ordinance of a State Convention impose the land? Undoubtedly it did; and it is equally clear that in each of the other States that instrument derived its validity from a similar ordinarce. It thus appears that he who inculcates contempt for State authority attacks, in reality, the validity of the Constitution. When men seek to centralize unbounded power in the Federal Government, a ad teach that the mandates of a State, because emanating from a State, must be spumed and spit unon, tbe citizen may very reasonably answer: "That mandate of my State, uttered seventy years ago in the ordinance of a State Convention, is all that makes the Constitution obligatory upon me. If State authority is so thoroughly insignificant, then that ordinance and the Constitution which it professes to sanction and ratify are alike deserving of my contempt. Let us Tiew the question in another form. By what right does the Federal Government to-day appeal to the citizen of Pennsylvania for obedience? Simply because there is now among tbe archives of the government a scrap of paper certifying that on a cert-tin day a convention representing the people of Pennsylvania did. In their name, consent to the Constitution. The document, emanating from State authority, and certifying the action of a State Convention, is the sole ground of all the jurisdiction hieb the Federal Government can rightfully exerciee within the State; it is the sole warrant by which trvat Government ean claim from Pennsylvania obedience to the Constitution. Remove from the arehieve at Washington that document, aud the Federal Government has no more jurisdiction in Pennsylvania than it has in Turkey or Russia. Some persons seem to imagine that the Federal Government, moving in its exalted orbit, must pursue its sublime career regardless of anything so contemptible as a mere emanation of State authority. "The Constitution alone," it is contended, "prescribes the 8 ph ere of the Federal Government's jurisdiction, and that Government cannot took outside of tbe Constitution to take cognizance of any document which utters the puny voice of State authority." Those who thus Imagine that the Federal Gov ernment must determine its jurisdiction by looking at the Constitution alone, may be startled when wt state that the language of the Constitu tion was precisely the same in 1789, when the Union embraced only eleven States as in 1790, when thirteen States were subjected to the Fed eral Government's jurisdiction; and the language of the Conftitutioo would have been precisely the same if the Union had onlv nine States a contingency which was contemplated by the last artisle. In other words, when the Constitution had gone into operation, and the Federal Gov ernment was completely organized, tnere was nothing In the Constitution by which that Government could ascertain " whether it possessed jurisdiction over iriue, or eleveu, or thirteen Slates. By the language of the preamble, the Constitution was "ordained ami established for the Uuited States of Ameri ca;" but from tbe Constitution alone the govern roent could not ascertain whether the "United States" that were subject to its authority comprised nine or thirteen 3tates;and if the Union embraced only nine States, the Kovernroent could not learn from the Constitution which were those nine! How. then, did the government determine the geographical boundaries of its jurisdiction? By consulting eleven different documents, then among the archives of tbe government, each document emanating from a State convention and certifying the action of such a body. By the act emanating from tbe New York Convention the govern meat waa apprised of its jurisdiction over ew York; by the act emanating from the Vir gmi Convention the government learned ita jurisdiction over Virginia. - Among those aeta of Tarious State conventions, the Federal government at the time of its organization found lie act declaring tbe consent of the people of Aorta Carolina; it found no act declaring me consent of the people of Rhode Island. There fore h did avol und rightfully it could not aasutse jurisdiction within either of those States. When a document transmitted by North Carolina convention had signified the assent of the com inanity, the Federal government asserted author ity witbis that State. When a docomient ema a ting from a Rhode Island convention, had ex pressed tbe consent of that community, then, and at no previous time, the Federal government be came endowed with jurisdiction in that State But for that document emanating front a Slate eenvention of Rhode Island, the Eederal government might bare waited till doomsday before the mere ward of tbe Constitution would hare giten it any authority within that State. These facts enable us to realize tbe real nature of the Constitution. That instrument, at it

came from the hands of its framers. was merely a definition of political powers, to be exercised over such States as should assent to their exercise. It did not, and does not designate the States over which those powers are to be exerted; it did not, and does not, define the geographica! boundaries within which the Federal Government shall exercise jurisdiction. The Constitution specifies the power which the Federal Government may exert over tbe Slate subject to its jurisdiction; but to ascertain what States are subject to its jurisdiction, that government does, and necessarily must, take cognizauce of documents which emanate from State authority, andspeik the sovereign voice of State communities. It-has been shown that the Constitution was established in each State by an exercise of State power that, without the exercise of such power, that instrument could not have been established in any Slate. Why, then, should State power be considered so contemptible, when its potent voice alone has given to the Constitution its whole validity ? One reason, perhaps, why many persons form inadequate conceptions of State authority is, that they fix their attention exclusively upon the ordinary exertions of State jurisdiction losing sight of those extraordinary acts by which alone State power is illustrated in its full magnitude. Tbe ordinary exertions of State power are seen in the acta of the State Government an agent of the people whose will as . writteu in the ' State Constitution, fetters their agent at every step. Tbe extraordinary exertions of State power are seen in the acts of the people themselves exercising their high and inherent prerogatives as constitution-ordain-ers and constitution repealers. Many acts to wbicb the State government is altogether incom petent, ore fullyNrithin the power of the Slate community the maker and master of that government. The State community is the creator; the State government is the creature. He who judges the power of the creator by those of the creature, must go widely astray. As the feeble faculties of man represent not the omnipotence of his Maker, so the limited capacities of tbe State government fail altogether to illustrate the inher ent majesty and power of the State community by whose breath that government is called into being, and at whose fiat it tetters and dies. This distinction must be clearly realized in order to appreciate the reserved powers of the States; for those reserved powers reside chiefly, not with the State government, but with the State community. By that community there ha been delegate! to the State government a limited portion of power; but there remains, inherent in the people of the Sttte. a vast residuum of power, undefined and undefinable, which, though it may lie dormant during