Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 13, Indianapolis, Marion County, 31 August 1863 — Page 4

AÜGUS1 31. The Uighl of our aoldiers to Vote. The tenth resolution adopted by the falsely Cilled meeting of War Democrat read a fol low: 10 That our volunteer, impelled by conviction of patriot duty, t leave their home and families for the privwion and d se of tbe campaign and the per l of battle and guerrilla warfare, have loet none of their rights and privilege a filow-Cit-en. and every effort under the law and for th'ir aaoditioatioB to receive there votre houid be made, and, eituated as they Are, in the f.ic cf tht reunion to tea it enermitie, Creir voice should be potential om tbe best mode and mesa fur iu auppreMion and tbe reMoritioo sf peace. v - . It wiU be observed that this resolution mattes no reference to our Sute Constitution, but spe.ks o a modification of our laws.. . Thfs utter igDoriD of the Constitution is the most dangerous and fUl tendency of the times. . " Section 11 of rticle 3 of the Constitution, after defining trief persons may enjoy the right of sufjrage.provides they "ah-dl be entitled to vote in the township or precUjct where he may reside." We presume that after tbe numerous decisions of the Republican courts in other Stale, it will not be pretended that our brave, and patriotic soldiers who are absent from their place of residence, can be permitted to rote until our Constitution is mended. ' Sections 1 and 2 of article 16 read ns follows: "Any amendment or amendments to this Constitution may be proposed y either branch of the General Assembly, and if the same shall be agreed to by a majority of the members elected to each of the two houses, such proposed amendment or amendments phall, with the yeas and nays thereon, be entered on their journals and referred to the Gener.! Assembly to be choseu at the next general election; and if. in the General Assembly so next chosen, such proposed amendment ot amendments ball be agreed to by a majority of all the members elected to each house, then it shall be the duty of the General Assembly to submit such amendment or amendments to the electors of tbe State; and if a majority of Mid electors shall' ratify the sme, such amendment or amendments shall become a part of this Constitution.' ' If two or more amendments shall be submitted at the same time, they shall be submitted in such manner that the electors shall ote for or against each of such amendments separately; and while an amendment or amendment!, which shall hate been agreed upon by one General Assembly, shall be w iling the action of succeeding General Assembly, or of the electors, no additional amend' ment or amendments shall be proposed. The Legislature of lfc61 was largely and intensely Republican. During that session three propositions to imfnd the . Constitution were agreed to and were waiting the action of the last Legislature. The first related to the right of suffrage, and reads as follows: "Laws may be passed fixing as a qualification of roiiu, the length of time during which aa elector shall have resided in the county and township, precinct or ward in which he offer o Tote tinder this Constitution." See Acts of 1661, p. 165. This proposed amendment contained a restriction and limitation and not an extension or enlargement of the right of suffrage. The other two propositions related to the school law. See Acts of 1661. p. 156 These propositions were pending before the last session of the Legislature. A bill was introduced to amend the Constitution so as to permit the soldiers to rote, which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, which reported that inasmuch as three propositions to amend the Constitution had been agreed cpon by the preceding General Assembly, and were then "wait ing the action" of that General Assembly, "no additional amendment" could be entertained. Upon a discussion of the report, quite a number of Republican lawyers sustained the report of the committee. The report of the committee was concurred in without a party rote. It was, therefore, impossible for the last Legislature to do anjthinj to enable our soldiers to rote. If the Republican Legislature of 1861 had agreed upon a projicsitioii to to amend the Constitution as to permit our to!diers who wero abseut from their place of resdeuce to have voted, the last Legislature could have agreed to it, and the people could have ratified it last April, and then ' our soldiers could have voted this fall and at the Presidential election. The Republican members of the Legislature "of 1861, and not the Democratic members of tbe lau Legislature, are responsible for our soldiers not having the right to vote. Whüe we are on this subject we mr as well refer to some decisions that hare recently bee a in ide as to the right uf soldiers who are absent from their homes to rote In the State of Pennsylvania soldiers who were outside of the State were permitted to vote The person defeated contested the election for that caue. The case went to the Supreme Court, which held that "the term 'residence.' in tbe Con. stifutiou, is the same as doroicil a word which me t ii s the place where a man establishes his 'abode, makes the seit of his property and cxer cises his civil and politic il rights, and that the fight of the soldier to vote, under the Constitution, is iu the district where be resided at the rtimeef entering the military service." The lime question came before the Supreme Court