Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 20, Indianapolis, Marion County, 19 October 1863 — Page 2

TEEKLY SENTINEL.

MONDAY, OCT. 19. The Abolition Victory.Tbe Cincinnati Gazette says that "tbe great MinUter of Finance, a it term Mr. Ca ass, remarked as follows in a speech at Cincinnati on Tuesday last: "Count every ballot a bullet fairly aimed at tbe heart of the rebellion." It Is erident that Mr. Chass regards the abolition vietory of Tuesday, in fact lie so pronounces it, as the only auxiliary the Administration desires for the suppression of the rebellion. We shall now see whether ballots will be any more potent in the orerthrow of the rebel armies than bullets have been under the direction of the party in power. We apprehend that the result of the elections on Tuesday last will only be to make the Sooth more determined and united in their opposition to the Goteminent. The victory will be regarded as an endorsement of tbe abolition policy of the Administration, hence the people of the South will argue that they hare nothing to expect from the party having the control of the government in the settlement of the controversy, but terms humiliating and degrading, and it is natural to infer that under such circumstances they will present to u& a solid front and fight on with more desperate energy than ever. Such is our view of the case. Most sincerely do we hope that the rosy anticipations which Mr. Chase expects will result from the triumph of his party friends in the recent elections may be realixed. Every good man must desire the overthrow of the rebellion and the termination of the war at the earliest posible period. If tbe-e results will be hastened by the character of the recent elections, no one will rejoice more than ourselves, but we cannot balieve that such will be the eise. Our only hope for tbe restoration of the Union is in giving the control of the government to the conservative men of the country. That done, we believe that pence and Union would again bless, the land. Abolition ballots will never reach the heart of the rebellion The Recent Elections. We have sufficient returns from the local elecum tuis unic, uii ucsuay list, to jusuiy US in stating th.it the Democracy will have a decided majority in the aggregate vote. The official returns will fully confirm this statement. The returns from Ohio show that Mr. Vaiujdigham received a much larger vote than was ever polled by a defeated candidate, and sufficient to have elected him if the ballot-box had honestly recorded the choice of the people. Tbe news from Pennsylvania is also encouraging. The majority claimed for Curtiv U rapidly melting away, if it does not altogether disappetr. There U nothing discouraging to the Democratic cause in the results of the recent elections. We believe with Mr. Chase, there is a Providence in them. There in a divinity that nhapes our ends, Rough hew them as we will." The entire responsibility of the conduct of the war is now with the Administration. It has had no excuse for failure, and will not have the shadow of an apology now. The elections have terminated just as the party io power de?ired. . The Administration has had all the bullets it retired, and it now has all the ballots. So far as mere party policy is concerned, tbe elections could not have terminated more fortunately for tbe future triumph of the Democracy, The effect will be to develop more fully and satisfactorily the utter imbecility and dishonesty of the party which onfortunntelv for the couutry has obtained the control of the government. Rorn Again. Mr. Secretary Chass, in his speech here, said that this great nation must be "born again.' This is a rather severe reflection upon the motives, and patriotism od sacrifices of the gallant men who won our independence as a nation and framed the institutions under which we have prospered for more than three quarters of a cen tory. To be "born again" signifies that the old dispensation the old laws and institutions must be washed out, and new ones established in their place Mr. Chask says we must accept the new light abolitionism of the Greelt, and Phillips and Garrisox, and Sensit school, for the patriotism, the wisdom and the sagacity of Washixqio and his compeers. There is but one step from the sublime to tbe ridiculous and Mr. Chase makes it. A Methodist View. The Methodist of Illinois, in a recent State Convention at Springfield, adopted the following resolution: Resolced, That we recognize the hand of God in this terrible war. chastising us for our national Bins. If this terrible civil war is a chastisement for our national sins, and our Methodist brethren solemnly declare that it is so, none can mistake the remedy. If tbe people stop sinning, the occasion for the chastisement will cease; hence we must conclude if the war continues the necessity for it arises from our persistent sinfulness as a people Our beloved Methodist brethren do not present a Tery flittering view of the wickedness of this perverse generation. flaw It Works. The Montgomery (Ala.) Advertiser publishes entire the recent letters of Solicitor Whitisg, remarking thereupon as follows: If there ia a man io tbe Confederrcy in favor of the reconstruction of the Union, let him read this letter and see his doom. State lines are to be obliterated. Slate rights ignored, public and privoi properer and interest swept away; the men of the South, rich and poor, with tbeir wives and little ones, are te be made the servants of servants. Doubtless the only effect of Mr. Whittixo's letter In the South, was to strengthen the rebellion. Tbe advocates of eceslon have always seized on such documents with avidity and given tbetn the widest circulation. " By this means they keep uo the exasperation and crush out those who might otherwise pronounce in favor of the Uoion. This letter was a great God send to the secessionists. 1 Contempt for "Ueconstructionlets.'V The reoel leaders at the South have great contempt for "reconstructionists." So have the radical destructives of the North. Reconstruction is the reverse of their theory. Lord Lroxs, the British Minister, was made aware of tbe rad ical programme aa long ago aa November 17, 1862. when be wrote t Earl Reman.: The political interests of the party now in power render a continuance of the war a tieces it V to it. I have, indeed, herd it maintained that Great Britain should recognize the independence of the S-Kiih as soon as posMble, with a view to impeJe the succesa of the efforts of the conservative party to reconstruct the Union. Subordination Tb follow iDg article of war was referred to by General Schofield, in his late general order No. 101: Aar. 5. Any officer, o rsoldier, who shall use , contemptuous or disrespectful words against the President of the UbUed States, against the Vice President thereof, against tbe Congress of the , United States, or against tbe Chief Magistrate or Legislature of any . of tue United Elates .in which be may be quartered; if a commissioned ocer, shall be cashiered, or otherwise punished, as a co art martial shall direct; if a non commissioned officer, -or soldier, he shall suffer snch puniabment aa shall be inflicted on him by the sentence of a court-martial.