ordinary times, exists none the less because called into action, on such as are onlv rare and remarkable occasions. Of the magnitude of State power in its extra ordinary exercise, there can be no better illustra tion than that furnished by some peculiar cir cumstances connected with the establishment of the Constitution circumstances which speak so significantly in behall of State rights that they are, by the advocates of consolidation, uniformly concealed. Those peculiar circumstances we shall proceed to recite. While the measures looking to the establish ment of our pre-ent Constitution were in progress, the thirteen States were united under the Articles of Confederation. These Articles were, for the time being, the "Federal Constitution;" they were frequently thus designated by the State Legislatures, as well as by the Congress ot the Confederation. The last article of the "Federal Constitution" provided that "the Articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the Legislatures of every State' In view of this provision, it may be supposed by many that when the Government of the Confederation was found inefficient and unsatisfactory, our present form of government was substituted by a resort to the amending process provided in the Articles of Confederation. Such a supposition is altogether wiihout foundation in fact. Our present constitution was established by measures which the Articles of Confederation did not provide for or recognize. The convention that framed the Constitution, h aving teen originally convened for the purpose ot "revising the Articles of Confederation," aud of recommending amendments thereto, concluded that a resort to the amending process (which required the concurrence of thirteen States) would not insure the accomplishment ot the desired object, the e.-tablishment of a new and mot e efficient government Therefore, when they had embodied iu our present Constitution the i'orm of gov ernment which they thought suitable fur adoption by the Slates, they finished by proposing, iu the last article of that Constitution, that "the ratificntians of the Conventions of nine States

shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. 1 his was, in etlect, a proposition that a portion of the States should dissolve this "perpetual' Union should abolish, as to themselves tbe Articles of Confederation, which were to be iuviolably observed by every State," and should establish, for their own government, a new Constitution, irre? pec-live of the method prescribed for amending ihe articles of ton federation, and irrespective of the consent of of the other Sutes 1 his was the remarkable proposition receommen ded by a Convention which boasted Geo. Wnt.li mgton as its President, and which embraced amng its members the most emiueut statesman of that day. As may be supposed, sucL a proposal, emanat ing Irom such a bodr, was not submitted without due de!iberation Tbe propriety of the measure was fullv discu8ed W e learn bv the report of the convention's proceedings, that Mr. Dickson sdgested the question, "whether refusing Slates could be descried whether Congress could concur in contravening the evstem under which thev acted." Elliott's Debates, vol. 5. p 49!?. On the question thus preset! ed, Mr. Luther Martin aid: "We are already confederated.aud no power on earth can dissolve it (the Con federation) but the conseut of all the contracting parties. Is the old Confederation dissolved because some of the States wb.li a new Confederation? I Ibid, vol. 1 , p. 437 Mr. Alexander Hamilton "thought it wrong to allow nine States to institute a new government on the ruins of the existing one." f I bid, vol. 1, p. 532 1 Other members who on the final vote proved to be the triumph ant party, took opposite grounds. Mr. Gorham (of Massachusetts) said: "IT tbe last article of the Confederation is to be pursued, unanimous concurrence will be necessary. Will any one say that all tbe states are to oner themselves to be ruined bv the Rhode Island opposition? Some other States might also tread lu her steps." Ib., vol. a, p. Jo4. 1 Air. Madison also waa opposed to an attempt to establish the new Constitution through the ainend ng proce? piovided in the old. "It is impossible." said he, "that the Articles of Confederation can be amended." "If the o'd fabric of the Confederation uiut be the groundwork of the near, we must fail." Ibid, volume 1, p-ges 401, 4 (.6 J Another member who expresed his views still more strongly, wasJudze Wilson, of Pennsylvania a prominent and influential member of the Constitution Convention, and subsequently a leading advocate and exponent of the Constitution in the Convention of our own State Before it had been determine.! what number of States should be named as sufficient to carry the Constitution into effect. Mr. Wilson said: "It is possible that not all, nay, that not even a majority, will im mediately come into the measure; but such as do ratify it will 1 bound by it, and others as they may from time lo time accede to it." Agaiu he "observed that a majority, nay, even a minority , of tue states mar confederate, aud the rest may do as they please'" Ibid 1, pp. 3fe6. 403. J When, titer considerable discussion, the vote was taken, the Hamilton party, who "thought it wrong to allow" a portion or the btataa "to institute a new government on the ruins of tbe existing one," were overruled. A motion of Mr. Carroll to require the ratification of thirteen States, in accordance with the provision of the Articles of Confederation, was emphatically nega tived. Tbe vote being taken bv States, all tbe States voted "no" except Maryland. Ibid, vol 5, p. 500 Various propositions were made aa to the number of States whose ratification should carry the Constitution into effect, some members proposing a smaller cumber than nine. Finally tbe convention adopted tbe last article at it now Und, although, aa we have seen, that article was strongly opposed by Hamilton and other eminent men, who maintained that "no earthly power could dissolve tbe Confederation but the .11.1 . . tl ftm consent oi an toe contracting parties, t ue result was that tbe Union of thirteen States, wbicb the Article of Confederation bad declared "per-

petual'Tras dissolved by a portion of the States, insufficient in number to amend those Articles; and there was established a new Union, which according to the contemplation of the Constitution, might have embraced only nineStates.and which actually did embrace, for a considerable lime only eleven. There is another circumstance which may be worthy of mention. As the several State conventions from time to time assented to the new Constitution, the acts of these conventions were duly signified by formal certificate to the Congress of the Confederation; and when the specified number of States bad assented to the new form of government, that Congress cooperated with the assenting States in the measures necessary to dissolve the government of tbe Confederation, end establish the new govertment under tbe present Constitution. In other words, the government of tbe Confederation gave assent and co operation to measures looking to its owu dissolution. Thus we have exhibited clear and incontrovertible lact. These facts can be readily ex plained by those who admit the sovereignty of the States. Aa for the advocates of consolidation and the disparagers of State power, tbey tacitly acknowledge, by the course of argument, that these circumstances give fatal evidence against their theories; else why are tbe facts uniformly and studiously suppressed ? TUB GETTYSBURG CELEBRATION.