of Connecticut, which held as follows: "These provisions of the Constitution, together with -numerous other incidental and accessary provisions in tbe same instrument, 'dearly indicating an - unquestionable purpose, , in those who framed an well as in those who adopted that Instrument, to require electors to vote only withiu the several jowns' where they have their residence, and at tbe time and place within such towns of holding the regular annual meeting of electors for that purpose, leave no room for construction, and afford no room to doubt, that any act of tbe Legislature authorizing the votes of electors to be tak en at any other place, or in any other manner, does conflict with the explicit and utiequiroc.il provisions of the Constitution, and is therefore oid." In June, 1663, the Supreme Court of New Hampshire delivered a long and able opinion up OTJ tbe eonttituHonality of a law of the Legislature . oftbat Sute authorizing tbe soldiers to vote outside f the Sute. the conclusion of which is as follows: - A these views lead ns to the conclusion that " this bill, in its most prominent feature, is la conflict with the provisions and the spirit of our Constitution, we have not deemed it necessary to oonsinW whether It might also be cbjeciiouable as unequal in its practical effect, or, as dispensing with tfrtse opportunities for conference and consultation that have heretofore been deemed important, if not essential, to the successful operation .ofonr institutions; or whether it contains provisions otherwise iu conflict with tbe fundamental law o'lbe State." ..Tbe Supreme Courts of several other States have decided in the same way, but we have not fot before us their opittiocs., The only way, therefore, in which our 'soldier can vote outside of , the 'Sute, Til an amendment to our Constitution, and tbe action of the Republican Legist tare has rendered it Impossiblofor that to be dene except by calling a convention, and that cannot be" done becaue "our master" has assumed and ' is exercising all tbe powers of the several departments of our government an" rffases' to call tbe ' Legislature together. ' The rebels don't take to the copperheads., r ''Either." says the Richmond Sentinel, "would we join baoda with fiend from the pit thaw with Northern Democrats."

MONDAY,

The Question of Coercion" Kobert nalfl'Owcn'antf the Indianapolis Journal. , , v ß On lie 2Sih of November, 1560, there appeared in the Indianapolis Journal a letter from RoBfRT Pale Ovrz , np;n "'he question of coercion.' I,? ..occupied ,tti? Ictding'.pl.ice in that paper We have not room to reproduce it entire, but make a few ex" .-! to ehaw hbw ceciiifd that gentlemnn was at that time against the subjugation of States or tbe policy of attempting to maintain the 'union' of the States, as it had existed, by force. Referring to the demands of South Carolina as a condition of remaining in tbe Union, Mr Owtx remarks: . . . . . , "I think th it the North, on sober second thought, will reflect ih it if the Constitution cou tains certain clauses which prate on her feelings, still it is not only the snpreme law of tbe land, but tbe best which the wit ot man has yet devised for human government ; and, so reflecting, that she will repeal the obnoxious statutes in question. " I think, too,fftt she may accede to other concessions, as, nn'agrcement that fugitive slaves shall be paid lor, in cases of non rendition But I feel that she never wilt, as I am sure she never ought,' recognize the carrying of slavery anywhere by implication." Then referring to the contingency that South Carolina might secede, if her demands are not complied with, Mr. Own says: "We hire the legal right, then, to coerce. Hut all things (we are told on the highest authority,) which are lawful for us are not there fore expedient. . Our fellow citizens, now tbe inhabitants of tbe South, had nothing to do with the introduction, within its boundaries, of slavery. If we had been born to the same circumstance as they we should probtbly have thought and felt in regard to slavery as they do. It is equally unchristian and unphilosophical in us to denounce them as criminal because they are slaveholder. In so doing we are neither fair in principle or guiltless of having fanned the flime of sectional hatred that rages around us now." After counseling the exercise of a Christian spirit in considering the then impending troubles of the country, Mr. Owe thus argues: "Violence breeds violence. We mir determine, in advance, when we are commencing, that it shall only go to a certain point, an I no fur ther But the dogs of war, once let slip, escape beyond our control. We may call them back in vain. .. By coercion what do we propose to ourselves? To convince? The sword never convinces; it subjecti. Is it our purpose to subject, if we cannot convince our fellow citizens of South C tro lin t? But it is utterly at variance with the spirit of our Government to .have, in aar midst, subjects kept loyal by force. And if it was not, South Carolina, it she lack judgment, has spirit and courage; too much spirit aud too much courage to submit to the degradation. A political creed cannot, any more than a religions one, be thrust upon brave men by force. In certain cases numbers suffice to confer consideration. When numbers combine for an unlawful object, the offense changes its character. That which, in six men. is rubber?, becomes warfare in sixty thousand. The difference between rebellion and