Our Army Correspondence rrom the Ar rar of the Cumberland-Condition of Affairs at Chattunooga. Chattaxoooa, Tejot .Sent. 23, H63 i (Camp of the 2utb Indiana Infantry.) ) . Editor Sexiixkl: The great battle of he seisoa hns just been foughtat Crawfish Springs, in the Chickamauga valley, Georgia, and a more bloody, obstinate or desperate engagement has not beeti recorded during tbe rebellion. I am aware that young or nervous correspondents in variably assert the battles they tell of, to be the greatest or bloodiest of the season or of the war, in order to create as much sensation as possible. But the men engaged in this, are the same sol-' diers who fought in every battle of the western army since they first entered Kentucky; and as your humble servant was present, he judges from painful experience The advantages resulting to us from this frightful engagement have not made themselves visible to me, although many good men here affirm they are great. Gen. Rosecrans must evidently be mortified with the idea of being reluctantly permitted to occupy Chattanocga with a fragment of an army, instead of Atlanta, Ga, with the rebel army flying in disorder before biro and bis victorious banners. Yet such is the case; here we are with the rebels menacing us in the front as well as upon both flanks, whilst their cavalry are constantly hanging upon and harass ing our rear. Falling back 12 miles from the battlefield where all our killed and many of our wounded were left in the enemy's hands, does not appear to me to be the best conduct of a victorious army. We have been here since the 21st, engaged in fortifying the town with the whole force of the army. The works which by incessant labor, night and day, have advanced to a stage of completion, are quite formidable, and well calculated to resist an attack from the front, but the rebels occupv Lookout Mountain, upon the point of which they have batteries that will command the town at any point. They have already sent solid shot inside our works in the very center of of the place. Whether we can re?ist this power fularm successfully in case of an attack remains to be seen. Our outside works, at farthest, do not extend over one and a quarter miles, from the town, but it is chiefly ander the rebel battery on the mountain; at the foot of this is a wide, deep ravine with a small stream of water running through it, quite impassable without a bridge, which could not be thrown across without driving the rebels away from the south side. The rebels appear to have sent heavy reinforce ments against Burnside, who his ben making great exertions to reich us, but unsuccessful. There is still a strong force confronting us, suf ficient, it seems, to keep us from making any offensive movements against them. One hundred ambulances were dispatched yesday, through the rebel lines, to bring off "our wounded from the battlefield. The rebels put their own men on the ambulances and detained ours under gnard within thier picket line. The ambulances have notyet returned, and it is likelv they will apply them to their own ue in remov ing their wounded lo Ltfxyette or some other convenient place upon the Atlant t Rai road. Our line of communication with Bridgeport re quires a large cavalry force to keep it open; ow ins to the great difficulty, in this case, we have been put on half rations, which, in connection with the almost Incessant labor required of the men, has entailed unspetkahle sundering upon them. The ambulance train has just returned, bringing with them tfiK) of our wounded from the battlefield and the different hospitals near it. Many of these bold, brave sufferers lay for a week upon the field with but little more assistance than could be rendered by one another, and not a few of them died upon the ground for want of proper treatment to their wounds The few Surgeons captured along with the wounded did everything in their power to make the poor fellows comfort able, yet under the circumstances succeeded very badly. One of the wounded men pot hold of a razor and amputated his comrade's arm as they lay side by side. Several others made application to have the operation performed upon them also, but the worthy operator became too much exhausted with exertion and labor to continue bis operations any further. The rebels had cap tured all the ins tiu ments from our Sursreons but one pet and those were kept in constant use for four days, day and night, before all the cases were disposed of. Corn meal gruel was tbe only diet afforded for ten days to those unfortunate men, a rather weak and innocent diet, but they did well on it. As they entered the town, all covered with dust, many sorrowful sights present ed: many of them sat up smoking a pipe with the bloody stubs of the legs or arms hanging heedlessly by them, greeting their friends as the? met them, with great joy at being permitted once more to see around the familiar countenances of their brave comrades. They are now comforably located in the different hospitals in this town, where everything wi'l be afforded them for their comfort that can be had. The armies are quiet under a flag of truce which will continue until the wounded are all brought in. Yours, Wixtex.

The total number of Union prisoners now in Richmond is given in the following article, from the Richmond Enquirer, of Wednesday last, which also fixes the number captured by Bbago at Chattanooga: THK P BISONS AXD TBEia INHABITANTS. From tbe Rich in nd Enquirer, Oct. 7.1 The Litbv record on yesterday displayed a force of Federal prisouers, including" b'25 general, regimental and other commissioned offi cera. Of this number 4.85U were received from Chickamauga, which, including 2.5!MJ sick, wounded and plaved out, paroled on the field, makes the total number of captures on that famous field, as far as ascertained, 7,35(1, including 290 officers. Besides the combatant officers in the prison, there are 23 surgeons and nine chaplains In Castle Thunder are 901) prisouers, of v. horn 50 are Confederate deserters and stragglers, 90 negroes, and the rest Yankee Unionists, traitors, spies, bushwhackers, and other prisoners of the same stripe. The .Tlattachuaetli ltepubllcans and ."Vejro Equality-. The following resolution was adopted by the Massachusetts Republican State Convention: Resolved, That the policy of employing colored soldiers is wise and just, and should be enlarged and liberalised by putting such soldiers on a perfect equality with 'whites as to rights and compensation while in the service. The nation has a right to the services of all its subjects in every portion of its domain, and no pretended or real claim to service on the p.rt of roaster or employer, in the South or the North, should be allowed to interfere with the primary allegiauce which is due lo the country itself. Gen. .TlcClellanAn Electioneering Lie Called. A New York dispatch dated Monday, says: Gen. McClellan his written a letter to lion. Charles J. Biddle of Philadelphia, requesting him to deny tbe statement In the Philadelphia Press and other newspapers, that, if he voted and spoke in the Pennsy lvania political campaign, it would be in favor of Gov.- Curtin. He says that, after a full conversation with Judge Woodward, he finds that their views agree, and hi regards his election as Governor of Pennsylvania called for by the interests of the nation, and he would, if it was in his power, give to Judge Woodward Ins voice and his vote. 5T"The Cincinnati Commeicial after abusing VaIlaxdicham in the laost opprobrious terms as a tractor and rebel, now tecom mends the Presi dent to revoke his edict of banishment and per mit him to return home. Political I'arsons. The Cairo News, an ultra Republican journal, don't see tbe good of so much political parson power aa is at present applied to its party's ma chinery. In a recent number it thus imploringly asks for less of it: " In looking over the proceedings of Uoion dem onstrations in Ohio, Indiana an4 our own St tie. we pee that "the reverends are so numerous that the great war meetings might eisily be mistaken for Methodist conferences. We do not, by any means, ignore the labors of the clergy isi be half of the countrt; we, in common with all true friends of the Government, appreciate, and, we trust, properly value all that they can or mav do towards suppressing the rebellion and restoring thu Union; but we humbly and earnestly entreat them to "pull at their own oars." . When they Uy aside the holy functions that pert tin to the duties of a minister of the Gospel and tak the stump in support of any party, they invariably "put their foot into it," and do more harm than good. , , , i tV5 The Illinois Central railroad picked op four and a half millions last year. ff?" A Philadelphia shoddy paper savs; 'The lust of offi ae seems to have absolutely frenzied our Democratic friends.