Dedication of the Great national Cemetery Account of the Ceremonies Dedication Speech by the President Oration by Hon. Edward EvErett. Presentation of a. Standard And Speech by Governor Seymour The Ceremonies of Thursday. Gettysburg, November 19. The ceremonies attending the dedication of the National Cemetery commenced this morning by a grand military and civic display under command of Major General Couch. The line of march was taken up at ten o'clock, and the procession Marched hrough the iristreets to the cemetery, where the military formed in line nnd saluted the President. At quarter pa.st eleven the head of the procession arrived at tbe main stand. The President and members of the Cabinet, together with the chief military and civic dignitaries, took positions on the stand The Proident seated himself betweeu Mr. Seward and Mr. Everett, altet a reception marked with respect aud perfect silence due to the solemnity of the occasion, every man in tbe immense gathering uncovering on his appearance. The military then formed in line extending around the stand the area between the stand and military being occupied by civilians comprising about fifteen thousand people, and iucludiug men, women and children. The attendance of ladies was quite Inrpe. Tbe military escort comprised one Kjnadron of cavalry, two batteries of artillery aud a regiment of infantry, which constitute the regular funeral escort of honor for the highest officer iu the service. After the performance of a funeral dirge by Bircficld by the hand, an eloquent orayer was delivered by Rev. Mr. Stockton, aa follows: O God our Father, for tie sake of Thy Sou our Savior, inspire us with Thy spirit and sanctify us to the riht fulfillment of the duties of this occaion We come to dedicate this new historic center as a national cemetery. If all the depart ments of the one government Thou hast ordained over ot'r Union, and ol the many governments which Thou hast sulrdinated to tbe Union, be here united; if all classes, relations and internus of our blended brotherhood of people stand severally aud thoroughly apparent iu Thy preseuce, we trust it is because Thou hast called us, that Thy blessing awaits us, und that Thy designs may be embodied in practical results of incali ulable, inierishable good. Aud so wi'h Thv holy apostle and with the church in all lands and ages, we unite iu the ascription, blessed be God. even the Father ot our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of Moses, and the God of all comfort, who cotnforteih us in all our tribulations that we may be able to comfort them which are in any trouble by the comfort wberewith we ourselves are comforted of O-xl. In emulation ot all ansels, in fellowship with all saints, and in sym pathy with ill sufferers; in remembrance ot Thy works, iu recurrence of Thy ways, and iu accordance with Thy woik, e love and magnify Th v infinite perfections. Thy creative glorT. Thy redeeming grace. Thy poi'vidcini il goodness, and the progressive, richer, and fairer development of Thy supreme. univerl, and everlasting ndmini ration In belt ilf of ..II humanity, whose ideaf'is divine, whoi-e first memorv is Th image lost, and h'we Nst hope is Thv iumge restored; especially in helulf of our own nation, whose history has been so favored, whose position is so peerless, whose mission is so sublime, and whose future is so attractive; we thank thee for the unspeakable pitieuie of Thy compassion, and for the exceeding greatness of Thy loving kindness lu contemplation of Eden, Calvary and Hearen, of Christ in the God on the cross, and on ihe throne nay, more, of Christ as coining again iu all subdtieing power and glory: we gratefnlly prolong our homage by this alter of Mcrifice, on thi field of deliverance. on this mount of salvation, within the fiery and blood lrne of the-e mountains and rocks, looking back to the dark d u s of fear and of trembling, and to the rapture of relief that came after; we multiply our thanksgivings and confess our obli gations to renew and perfect our ersonal and social consecration to thy service and glory. Oh, had it not been for (Jod I for our enemies, they came unresisted, multitudinous, might y, flushed with victory and sure of success; they exulted on our mountain.; they revelled in our valleys; they feasted, thev rested, thev slept, they awakened, they grew stronper, prouder, and Inilder every day; they spread abroad, they concentrated here; they locked beyond this horizon to stores of wealth, to the hiunts of pleasure, and the feats of pew er in onr capital and chief cities; they pre pa re 1 to cast the chain of slavery around the form of Freed-iin, and to bind life ar.d death together foi ever. Their premature triumph was the mockery of God and man. One more victory and all w is theirs. But behind these hills was he ml the feebler march of a smaller, but still a pursuing h st; onward they hurried, dar and night, for their country and their God; footsore, way won. hungry, thirsty, faint, but not in heart, they t-ume to bear all, to do all that ia possible to hroe At first they met the blast on the plain, and bent before it like trees; but then, led by Thy hand to the hills, they took their stand on the-e rocks, and remained as firm and immovable as they. In vain weie they assaulted; all art. all violence, ail desperation failed to dislodge them B ffl'.il. limNcd and broken, their enemies retired rml disappeared. Glory to God for this re-cue! lint oh! the slain, in the fresliii ess and fuline-s of their younf n 1 manly life! with such sweet mem.tiy of lather and mother, brother and ier, wife od children, maiden aud friend! From the cony's beneath ihe eastern star; from the shores of i.ti-hern hikes and rivers; from the flowers of the western prairies; from the homes of the midway and the border; they came here to die for us and for mankind! Alas! how little we can do for them! We come with the humiliir of prayer, with the pathetic eloquence ot venerable wisdom, with tender beauty of poetry, with tbe plaintive harmony of music, with the' honest tribute of our Chief Magistrate, and with all this honorable attendance; but our best hope is in Thy blessing. O, Lord! our God, bless u.s. 0, our Fsther, bless the bereaved whether absent or present; bless our sick aud wounded soldiers and sailors; bless all our rulers and people; bless our army and navy; bless the efforts lo