If ecrptlon of Secretary Chan. On Wednesday, at about 2 P. M., Hon. S. P. Ciiase, on :nvitation, arrived in this city. When tbe train bear in? the distinguished gentleman hove in sight, cannons under tbe direction of Col. Stcbm, of the Arsenal, were discharged. Then tbe" Secretary stepped into a barouche, drawn by two span of beautiful greys, and, escorted by infantry, artillery, cavalry and music, proceeded through several streets to the Capitol yard. Here an immense platform was erected, and among. the notable citizens accompanying the illustrious visitor we observed Brigadier General James Blake, Esq.. General Cabbinstox, Major General Akot Wallace, riding a grey borse, presented to him. it is said, by a deceased son of the late President Zachart Tatlor, Calvix Fletcher, Sr., Hon. A. Ü. Poster. D. Garland Rosk, Alfred Harkisox, and others too tedious to mention. N utuerous flags, not one of them battle-torn, however, were suspended over, around and about the boards accomplished carpenters had, under the direction of the Government, erected. The National Guard's band were on hand with their inevitable "Hail to the Chief," which we must say in all candor they blew remarkably well through their wind instruments. Thtn His Excelency, GOVERNOR UtORTOxV SPEECH - followed, and we truthfully report, as follows: Laditt and Gentleiwn: In the presence of ths Creat event which transpired yesterday, 1 am in capable of utterance. The people of four great States on that day spoke to this country, to Europe, and to the world. They gave, also, assurances to the army that it should not be deserted. They gave assurances to the Government, too. that if it shall go on as it began, it will be sus tained. We have shown to all that with the last man, the last drop of blood, and the last dollar, we, the people of the North, are determined to put down the rebellion. Long ago the rebellion would hava been crushed were it not for the encouragement from those in our own midst. Let us not forget, in this our day of triumph, that noble army of martyrs who are pouring out their blood like water to maintain this Government; let s not forget the President and others of the Cabinet (naming them neriatum;) and last, and finally, let us not forget the distinguished Secretary of Treasury, Hon Salmon P. Chase. Ladies and gentlemen, he has wdminlstered the affairs of his department with an ability which challenges the admiration of the whole worlds I beg leave to present him to you, your honored guest, whom you welcome to Indiana. MR. CHASE' SPEkCH. . The honorable gentlemen, after this introduction, said: Fkllow Citizens, Ladies and Gextlkmkx Ou Friday last I was conferring with our excellent President upon some important matters, and at the close of our conversation 1 said to him, "I have a great notion to goto Qliio and vole the Union ticket, and if you have nothing iu particular for me to do s the wheels of my department are running quite smoothly just now, and I have Uid away twenty-five millions of dolltrs to pay the soldiers on the first of NovemberI believe I will so;" and so 1 went, and on yesterday I had the pleasure to contribute my single vote to the immense majority given iu Ohio for the Union. And now I want ail these young men and boys who stand befoiemeto day, to rem'iber that whenever a great crisis comes, (and all elections are great crises,) the first duty of every citizen is to know he is right, and then vote the ticket. I would not exchange the pleasure and talis action that I felt iu depositing my vote on yesterday, for all the compliments that ever were or ever can be bestowed upon my administration of the financial department of the government. Fellow citizens, yesterday, as your excellent Governor, by whose kind invitation I am here to day, has remarked, was a grea. day in the annals of this nation. There has, perhaps, hadly ever been a greater day in our history, and I think most certainly no greater will ever come. Yesterday when the sun arose, thousands of hearts were betting with anxiety all over the Und some with anxious prayer to Uod that the cause of the Union might prevail by the voice of the people; others wit h eager hope that the fl ig which our armies carry so gallantly iu the field might be stricken down by their comrades nnd fellow citlzeus at home; rebels in the South looking to the action of the people of the States with eager interest, hoping that they might find that success at the ballot-box which they could not secure by their armies in (he field. These hopes, these anxieties penetrated the breasts of all the people upon the lace of the re public. The sun weut down, and the great issue was decided, for the people with an unanimity heretofore unparalleled in the history of this nation came up to the ballot box and said in tones of thunder "This republic, which our fathers founded and secured by their blood, shall live!" Cheers And. fellow citizens, ' this republic now will live. We have in the progress of our armies achieved successes which make the reductit ii of the rebellion sure. The possession of East Tennessee guarantees to us the center of the rebel Confederacy; its very heart is in the hands of our troops. General Rosecrans confronts Bragg at the gate of East Tennessee leading into the State of Georgii. General Burn.tide has the interior, and it is utterly impossible, and so the rebel statesmen themselves have said, continually, that the rebellion Can, under such circumstances, succeed. They must wrest East Tennessee from our grasp, or it is only a question of time whether the rt bei I ion shall be put down or not. So, too, we hold the Mississippi river; that of course di vides the Confederacy in twaio, and th it party or that body of people that holds the Mississippi must necessarily have control of the Mississiopi valley. Thus -e have possession of these two great important poin's. In addition to this we have most of their setports, and at this very moment Gilmore, a worthy and gallant son of Ohio, is approaching by sp and mine the city of Charleston itself, and in a tew divs, perhaps, but sooner or later anyhow, that rebel city, where treasou was nursed and born and fei and brought to maturity, must necessarily fall. Thus we have things in our own hands to a great extent.' Now in the light of this fact look at the import ance of the great events of yesterday. Suppose the result had been otherwise. Suppose that this gentleman wbo has been sent by the kindness of' the President to the protection of Queen Victoria had been elected Governor of Ohio we would irt all probability have had civil war in Ohio. Suppose the so-called peace party had succeeded iu Pennsylvania. The result would have been that supplies would h ive been withdrawn from your armies in the field, so fir as tile influence and acts of the Governor of Pennsylvania could effect thatolject. Suppose tint the hetrt or Indiana had proved unsound. How paralyzed and ' weakened would have been the arm of the government. How utterly impossible would it have been for the President to give the soldiers in the Geld any encouragement that their wants would be sup plied and their services rewardoiT But now the people have said to the army, "you shall have free ueof everything you want to crush this rebellion, onlv eo to work and finish it as soon as possiMe " Cheers ' You want this rebellion to end to-tnorrow if it can be done; you want it ended nett week "if possible, but if not then, whether it shall be next week, or next month or tieit yertr, yon are determined, by the help of God, tf mutt and thall end.

And the voice of the people, uttered on yesterday, will greatly accelerate its ending. If the , rebellion could be put down a week ago in twelve months, then it can now be subdued in six. You see. then, how appropriately we can meet together to day and congratulate each other and the country that God has put it into the ' hearts of tbe people to stand together as one man for the integrity of the republic. . " You have had all objects of the wsr frequently and ably discussed before you, ami I shall not at- .' tempt to go over them to day. I will Kimply say tint we are engaged in a struggle for the integrity if the republic for the very life of the great tt nation ever established upon the globe; a struggle upon which depends the question of whet! er the civilization which our forefathers planted shall remain to all future generations an example to the worM aa in limra part. This is not a war of conquest; but the question involved in it is whether our dear country, the country of our fathers and the heritage of our children, the country that embraces in it all that is dear to us, shall lire or perish. Why, it is in this matter exactly as If iu a family the children should be rked . whether their father and their mother should live or die? This fs why your hearts are . so unanimous toou this subject. You love your country dearly; you love he institutions; you are proud of her traditionary and her present glory nd are zealous for her prosperity in the future. And you not only love your country, but yon love mankind; you feel for the welfare of your race, tbe hopes of which are to so great an extent

wrapped up in this nation. ,. These are your sentiments. . Now we at Washington, each in his sphere, hare been doing all the time simply what we could to give effect to your will. We have cnly to rep resent the people, the President in his sphere, and tbe other officers of the Administration in their spheres.' . 1 do not pretend to say that we have not, all of us, made "mistakes. It is next to im possible, in the very nature of things, that the immetTse machinery of the government should have been uniformly managed in tiroes of such danger as to have in all cases secured the best possible results, but this I can sayi for the President or the United States as well as for those associate with him in conducting the affairs of government, that they have sincerely and honestly endeavored to give effect to the people's will by restoring the threatened life of the republic. Your Governor has been pleased to refer to my own services. I sincerely wish that I could feel that they were entitled to any part of the eulo gism pronounced upon them; but I must say that all I have done has been to endeavor to interpret the American heart, and do just what the jodz mentof the American mind would demand at my hands. At the outset of this struggle, the great leader (or follower, whichever you please.) of public opinion in Europe the London Timessaid th:tt Mr. Chase would very soon find himself in want of money, and would go to England to borrow, and then England would not let him have any, and then we would see what would become of our vaunted republic. What would you have had me to do under these circumstances? ou would have done precisely what I did. I said: "I will not go to England for money, but she fdiall come to us; and if the Times waits for Mr. Chase to come to England to borrow money, she will wait till the green isle of England is sunk into the depths of the sea." Cheers That is just what you would have said. Well, what was next to be done? I borrowed all the gold there was in. the country. In this way I obtained about one hundred and seventy five millions of dollar in gold, aad it d d not come b ick quite as fast as it went, and so the banks and capitalists who had furnished the gold began to say to me, "We cannot supply you with ppecie any loncer oole you will agree to pay us such prices or it as will enable U9 to buy in .Europe lo replace it." This would not do, and the next ntiestioti thev asked me was, "Will you take