suppress this rebellion; and bless all the associations of this day, place and scene, forever. As the trees ate not dead though their foliage is gone, so our heroes are not dead though tbeir forms are falleu Iu their proper personality, they are all with Thee; and tbe spirit of their example is here it fills the air, it fills our hearts, and, aa long aa time shall last, it will hover in thee skies and rest on these landscapes, and pilgrims ot our own land and of all lauds will thrill with its inspiration and increase and confirm their devotiot. to libeity, religion and God. Mr. Everett theu commenced tbe delivery of his oration, which was listened to with marked attention throughout. Although a heavy fog clouded the heavens In the morning during tbe procession, the tun broke 'out in all its brilliancy during the Rev. Mr. Stockten' prayer, and shone upon the magnifi cent stectacle. The assemblage was of great magnitude, and waa gathered within a circle of great extent around the stand, which was loca ted on the highest point of ground on which the battle was fought. A long line of military sur

rounded tbe position taken by tbe immense mul titude of people. The Marshal took up a position on the left of the stand. Nu merous flags and banners, suitably draped, were exhibited on the stand and among the audience. The entire scene was one of grandeur due to the importance of the occasion. So quiet were the people that every word ottered by the orator of the day must have been heard by them ail. notwithstanding the immensity of tbe concouue. Among the distinguished persons on the platform were the following : Governors Bradford of Maryland, Curtin of Pennsylvania. Morton of In diana, Seymour of New York. Parker of New Jersey, and Tod of Ohio; ex Governor Dennison, of Ohio; Charles Anderson, Lieutenant Governor of Ohio; Major Generali Scbeuck, Stahel.Doubleday and Couch; Brigadier General Gibbon and Provost Marshal Geucral Fry. DLDICATOST SPEECH BT THE PBASIDX5T. The President then delivered the following dedicatory speech : Four score tnd seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation .conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Applause. Now we are engaged in great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, tod long endure. We-are met on great bsttletield of that war. We are met to dedicate a portion of it as the final resting place of those who here gare their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But in a larger sense "e cannot dedicate, we cannot conFecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled, here have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. Applause The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did bete. Applause. It is for us. the living, rather to be dedicated here to the refinished work that they hare thus so far nobly carried on. Applause. It is rather for is to be here dedicated to the ureat task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they here gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that the dead shall not have died in vain applause; that the nation shall, under God, have a new birth of freedom, and that governments of the people, by the peo pie, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth. Long continued applause 1 Three cheers were here given for the President aud the Governor of the States After the delivery of this address, the dirge and the benedietion closed the exercises, and the immense assemblage separated at about two o'clock. KKVIEW BT GOVlttXOE KETMOCR. About three o'clock in the afternoon the 5th New York regiment of heavy artillery. Colonel Murray, were marched to the temporury residence of Governor Seymour, where they passed in review befoie the Governor, presenting a handsome spectacle. Upon the conclusion of this ceremony, which attracted quite a crowd of sight seers, Governor Seymour presented a handsome silk regimental standard to the regiment, accompanying the gift with the following speech: GOVERNOR SETUOl'R'S SPEECH. Soldiers of iVeuj Veri: We love our whole country, wiihout reservation, but, while we do so, it is not inconsistent with lhat perfect and generous loyalty to love and to be proud of our own State. This day, when I took part in the celebration that was to consecrate yonder battle field while 1 felt, as an American citizen, proud of my own country and proud of the gallant serv ices of her citizens in every State, nevertheless my eye did involuntarily wander to that field where lie the glorious dead of our good and great State; aud when I returned to see marching before me your manly and sturdy columns, not knowing you belonged to New York my heart did quicken and my pul.-es tingle to learn that you were acting under comuiiseions issued by myself; and lam most proud and most happy that I have this opportunity on behalf of the merchants of the great commercial city of New York, to present to you this glorious banner, which baa been ent as a token of their confidence in your loyalty aud your ciurag',aud your fidel ity in the hour of danger. Serjeant, I place these colors in your hands, in the firm confidence that they will be borne through every field of triumph, of toil, and of d tiger, in a "way that will do honor to yourselves, to the great State which you represent, and the still greater country to which we all belong. Mit God bless you as you serve your country in the distant field of danger. We find in those clorious fields you left behind you arc not indifferent to this conflict, are not indifferent to the welfare of the whole Union. Do not doubt, therefore, that when you shall return from your dangerous fields of duty you hall bring back this standard to place among the archives of our State with honorable mention of the services her sons have performed. 1 do not doubt that though it may, perhaps, be returned torn and stained, yet it will be still more glorious, and with glorious recollection clustering around it. lu concluding these remark", I nsk in return of the men of New York, to give three cheers (4r the Union of our country, tnd three cheers for the flag of our land. General Schenck Followed iu a i-bort speech. CONCU'SIOX. A subscription of two bandied and eighty dol Urs was made by the Marshals attending these ceremonies, to be devoted to the relief of the Richmond prisoners. In the afternoon tbe Lieutenant Governor elect of Ohio, Col. Anderson, delivered an oration at the Presbyterian Church. Tbe President and party returned to Washing