he naper of our b nks nnd pay us six per ceut. interest ou it, anl men pay u io me wiuiers in the place of gold? And by and by pertnps something will happen we do not know what." This was the question that met me. Now, what would you have hud me do? You would have said to me. "Here ai I. Mr Smith, a farmer;" and "her'-am I, Mr. Jones, a mechanic;" and "here m I, Mr. Robinson, a merchant take us instead of blocks, nnd base the currency of the country on us go to work and make 'green bicks. " I know that was what you would have advised me do; and therefore, as my business was onlv to interpret your will. I went to work and made "greenbacks," and a good many o'. them at that. I had some handsome pictures put upon them, too; and as I like to get pretty near the people, and as the engravers thought me rather good looking, I told them they miht put me on the end of the one dollar bills. Laugh ter.i Well, at first great many people thought this was a bold and hazardous experiment and a good many of the banks said it was sure to fail; on the other'hand a number of the banks, to their honor be it recorded, s lid "you are right, go ahead." A good many disloyal men thought they would be able to break us down. Some banks and Vome persons refused to take the currency. Whit was to be done? You would have told me in this case to do exactly what I did do; you would have said if atiyb.uk ia not willing to receive this mouev it thall Uke it or get nothing at ail. So we made it a legal tender, uot quite so tender as thev desired, but legally so. LiuhterJ So the thing went on, and niter awhile we agreed that we should issue bonds, and if the people de sired to iuve-t in them they could do it and we would pay the Juterest in gold. That make this currency sound. It is simply the love and uratitude of the people toward their government put into the form of money. But here another step was necessary. It was necessary to have some metns by which the national currency could be perpetuated and so we r!. vised and carried out the tiationai banking sysurn. This is a brief account of what we have done. It is a very simple thii.g. It does not require any great wit to work it out. It requires this an honest purpose to know what is he?t and right to be done; ar.d whenever you seek to do that without le.ir or favor, you will most always find the right puth. and then hmng found u, you have only to ask God to give you the courage to carry it out. It is common sense and courage, that is all. It is the correct interpretation of the DODular will and then doing that will. Now I have given you just about as much of a report upon the finances as I expect to give to Congress. But before I fit down let me sy a word about wh it seem-i to roe likely to be tüe isues of this war. If there ever was any event in the history of this world which was distinctly marked by the tokens of Divine Providence, it is tins war. 1 here naU grown up an institution iu this country which bad served as the basis of an aristocracy hostilo to fiee labor and all those in terests which vou most cherish. ItVas an aris tocracy that pressed with equal weight upon the poor white man of the South and the slave who was driven like the brute to his daily toil. This aristocracy had seized upon the national government and was making it just what they pleased for the puruAise of working their wilLs 1 hey were striving to extend slavery iuto all the free territory of the country, and to re open the slave trade that they might make fresh importations of slaves from Africa at pleasure k uey scouted the very idea of free institutions, ami had so or ganized hemselves that they preferred to over throw and ruin the government rather than sub mit to havin,' the republic governed bv the peoD!e. In 1SGJ they determined they would govern the republic themselves. Lincoln was elected President. Thev still had Congress and. the Supreme Court, but they were not content with this. Thev were not willing the power should pass out of their hands into the hands of the . representatives ot me people. Ana so they undertook to break up the republic, in the insane hope that they could make a new republic, founded on Ihe slavery of men. They expected that New York would join them in bre-tking up the Union theyloastel that Indiana was going to joinihem, and Illinois also. They said that all the Northwestern Slates would come in rather than have the Mississippi closed. Thus they hoped to be able to touud a mighty si ive empire, but when they beg:in their play by firing on Fort Su niter, thia nation flew to arms. Was not God's hand in that? I think it was. After that you all remember how forbearing the PresiJent was, and how torbeiring everybody was. 1 used to be very imrjatient sometimes, nnd wanted this military thing done, and th it military thing done, and the rebellion crushed out at once. But somehow or other, in the Prov; iden e of God, the thing worked slowly along, and it was only when we had made up our minds that shivery was at the root of the rebellion, and that it must be got out of the way, tint any very distinguished success followed our arms Now, what a teniarkable change has taken place. All over the country to-day td.ivery is recognized as the great caure and prop of the rebellion. It is recognized as such iu every rebel State as much as it is iu every free State of the Union. It is so understood and proclaimed by the rebels in the South as distinctly as it ia by the loyal men of the South They dit-tncUy understand that they are fighting for slave empire, and that we are fighting lor the right of the people to govern themselves. Now, see the wonderful changes that have occurred in public opinion upon this subject. Go with me to Missouri. Three or four years ago some seventy delegates from Missouri, Wim linriy ueiegaies iroru ivansa. repi vwiiung no less thau fifty seven counties in Missouri, and I kuow uot how many in Kansas, called on me at my bouse in Washington and explained to me their ideas. Sj'ue of them were slaveholders aud some were not, but they all agreed that slavery was the cause, of the rebellion mnd tbe . great enemy and the only enemy of tbe loyM men of the South, and they were determined to put an end to it as rpeedily aa tbe votes of tbe people could effect the work." Who would have dreamed of the like of that three years ato? Go with me to Maryland, and you will find precisely the same state of things there thit exists in Missouri. They began. the war in Maryland, as many others of us did in different parts of the - couutry, with the idea that the -war could be efficiently prosecuted. and the couutry. preserved, end at the same time slavery be saved. But now everything is different, t Now the unconditional Union meu of Maryland array themselves as an emancipation party on the compensation plan jt they can get it, but for emancipation in either case, with or without, corapeuuion. L ok again at the Sute of Delaware. There tbey have nornjnated an emancipation ticket "tor Conuresg, aud so wherever you find unconditional Union men you fi'hl hostility to slavery. Take the case of Mr. Chav Anderson,' a ger.Üetnan from my own State. , He removed some years ago to Texas. He was a pro-slaverv man. When tbe war broke out he was for the Union.' Th they would not allow. If he was not for the destruction of the Union as a means of protecting slavery, he must

go, and they drove him out of the State and his

wife had great difficulty in following biro. Take the cast of Andrew Jackson Hamilton. He was a member of the last Congress but one, that which pieceded the Administration of Lincoln, and a thorough pro slavery man, yet be was driven from bis home because he was not in favor of the destruction of tbe Union as a means of perpetuating slavery. So it was with Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, and with the other loyal men of the South wbo have been compelled to fly from their homes and take refuge in the mountains. They all feel that this war is caused by slavery, and that until slavery is destroyed there can be no peace. In every one ot tbe border States there is an emancipation party. All this has been . brought about by the providence of God. About this proclamation. The war was upon as and the President was obliged to strike down whatever stood in the way of the successful prosecution of it. Slavery stood in the way, and the President struck it down. Is there a man here to-day who wants it to live again? Is there one who would have the President shrink from carrying out that proclamation? Is there a man who does not wish prosperity to those men who are trying to uphold the cause of the Union in the slave States? Do not your prayers go up continually? I know you wish them success. Now what I wish to draw fromthis, is that this nation, had to be born again ; that those of us who never desired to touch the institution of slavery in the slave States, but Only to prevent its extension into free territory were not moving in the path of God's providence and this war came upon us in order that his "people might be born over again," and that the whole nation miiihl be firmly established upon the basis of free labor. And why? It is presumption to attempt to penetrate the counsels of Providence, but it seems to me as evident as any proposition in history that this nation has a great work before it, which it cannot fulfil as long as it continues a slave holding nation. You all know perfectly well that when population had increased to such an extent that turnpikes were necessary, McAdam was born and invented turnpikes, that when we needed a steam engine, and railways, anl steamboats, a Fulton and a Stevenson came upon the stage of action, and one man in England and another in this country projected and established railways. When civilization had still further advanced, and we needed means by which ir.telliience could be transmitte i from ocean to ocean in a second of time, the magnetic telegraph was invented; and now it is no less necessary that there should be a great nation in the world, governing itself and respecting the rights of every human being of whatever shade of complexion he may be, and that nation is being born this war is giving birth to that nation and it will be continued until we are prepared for the great duties Providence hns assioi.ed us. If we are not prepared to day the war will not come to an end today, but it will end whenever we are prepared for onr work. Washington believe ', ns I do, tint God was in the American Revolution, bringing to birth this mighty nation, and so he is in this war, bringing to a second birth this same mighty nation When I c ime to Cincinnati to vote the Union ticket, some one hsnried me a copy of the Cin cinnati Enquirer. S me of you may have seen it. It is very meek to day, but it said: "Chase has come to Ohio to vote. The man that carries a hod can kill Chase's vo'e." That, my fellow citizens, is the crowning glory of our institutions. I am proud and glad to know that there is a country in which no man. however high in oflice, no m m of wealth or distinction, or of talent. cn give a vote which cannot be halanced by the vote of the humblest man in the nation. " Well, what is this war producing? It is producing, in the first place, a determination in thehearts of the people all over the country to prepare lor any future exigency. The States are all arming and being placed on a m litary footing. Your own Governor, with that wisdom and patriotism which haveso greatly distinguished him. h is oiganized the Imti ma Legion, of whom I saw a retimeiit to-day. I am told there are twenty thou-and ot" thee men organized, armed and equipped, for the defense of vour State. Who are they? Are they serfs driven to an unwilling service? Not one of them. They are freemen, all; your own sons noble young men. who have voluntarily come forward to be drilled in the military art iu order that they may be better able to defend their country and their homes. Suppose joti multiply this force by the number of States in the Union; wh it a formidable force with whk-h to repel'invMsion nnJ uphold the su preraacy of the laws! Look at another thing. At the outset of this war we wt re not provided with the metns of relieving the iiffeiiti;sof the armr in the field. In any other country the troverniucnt would have bad to provide for it. But here we have a body of men springing nt once into existence under the name of the Sanitary Commission, going out into every poriiou of the fielo and scattering blessings and benefits to the soldiers '.f our army; and all of this is volunteer work. You could not find a parallel in any other country. In England, to be sure, ou tn;iy finda Florence Nightingale, (God bless her,) leaving her home and going, under the patronage of the government, to care for the sick and wounded soldiers in the hospitals and on the battle fields of the Crimea; but nowhere will you find a body of men like this, relieving want aud distress all over the country wherever a solitary soldier is tobe found.' Hete is another strikmg feiture of this war. Tho-e young men who go to the war are. many ofihem. sons of pious pitents. They go away from the blessings and restraints of home and from the influences of the sanctuary, and then all at om-e the government goe to work getting Cli.ipl.iins to go nnd pre ich to them, w ho are often worse than the soMLts themselves; and ' lo supply the delects in tho arr moments mide by the government, there suddenly springs up a Christian C minis-ion It goes abroad throughout the c nr.ps an l hospitals, to visit the sick, to comfort the dytu an l to elevate the morals and restrain pission. This is done iu our country, and hei e alone. This war is setting many poor blacks free. Well, what happens? T!.e government can work only c'unisilj in such matters, and to meet this aspect of the ca-e, here is the gieat society of friends of the freeduien. nnd gentlemen of alT professions and ctecls, of nil opinions, come together and sav: "The-e people must be cared for and educated ' Everywhere somebody ig laboring lor the welfare of these poor freed men. This could not have happened in ntiy other country. I believe that when we shall have succeeded in' crushing not Ihi r hrllion", and all of there great agencies hall have done their work, we will nil Stand together loving one another and helping one another, ami mistier and stronger th:in ever, bound together by common interests, nnd ready for any work that mv be nl'otte l us to do among the nations 1 the e .rth. This is my faith . I have called your attention ' to these thing iu order that you may see that what we did on yesterday is n great event in the history of the "world It pledges you. nnd it pledges the country to the accomplishment of these great results, and no more can indulge a reasonable doubt of wh it the result will be. I did not expect lo say all this; but I have been drawn on trom point to point until I have made more of a speech th m I intended. I think you are prepared lo do your part in this great struggle. Allow me to say. Iam grateful forthis greeting. 1 have no language to express the deep gratitude I feel to the people for the kindness with which ' they met and with which they h ive sustained me. ' All I can do in return is to promise you that, as in the past I have attempted to serve the people faithfully, m iu the future I will give to you whatever enrrgy, faculty and labor God shall enable me to give. T BCCHAXAX BEAU. '; After Mr. Cuase had delivered himself, aa above. His Excellency, Governor Moktox, came forward again and introduced a gentleman named s previously, who proceeded to his own infinite apparent satisfaction to recite some doggerel, which he said he individually had writ himself. After that the "reception" adjourned to convene at 8 P. M., at the Executive Mansion, '

Indiana Rank Honda. - - Tbe Sinking Fund Commissioners have concluded to redeem the Indiana Bank Loan Bond?. The terms of ihe loan provide that the State shall have the privilege of redeeming them, after the lapse of twenty years, which time has ex pired. 1 hese bonds fall due in a short time. The Board advertise that they are prepared to redeem them at the office here or ot the banking house of Winslow. Laiueb & Co., in New York City, with interest thereon, on and after the 1st day of December next, and that interest will not be allowed on tbe unredeemed bonds after that The action of the Board meets with the ar r proval of tbe prominent men of the State of both parties. It is without doubt the correct policy. The State owes the debt and the means are ready for Us payment. Uuder these circumstances there can be no question but these obligations should be cancelled aud the payment of the

interest stopped. , '