ton ut six o'clock this evening, followed by the Governor's trains. Thousands of persons were gathered at tbe depot anxiously awaiting transportation to their homes, but they will probably be coufined to the meager accommodations of Gettysburg till to morrow. The Way to do It on One Side; What on the Other? In a speech at Cincinnati, Gen. Kosecbass stated it to be his opinion an opinion begotten of hearing and seeing iu the South that: "The people the Southern people deplore the war. but they are held by the neck; the military power has got them under ita heel. You cannot, therefore, make peace with then,. The only way is to keep tightening the cords around them, to get them so broken that the conservative people of the South can help Uietuselves. This they will not attempt until we throttle the military power. Then they will turn to the leader and say, ' W'e have had enough of this, aud will giie it up '" Yes, but who is to say when we have bad enough ot it in the North? We are told that the pe pie of the South can have no peace until every slave is freed, the seceded States converted into Territories, new owners occupy the land, the slave made equal to tbe white mae, and nobody elected to anv office not an abolitionist! This is the resolve of the party in power, and General Rosecrana had no authority, therefore, to make even the absurd statement he did. Were the South to dar to lay down their arms there could be no peace, as we once bad it, no dismissal of the army, no re-union of the States, no elections free from the bayonet, no commerce for our Western agriculturist, because no mar ket. Let our armies overrun tbe South, as has always been admitted they might do, and then will itand before our people, iu bold relief, tbe solemn fact that we are just in the midst of our it. . rii 1... vrouoiea. i vuiuiiiuua isitaw. Bork A9Aix.Mr. Beere .y Chase in bis sneecb at Indunaooli. said this great nation must be "bor again." We are afraid that it will Drove a negro baby. But what does he mean, in fact, but that the nation must die. The old Government, the old Constitution, that happy system founded by Washington and Jefferson, and sustained for so many rears of prosperity ana honor, must die perish forever, to give place to the hybrid roons- . . .as as ter bezotten by Abolition out oi war, ana navtng that for its breath and fanaticism for its food. Albany Ledger. Thi FiJtaJtciAL Budoit. Tbe Departmental estimates sre all before Secretary Cbase. save that of the War Office. When this cornea in, his report will be finished. It is understood that tbe budget will foot up twetve n una reu millions. The want of tbe navy for the-coming year are said to be estimated at orer one hundred millions. Last year, they were sixty-eight millions.

Sprafur. The Brooklyn Eagle thus daguerreotypes Sentor Sprague, whose marriage with Mias Kate Chase has occupied so much of the time of the Washington newspaper writers : Mr. Sprague is a young man of vast hereditary possession, accumulated by his father in the printing of calicoes, and so on, in the small but enterprising State of Rhode Island. Personally, Mr. Sprague is not attractive; pecuniary, he is seven millions. When a mere lad he was taken from school and placed in the cotton mill, where he soon became an expert in all the varied manipulative and mechanical operations, as developed in the calico line to an extent that warranted h;a friends in the belief that he would make a merchant worthy of bis father'a name, and not only keep what cash was left to him, but vastly iu crease his store. To this one branch of his education young Sprague devoted himself day and night, so that, although comparatively ignorant of the ways of the world, and wholly innocent of even an approximate understanding of the arts of science.

polite or vulgar literature, be was at tbe time be attained his majority one of the best informed manufacturers iu the country. Socially, he never amounted to much until within the last year or so. Retiring aud modest, or rather,. bashful, ha avoidad tbe society of ladies, paid no attention whatever to dress, and was regarded as eccentric, and far on the road which terminates in confirmed muerishncss. Some three or four years since, the young men of Rhode Island deemed it well to break up the "machine" which bad so long controlled the State aud which had put in nominatiou Seth Pad dleford for Governor. They selected young Sprague, whose family friends were possessed, as well as he, of vast wealth which they would gladly spend to gain position. At it they went hip and thigh, Sprague against. P.wldleford, money against moucv. It was estimated that the Paddlef orriiana were mulcted iu the modest sum of $75,001). Corruption ot the most unblushing nature was openly practised at the polls, and the whole Slate flashed with the brilliancy of the golden drops. Sprague was elected, and, by the aid and comfort of an able Secretary of State (Bartlett), and a distinguished prelate of the church, acquitted himsell creditably. His long purse was opened aud with great generosity his uiessengers promised to the t ay ice of VV ales that if be would visit Rhode Island he should be entertained like a prince aud in a peculiarly reckless manner. Uf his military career, the Ic&s said the better, unless, indeed. General Burnside should be quoted, but of that, never mind Sprague did well in rahdog and equipping t'-oops. These were sent from his State within twentyfour hours after the call was made, and he deserves credit for it. He was choseu Seuator with but little trouble, although he was not of the required age. Indeed, we doubt if he is yet old enough for the position. He will take his seat at the approaching session. He will make no speeches, for he neither writes nor talks; be will not contribute to tbe dignity of the Senate, for he is small, thiu and unprepossessing in appenrance; he will vote regularly and just as l'apa Chate tells him; and be will always regret lhat he forsook his congenial factory, where he made a mark and could hold his own with the best of them, for the marble halis of the legislators, whom he can neither influence nor comprehend.. However lie, the timid, shrinking youth, has added unother success to his list. He has gaiued the hand of Miss