United stales District Court District

ol Indiana. The United States vs. Joseph Ellis Indictment for conspiracy. . CUAEGt OF JCDGK 611 J TU TO TBK JU1T. "Gextlemex: You have given a patient hear ing to the protracted examination of the evidence and the argument of counsel in this case, and you are now required to discharge the more important duty of determining whether the evidence which has been presented to you is sufficient to establish in jour minds a conviction beyond a reasonable doubt that 'the defendant is guilty of the offense for which he is indicted. In iwntng your cocclusiona you should be controlled "ry the expositions of the law which shall be given to you by the court. It is the duty of the court to expound the law and it is the duty of the jury to find the facte in conformity w ith the law as explained by the court. Tbe defendant is charged with confederating and conspiring with divers other persons to resist by force the execution of a law of the United States which provides for the enrollment of the national forces subject to perform military duty The specific mode of resistance which it is alleged the conspirators agreed to adopt, was to compel the enrolling Commissioner by force and menaces to surrender to them the list of names which he had made, and it is alleged that the ob ject of the conspiracy was accomplished in the manner above specinea. The evidence very clear! r proved that on Sun day night the 14th ot June last, near the hour of midnight, a number of persons variously estemated at from fifty to one hundred, approached tbe houe of James Sill, the enrolling Commissioner of Marion township in Putuam county in this State, in a violent and tumultuous manner, many of them nrn.ed with guns aud pistols, and demanded of Sill his books and papers pei taiuing to his official duties The demand was accompanied with threats against the property and life of Sill if he should refuse to comply. Sill, influenced by his fears and apprehending vie lence if he should refuse, yielded m far as to surrender a portiou of the papers demanded. The rioters supposing th-it their object was accom plisbed took the papers and departed, firing guns and making other violent demonstrations as tbey left. It is also proved ilmi the rioters as they approached the house of Sill, met a young man who had lei t the house a few minutes before, who seeing the crowd advancing, attempted to return to the house, und refusing to stop when called upon to do so. he was fired upon from the crowd and wm seriously wounded. The trans action thus proved, from the number of persons engaged in it the collection of deadly arms, the deliberate and determined manner in which the unlawful object of their assemblage was accomplished, and the recklessness of life which was mauifefted, pre sents a violation of the law ol a startling charac ter, and occurring .as it did in the midst of a quiet community, remote from all those scenes of war. which during the past two years have desolated a larue portion of the country, was well calculated to produce excitement and alarm, and fully justifies every effort which can be made to identity and subject to punishment those who participated in it. But the iudignation which every law abiding citizen must necessarily feel at the commision of an offense of such marked atrocity, should not be allowed to influence the judgment of jurors in considering the question, whether the defendant is guilty of a participation in the crime. It was a rule of the civil law, by which the courts ia many European countries are ct rolled, that a person charged with a crime of great magnitude might be eouvicted upon slighter evidence thau would be required for a conviction of an offense of a lesser grade. This rule is founded upon principles which conflict with sound policy, and the plainest principles of humanity. It has never been acknowledged as a principle of the common law, and is not recognized by the courts of Lugland or of the United States. On the contrary the rule is well settled in this country that a higher degree of evidence shall be required to justify the conviction of a person charged with a crime of great magnitude, than will authorize the conviction of one charged with a minor offense. If a defendant is put upon trial upon an indictment for au offense, the conviction of which would forfeit his life or his liberty, the convictions of the jury of his guilt should be more clear and certain than would be required in a case in which tbe penalty would be merely a nominal fine. It is important to bear in mind the distinction between the consptacj alleged in the indictment and the acts by which it was carried into effect. The defendant in this case ia not indicted for the acts of violence which were perpetrated at Sills house. The offense with which he is charged consists in an agreement either expressed or implied between himself and others to commit those acta. II tbe evidence proves that he en tered into an agreement with one or more persons to resist bv force the execution of the law, he would be guilty of the offense charged although the forcible resistance to the execution of tbe law had not been made. The crime of conspira cy is complete whenever the unlawful combina tion or agreement is made, whether such agree ment tr conspiracy is carried into effect or not. Jn this case, if you are satisfied from the evi dence that the defendant entered into an agree ment with others to perpetrate the outrage w hich was committed at Sill's house, you should find him guilty, although the. evidence may not be sufficient to satis! v vou that he was present, aid ing and assisting in its comnii-sion. But before vou can convict the defendant on that ground you should have clear evidence sufficient to satisfy you that such agreement or consp'racy was entered into bv him Although the delend ant can uot be convicted under this indictment for the unlawful assemblage and the Illegal acts of violence which were perpetrated at Sill's house, for the reason that thoe acts constituted offense of a different character, to wit: Th tt of obstructing an officer ot the United States in the execution of a duty in relation to the conscrip tiou law, as it is usually termed; still a partici pation in those acts would fully justify the infer euce that he was acting under a mutual agreement to commit them When a number of per sons assemble together to commit an unlawful act, ami they act in concert in such a manner as to create the belief that they are animated by a common purpose to effect a common object, the agreement to commit such act would be very properlv impln-d, and the evidence of a conspua cy to effect such common object would be sum cient to warrant a conviction. , In this view of the case, the question whether tbe defendant was pre-ent at the lime the outrage was perpetrated at Sill's boue, and whether he was aiding and assisting to cousumate the object of the assemblage, becomes a very important one. You should then carefully examine the evi dence bearing upon this point, as r.pon your de termination of this question the decision ofthe whole case may depot id. It must be regarded as Fomcwhat extraordinary that so large a number of persons should assemble in a neighborhood remote from any laree town, nnd containing only a rural population, and commit acts of violence which have startled the country, and yet so little information has been obtained as to the identity of the persons who were present. The only direct evidence beiricg upon the question of the flefendant's presence is that of Sdl and Fry. who both thought thev recognized the defendant by his voice. In detetmining to what extent ou should rely npon the opinions expressed by them as to the identity of the defendant, you should carefully consider the at tending circumstances; the time of night; the degree of light which existed; the excitement which such an attack would be likely to create in the inmates of the house; the probabilities of a person under such circumstances being able to identify a man by his voice, and the uncertainty of such means of identification. The subsequent conduct of Sill is also a fair and proper subject for your consideration. If he denied immediately, or soon aller the transaction, all knowledge of the persons who were there, and stated that he could jiot recognize any of them, you should give due weight to such declarations. You should also give due consideration to the reasons which have been gKen by . Sill for statements which conflicted with his testimony. You should also give due consideration to the evidence of Sill and Fry identifying other per sols who are charged with being there, and if it has been prov'ed to your satisfaction that they were mistaken na to the Identity of other ersons whom they thought they knew, either from their appearances or their voices, it is for you to deter mine how far that mistake should weiken your confidence in the accuracy of their opinions as to the presence of the defendant. In addition to the evidence of Sill and Fry, the Government has presented the evidence of two persons who claim to be ü. S. detectives, who have testified to conversations of the defendant relative to the occurrence at Sill's house. Von hmiht discard from your consideration anything which mat have been said by the defendant in relation to any meetings which wera contemplated subsequent to that time to devise means to resist the execution oi any ui tue FTni'pd States. Ifsuch meetings were held, they consti ute a separate offense, for which the parties concerned are still liable to prosecution, and they furnish no ground for conviction, of an of

fence alleged to have been previously committed. Tbe important point is to ascertain what tbe