Chase. a The War Democracy.'' A distinguished patriot of this Slate writes to us as follows: "Gestlkhex: Your paper says nothing of the proposed meeting of tbe War Democracy at Chicago, on the 25th. Is it an abolition dodge, or a sure enough affair? I always fear cat in the meal iu such cases. Yours, &c." The fear expressed by onr correspondent is rational, nnd it justly applies to this case in Particular as well as to such cases in general. The proposed meeting is called under the auspices of men in Illinois and Indiana who have acted heretofore with the radicals, and who intend to act hejeafter with the radiculs. The men in question are radicals to all intents aud purposes. The object of the meeting is indeed simply to reinforce the radical ranks iu the coming Presidential contest. This fact is well understood on all sides, and is evinced sufficiently by the applause ihe movement receives from the most ultra radical journals and by the condemnation it receives from the tnt judicious conservative jounialiir Fur example, the Chicago Tribune, 9 radical as its New York namesake, warmly applauds the movement, while the Chicngo Post, as conservative ns its Boston namesake., warmly coixlem-t the niovemeut; and so with the radical and conservaiive journals in general. The former uniformly cheer the movemeut; the latter uniformly stigmatize it. Our correspondent's suspicion is undoubtedly jt st. The affair is an "abolition dodge," "a cat in the meal;" though, it is the radical grimalkin's second appearance in the conservative meal tub, and particularly as he was both detected and exposed i'ti his fii appearance, we think tht dodge tn ay be fairly considered as played out. The phrase "War Democrat" in the mouths of the radicals has come to be very well compre hended by the public. It can no longer deceive anj body. Every Democrat who is a conservative is really a War Democrat; and the appellation in the mouths of conservatives signifies no thing more or less than the word conservative itself; though, as the appellation is so much abused bv the radical, the conservatives would in our judgment act wisely to drop it altogether. Ita signification ia very different in the mouths of the radicals, and it is in their mouths all the time. When the radicals praises man for being a "War Democrat," or denounce him for not being one, they do not mean a Democrat who is in favor of tbe war, hut a Democrat who is in favor of the radical aim and management ot the war a Democrat, in short, who supports the radical ticket. Tbey meau such a Democrat as Benjamin F. Butler, or Andrew Johnson, or Robert Dale Owen. In a word, the phrase "War Democrat' in the mouths of the radicals is merelv another form of expression for abolitioiiized Democrat. And this the public now comprehend. Hence, the phrase has lost whatever power to deceive it may have once possessed. It is fast becoming a name of opprobrium and of weakness, instead of a nameol power. Ihe radicals have disgraced it, as they disgrace or tend to disgrace everything else ther touch. For this reason we do not apprehend that the meeting at Chicago will do the radicals much good or the country much hurt. It will be a sort of farce in which the actors laugh in each other's faces. Louisville Journal. Cheap Patriotism. The Jacobin papers claim that the fall elections demonstrated that the war is "popular." But we cannot see that its popularity will avail anything in its successful prosecution, unless the class with whom it is popular demonstrate their approval in deeds instead of words. One new recuit, who actually shoulders his musket and takes his place in the ranks, is of more actual value than a bundled votes in support of the war. These people who vote so patriotically that the war is "popular" remind us as a distinguished joker would say of the man who boasted that he had been an earnest, devoted Christian for twenty years, and "bless God," he would odd, "my Christianity has never cost me twenty cents." A reputation for patriotism can be acquired as cheaply, now a days, as waa this old miser's reputation for Christianity, and the one is as valuable a possession as the other. N. A. Ledger. Old Abe's Style. Old Abe's peculiar style of composition is aptly illustrated by Annas Waeo. In advertising Ida lectures, he produces sundry certificates, among '"irti is not1 from Old Abe, is follows: Artemu Ward De ab Sir: I have never heard any of your lectures, but from what I can learn I should say that for people who like the kind of lectures you deliver, they are just the kind of lectures such people like. Yours, respectfully, O.Abx. The above is quite as lucid as the most of Old Abe's writings. i i o s Delawaec. Liberty and law were . again grossly outraged by the Administration in the Delaware election. Such wrongs will be rightly estimated In history. It is not surprising in these times to see radical newspapers defend them. Tbey would glady destroy all Americau liberty.

The President at Gettysburg.

It is not supposed by any one, we believe, that i Mr. Lincoln ia possessed of much polish in man- i ners or conservation. His adherents, however, claim for him an average amount of common . sense, and more than an ordinary kind and generous heart. We have failed to distinguish his pre eminence in tie latter, and apprehend the former to be somewhat mythical, but imagine that bis deficiencies herein being less palpable than in other qualities constituting a statesman hare led his admirers greatly to over estimate him in these regards. These qualities are unfailing guides to appropriateness of speech and action in mixing with the world, however slight may have been tbe opportunities afforded their possessor for becoming acquainted with the usages of society. The introduction of Dawdlelsm in a funeral sermon is an innovation upon established conventionalities, which, a year or two ago, would hare been regarded with scorn by all who thought custom should to a greater or less extent, be consulted in determining social and public proprieties. And the custom which forbids its introduction is founded on the propriety of the fitness of things, and is not therefore military arbitrary, or confined to special localities, but has suggested to all nations tbe exclusion of political partisanship in funeral discourses. Common sense, then, should bare tanght Mr. Lincoln that its intrusion upon such