defendant said and what confessions he made, if any, in relation to bis participation in the outrage which was perpetrated at Sdl's house. Ifibe defendant fympathized with the perpe trators of that outrage, or approved of their eon duct that, however reprehensible it may be. would not justify bis conviction as a conspirator to commit that offense, without proof that be knew it was to be perpetrated and agreed either expressly or by implication to aid in iu torn mission. " " A man cannot be punished for his opinions, no matter how obnoxious thry may be, nnlen some overt act is committed to give effect to such opinions. The credibility of the detectives who have been examined should be tested by the same rules whkh are applied toother witnesses. Detectives are frequently employed to lerret out and detect violations of the law. Their fervices are frequently of great value and importance to the Government. When they are cflered ss witnesses by the Government, it is proper to test the truth or accuracy of their statements by all the mentis weich are recognized as legal by courts of justice. You have a right to consider bow far that ofeeiooal pride which usually create a desire for the success of their efforts, may influence their statements. You have also a right to consider whether their constant practice of resort it g to devices, tricks, subterfuges and falsehood to accomplish their objects, is calculated to blunt their moral tensibilities and render them more likely to prevaricate, to exaggerate, or even to misrepresent, than persons engaged in other employments. All these are proper subjects for your consideration, and your conclusions as to the degree of credit, which should be given to their statements should be formed in view of all these matters aud in view of all the other testimony in the case. It is also proper that you should consider the probability of the defendaul making such confessions as are attributed to him under the circumstances then existing. Kit is in testimony from any witness that the defendant stated that his brother shot Fry. you should consider whether it has been proved to your satisfaction that the brother referred lo. Wm. Ellis, stayed ihe whole night of the transaction at defendant's linue, and that tie defendant knew that fact. Ifsuch fact has been proved to vour satisfaction the great improbability of the defeiidant making a statement thus implicating his brother, aud which he knew to be false, should at least cause you to regard with distrust such evidence in regard todelendnut's statements. The de er datit Has presented evidence of an alibi The meaning of this term is elsew here, os iu sonic other place. The object of such proof is to show that a person charged with a crime war at the time the crime was committed at some other place so remote from the scene of the crime that it was physically impossible for him to have been thete w hen it was committed. It is true as stated by the Dietrict Attorney that this defense is often entertained w ith much distrust, because it is ensily concocted and often resorted to falsely, still it is a defense which is entitled to the fullest credit when the evideixe is sufficient to satisfy the jury of its trctb. When founded in tiuth it is soticlusivc ofthe case. An eminent legal author says: '-Of all kinds of exculpatory defense, that of an alibi, if clearly etabiished by unsuspected testimony, is the most satisfactory Mid conclusive" Wills on Circumstantial Evidence, 132 Theevidence of an alibi should be carefully considered in connection with all the evidence in the case, and if you believe it to he true, you should not hesitate to act upon it and give it full effect. Five witnesses have testified that they were with the defendant at bis own house from shortly after dark until about twelve o'clock of the night on which the attack was made at Sill V house. The crowd reached Sill's bouse a lew minutes before half past eleven." The evidence aa to the time was given with about the same degree of certainty in both cases. Attention was called to the clock at defendant's house at half past eleven by some of the party who proposed to leave. Sill testified that he examined his clock wnen he heard the party approaching. In the absence of any testimony to the contrary, it may be presumed that the time indicated by both clocks was correct. The distance between the defendants house and Sill's is about two miles. From these facts it would appear that the evidence of those who were at the defendant's house can not be reconciled with the defendant's presence at Sill's house at the time the attack was made on it. The witnesses who were at defendant's house on the night in question, testified that be spent the evening in playing cards and drinking lager beer. This was certainly not a very proper employment for a Sabbath evening, but you would not be authorized to discredit their testimony for that reason alone Many persons who disregard the Sabbath and indulge in amusements which would be generally regarded as immoral, sustain a high character for integrity nd truth. A jury cannot arbitrarily reject the testimony of witnesses when it is uncontradicted and the witnesses are unimpeacbed. In determining how far the statements of these witnesses are entitled to credit, you should compare their statements with the other evidence in the cse. You have a tight i lso to consider the manner of their testify ing the probability of the facts stated by them the interest or bias they may have, if any, in the case their ttaudirg in the community in which they reside and from all these considerations you must determine to what extent you will give credit to their evidence. It is the duty of the prosecutor to satisfy yoa beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendant is guilty liefore you can convict him. It is not sufficient that there may be strong grounds of suspicion, or that there is a ptepoiulerance of evidence of his guilt. In civil cases a jury must decide iin the preponderance of the testimony, but in criminal cases the evidence must be sufficient to create a clenr and decided belief of the defendant's guilt, olherai-e they most acquit him. If after a carelul examination of all the evidence you entertain louMs of the defeudant'a guilt you should acquit him. As some reference has been made to the political opinions of persons who have been referred to in the evidence, it may not be improper for me to remark that no political opinions should be suffered to influence your decision. Nothing will sooner troy the influence and moral power of courts of justice than a belief in the community that their deciMons can be influenced by political or party considerations. This Court is the arbiter between the Government and the accused. Its duty is as much to protect the citizen from a false accusation as to vindicate the law and enforce oheoience to its commands. In the administration of the law, it should know no partv no political opinions but holding the scales of jurtice eveuly poised, it should, administer the law with equal impartiality to all who may be brought before it. The case is now .submitted for your verdict,'" and it is for you lo determine whether theevidence proves that the defendant is guilty of the offense with which he is charged. Bs this an Abolition War!' Some of our Republicau friends get offended when they are told that the war has degenerated into an abolition crusade. Yet the whole policy of the Administration points to abolition. Thus Gen Schexck, who has been relieved from command in Maryland in order that he might stump Obio, said in his first speech at Dayton: I aay that I desire to see this war go on waftf the lutl teftige of tlatery it destroyed. Senator Wade, at Marietta, Ohio, on the 24th nit., said: I will have no pe?e with traitors in arms; neither will 1 have peace with slavery, tbe nursery of treason. I prefer to fight it down now, and have doue with it and civil dissensions forever. And again at Cincinnati his words were: I will fight while I have breath iu my body, or until the bonds fall from every human being ia the United States, and until there shall be no possibility ofthe existence of slavery nithin our jurisdiction. ScnENCK and Wade represent the views of Sum n tit. whom PostmasterGenc ral BLAia handles so- unmercifully in his Itockville speech they represent the elements of whom TBt iLowr Weed in his letter to the New York Commercial said:I desire to make this record: If it comes to be understood that the views and policy of the Mesera. Sumner, Greeley , Wendell Phillips, Ward Beecher, &c , &e , obtain in tbe conduct of the' war, it will result in the destruction of our Got-v erumeut and Uuiou and a triumph of Rebellion and Slaverv. " s Under Which Klnr Itezonlanf The abolitionists say: "Tbe wilt of tbe Presi dent is above the Constitution ard laws in war times. Whoever disputes this is a secession sympathizer.". . Avpatv Jacesos said: The laws or the United Sutes must be executed. I bare no discretionary power on the subject."