an occasion was an offensive exhibi tion of boorish d ess and vulgarity. An Indian in eulogizing the memories of warriors who had falleu in battle, would avoid allusion to differences in tbe tribe that had no connection with the prevailing circumstances, and which he knew would excite unnecessarily the bitter prejudices of his hearers. Is Mr. Lincoln less refined than a savage? But aside from the ignorant rudeness manifest in the President's exhibition of Dawdleism at Gettysburg, and which was an insult at least to the memories of u part of the dead, whom he was there professedly to honor. in its misstatement of the cause for which they died, it was a perversion of history so flagrant that the most extended charily cannot regard it as otherwise than willful. That, if we do him injustice, our readers may make the needed correction, ne append a portion of the eulogy on the dead at Gettysburg: "Four score and ten years ago our fathers brought forth upon this comment a nation conse crated to liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Cheers Now we ate engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any other nation so consecrated and an dedicated can long endure." As a refutation of this titetnent, we copy certain clnnses in the Federal Constitution: "Uepresenta;ivcs and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included in this Union, according to their re spectivc numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persous, including tlittse bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." "The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior lo t'.e year lfcOS, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person " "No amendment to the Constitution, made prior to ltd;, shall effect the preceding clause." "No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of tbe party to whom such service or labor may be due." Do these provisions in tbe Constitution dedicate the nation to "the proposition that all men are created equal?" Mr Lincoln occupies his present position by virtue of this Constitution, and is sworn to the maintenance and enforcement of these provisions. It wts to uphold this Constitution, and the Uuion created by it, that our officers and soldiers gave their lives at Gettysburg. How dared he, theu, standing on their graves, misstate the c uisc for which they died, and libel the s-tatesmeii who founded the Government? They were men possessing too much self respect to declare that negroes were their equals, or were entitled to equal privileges. Chicago Times. CAUI, KCIIUItZ. spicy Letter from General Leslie Combs to the German AbolltionilU. From tbe LouUvjlle Journal. Fraskkout. Kit.. Nov. 19. It63. To the Editor of the Louisville Jovrnal: 1 have read a note, published in your paper a few days since over the signature of Carl Schurz, commencing, as it seems to me, in very n becoming terms for a man who, from his position in the army, i presume 1 tat be alloaed. sometimes, to associate with gentlemen upon a remark made by mein a letter to a friend in New York, which found its way into ihe public piints, as to his conduct and that of his command at the battle of Chaucellorville, us thrn presented lo the uatiou by an ejc-witners, and, so tar .is I have seen, not subsequently contradicted by any reliable au thority. After some considerable blubter, be, very con-' Fidcratel v. informs me that he is "a first-rate pistol shot." and "might probably kill me in a duel;" he therefore poHiely iurites meto come to his headquarters, and "yhare his bed with him," Sic. Now. I am imeir a very poor pistol shot, never h iving tiied a pistol a dozen times in mj life, tior practiced with any other weapons in order to become a dangerous duelist. Indeed, for more than fifty y. .rs I hive hvl but little use of either arm. us cun be ascertained by reference to the records of the War Department in Washington. But uuon full reflection, first, considering hid avowed opinions as to humu color, and, secondly, being tfry particular iu selecting my bed fellows, I rather incline to run the risk of a pistol shot, even from his skillful baud, in preference to sleeping one night with him iu his own bed, not kuowing who might have been my immediate predecessor. Finally, I respectfully suggest that while Carl Schurz may obtain some unenviable notoriety by passing over thousands of his cotemporaries and making an onslaught upon au old soldier, whose history cannot be unwritten by rebels or abolition fanatics, he has added nothing to bis fame with those who know the difference between a brave niau and a bully. Respectfully, yours, &c, Lx.su t Combs. Government Plantations. r If the lollo ing statement of how the Govern" jient plantation policy words, is a fair exhibit of it, the sooner it is discontinued the better: A New Orleans correspondent of a New York paper gives us an idea how the negroes get along, under compulsory lbor, on the Government plantations The writer says tbe report of W. H. Wilder tbe inspector of plantations dis closes the following melancholy facts: The report states that on White Cattle plantation, out of 159 negroes 85 have died and 22 ran away, thus leaving but 42 of the original number. At the Old Hickory plantation, there were 413 negroes; of these, 2C2 have died since Juue last. Mr Wilder says that on his visit to the Old Hickory plantation, be found 38 negroes sick and without proper nurses or toedioal attendance. Tbe hospital is a building 18 by 23 feet in size, in which the sick referred to were packed. In the midst of the laz tr house was the dead body of a woman who had died on Wednesdar at 3 o'clock A. M. At 5 o'clock P. M.. the following day, no measures had been Ukeu for her sep ulture. and the body had commenced to decompose. The Exchange or Prisoners. On this sub ject, the Richmond Enquirer says: The flag of truce boat which arrived on Saturday, brought up 380 couvalesccnt Confederate soldiers lately released from confinement in the North. An exchange of surgeons will take place in a few days. Eighty five Yankee surgeons are now in prison in this city. The Enquirer also says: Twenty one hundred of tbe Yankee prisoners in Richmond have been sent to console the good people of Danville. Lynchburg has sent an in yitation for several thousand, and they will be sent up this week. liJ" A government hospital is to be located at Winona, Minnesota.

The Kxcbaace ar Prisoners Why it lias becnMopped-rnlt Explanation of the Waller The Nlsrtrer at the Ballon of it. Sp-ceal Corrrpoui!el.ce to the Clicagu Times. Wachinctu Jfovember 18. I hive tikcn some pntus to ascertain the real facts no existing in regard to the trouble about the exchange of prisoners; and, aa the matter is' one uf great nuWio concern, I herewith end jou the results of my investigation. At present the number of prisoners on each side is about equal namely : about l.r,Ui)0 c-icb, of Union and Confederate rolJiers. From all that I can Icaro, it would appear that the Con federals' hold two or three thousand more of onr soldiers titan we do id theirs Thev are not II at Richmond. The c-.nitiiodatioiis there are iuiirely insufficient .Mid provision are In ' scarce. A few weeks p'me. arrangement- sere nnde to remove some A.Oi'Wl of them to the iuterior of Georgia, and this removal, I am informed, has been m tde 1 1 i- also believed that between Ü.OO0 and 3.00(1 have been taken to Charleston in order to deter Gen. Gil more from burning tbe city with Greek fire. I am eatirfied that many of the stories of inhumanity to our prisoners are either gross fabrications, or else willful exaggerations ; and that, as a general thing, our prisonera at tne south are as welt treated aa prisoners of . war gene-ally, with the exception, perhaps of the articles of food and medicine ; and, in that respect, as well as the rebel soldiers themselves, the South is not, just now, a land flowing with milk and hooey. Shocking instances of individual cruelty there have been : and the chief author ot these cruelties, so disgraceful to humanity, is, or was, Mrs. Lincolo's own brother. But, on the oiher hand, I know of rastaoces of equal atrocity perpetrated on Confederate prisoners by General Shoepf or his understrappers, and on Confederate prisoners in other northern prisons. The exchange of prisoners wss progressing regularly, under the terms of tbe cartel agreed upon by Maj. Ludlow and Col. Ould, under the sanction of both governments, when it was suddenly stopped by Mr. Stanton, by the order, as he says, of the President; and on this occasion I believe he tells the trutjj. Why was this order promulgated? It was not promulgated until Mr. Lincoln had ascertained definitely that the Cor. fed crate government did not recognize our niggers in uniform (or. rather, their niggers, stolen from them,) as soldiers; would not treat them, or their officers, on a perfect equality with our white officers and soldiers; and would not exchange them or their oflicers. if captured These alarming facti wete hist discovered by the notorious Higginson and Montgomery, and sent by them to Senators Sumuer and Wilson, aud conmuuicated by tbe latter, in turn, to Mr. Lincoln. The President was unwilling to believe them; but satisfied himself, finally, that they were really true. Tbe abolitionists and radicals who control him. and who are really the supreme power in the Slate, bad, in the meantime, persuaded bim to assure to the negroes who would enlist the siaoe protection from the Federal government which the latter extended to their soldiers. In other words, they persuaded the Administration to authorize them to make the official declaration, and it has been made and officially promulgated, that negro soldiers and their officers are on a footing of perfect equality in all things with white men and theu ofSceis, and shall receive the same protection from the government. They also persuaded the President to communicate to tbe Confederate government the assurance that the United States government recognized no distinction between white and black soldiers, and insisted upon our black soldiers, (who might be taken prisoners) being regularly exchanged on the same footing as white soldiers. I have been unable to ascertain whether any formal reply was ever made by tbe Confederate government to this extraordinary communication. But it if certain that "the government" received assurances, positive and indefinite enough, to tbe -effect that the Confederates did not, and would not recognize negroes as soldiers. Tbe Confederate Agent of Exchange, however, continued to ' send home our prisoners as before, until, as I have staled, our Agent of Exchange t Fortress Monroe received directions from the Secretary of War, "by order of the President," not to permit any more Confederate prisoners to be sent home, ard to suspend the operation of the cartel of exchange. This, of course, stopped the exchange on the part of the Confederates. The last lot of Union prisoners who were sent homo from Richmond were a lot of sick and wouuded men, who were humanely offered the alternative of remaining there or of going borne. They chose the latter, hoping at least to die at noma ; but were candid! v informed by the surgeons lhat the chances were that tbey would never reach home alive. They ratne and were lauded at Annapolis. A few will recover. Some did live to reach their homes, and died or will die there, surrounded by their friends. Some died at Annapolis ; aud some perched en route. These facts have been much distorted by tbe abolition press. The facts as they really exist are bad enough. But, if '.bese poor men had been left at Richmond, they would have all died there, among straugets and without sympathy. Not oue of them died merely in consequence of having bad insufficient food. The blame lies upon the Administration and the Republican party firt. for causing the war at all ; secood. for investing it with its present features of ferocity ; third, for preventing medicines being tent to the South ; and fourth, for conducting the war in fucb a manner as to prolong it In the meantime, fifteen thousand of our brave men, who left comfortable homes and happy families in order to fight, aa they supposed, for the Union, are now languishing iu sou; hern prisons, cud there they will continue to languish. Why? Simply because tbe Administration ia ileterniined to adhere lo its et measure of nik:ug it negro as good an a wh;te rain In order to indulge the whim of Greeley aud Sumner oa this point, those brave men will be left to languish and die by inches; fretting their lives away day by day, in hopeless agony at the thought that the sight of home, and kindred, and their best loved ones will never again be theirs. But what does it all i utter? What right bare tbey to complain? kWl at difference does it make that the hearts of tbe members of fifteeu thousand families are wrung with anguish becanse their fathers, and husbands, and sons, and brothers are thus left to perish? This is a war for the negro. With lhat grand object in view, all such matters bhould be regarded as unconsidered trifles. Such is the decision of tbe "Governmeot," and it is treason to think otherwise. X. Chase and Steward. The Secretary of State made rather a puzzling speech at Auburn, N. Y.,Uie translation of which ' is iu the Albany Knickerbocker, a Seward organ, thus: "Some of lite Democratic politicians sre puzzled over a paragraph in Governor Seward's late Auburn speech, to the effect that Abraham Lincoln will continue to be Presided until he be acknowledged Presidentof South Carolina, Georgia and every other State. These purblind people should understand that Governor Seward intended to say that as long as Lincoln managed tbe affairs of the country in the successful t manner he is doing, that there was no chance for Chase, Seymour. McClellan. or any other fellow for the Presidency in 1864. It is a declaration of Gcr. Sewsrd in favor of Lincoln against any other mau. It is a wet blanket on the hopes and prospects of Chase. It puts a quietus oo all tbn aspirants for the White House. It places old Abe firmly in the saddle for the next Presidential race, and gives him tbe inside of tbe track. Il will have the effect to restore harmony and keep Cabinet officers out of the email potato business of President making. That paragraph of Seward's is a rottler to Chase."

national Bank. and toialty. The Administration, says the R&fialo Courier, is making the most persistent efforts to induce the New York bankers to abandou the State a raten, of banking, and adopt the Chase system. Mr. McCollough, who ia to New York to engineer this financial revolution, says taat if the Goternment has not the power to establish this system of banking over all opposition, "it lacks to to fatal an extent the sovereignty, lhat it is not worth a tithe of tbe effort and sacrifice that are being made to maintain it." The gross receipts of the Northwestern Fair for the benefit of disabled soldiers are stated at jH.POO. 2T A Quebec paper notices ao unusual movement westward from that city ot war materials, " including eight heavy guus.