revolution lies chiefly in numbers Had Washington struck for liberty and iude pcniience at the head of fifty followers only, and had he and his in u been caotnred, they m'gbt, without outraging civilis ition, h ive been handed as rebe!s. But with Washington at tbe head of fifty thonsind, the Britisn Government felt constrained to regard their colonial prisoners as any other captives taken in war; and to allow them the mercy, which, iu such cases, the law of nations prescribes. Sister States dissevered is a grae misfortune, but sister States belligerent would be a deadly curse. The baptism of blood confers on national enmities a terrible perpetuity. What, then, is to be done? Shall we employ toward South Carolina urgency and en treaty? There is neither dignity nor use in en treaty beyond a certain poiut. What remains? Let us act toward her in that spirit which is gen

tie and easy to be entreated; frut if tee can , not convince her, let her go is peaci. Thus going, she may some day, as did one of old, return to the parental home. In any event, we shall gain au ally if we lose a sister." Such were the views expressed by Robert Dale Own, and ther were reiterated upon vari ous occasions subsequently, in carefully considered and elaborate addresses The opinions of Mr. Owes and his views of public policy, as given in the letter from which we have quoted, were endorsed by the Journal, the central organ of the Republican party of Indiana. Be it remembered this was after the election of Mr. Lincoln in 1660, and when the Republican party by the e'ection of that year were soon to come into tbe possession of the national Government. Here is what the Journal said in approval of the bentiinents of Mr. Owex: 'It will be seen that his view is substantiallv that urged by us on several occasions. He maintains that though secession is unennsti tutional.if it be deliberately and unitedly resolved upon by a State, the dictate of Christian kindness, no less than of political wisdom, is to let her go ia peace So say we We do not concede that any State has readied that point of unanimity and determination which would make coercion itn p'isjib'e or improper in the vie we maintain, though Mr. Owen assumes that South Carolina has done so, and argues the case as an actual instead of a hypothetical exigency. But that point being conceded, and the tact fully accepted on all hands, that one State or more has cilmly and fixedly resolved that she can not remain in the Union without injury or dishonor, a state of a(T iirs is conceded in which coercion would be at once cruel and useless. Cruel, because it would spül b oo 1 to make an enemy of a State that might otherwise prefer to remain friendly, though not in the same family; and useless, because ahen accomplished, the Union is just as effect u ally broken as if the conquered State had left us We deem it superfluous to argue that populär government c:in never be preserved by force. The act of compulsion changes it to a despotism so far as the parties afflicted by it are concerned. His no government of theirs any longer, and despot ism is simply a government that the governed don't create " Consequently if "coercion" preserves the body, it surely destroys the life of this great popular government.. It secures us a Union without unity, an aggregation of States without sympathy. And it doesno more. Wheth er that is worth purchasing at the fearful price of a civil war, it is hardly worth while to argue to sensible men. Sreraion is revolution. We having e-Uablishe i our government by revolution, on the right of a people at any time to change a government which is oppressive to them, cannot deny that right to those who deliberately declare our Government op pressive. What we claimed as our right we'ean not deny to those who claim it of us, and helped us to assert our claim at the outset. They may be mistaken. In our judgment they re fatally mistaken, but we cannot judge for them whether the Federal Government i tin oppressive for endurance any more than England could judge for us." l . But enough. We have quoted the deliberately expressed views of Mr. Owe and the Journal upon the questions of coercion and secession. They were uttered .before violence had ' com menced or the "dogs of war" were let slip be yond our control. Mr. Owks said "the sword never convinces, it subjects," and that "the dif ference between rebellion and revolution lies chiefly in numbers." He was opposed to coer cion, and if South Carolina could not be urged or entreated to remain in tbe Union "let us bid her go iu peace." Where stand Mr.' Owe now? If honest in the convictions he expressed in 1 86!) and 1661 he must be regarded as recreant to them now. Then he was for letting tbe dissatisfied States "go in peace," now he is for coercion, although as he says, it is at variance with the spirit of our Government to have, in our midst, subjects kept loyal by force. :, . Tbe Journal, aa it will be seen by the extracts we bare quoted, was far more decided In iu opposition to coercion than Mr. Owe. It said that if one Eiate or more was calmly aud fixrdly resolved not to remain in the Union, "coercion would he at once cruel and useless." It took the position that a popular govern ment could not be maintained by force, that tbe . act of compulsion changed it to a despotism, and that a forced anion would Dot be .worth purchasing at the fearful cost of civil war. And these views have been reiterated by tbe Journal eince the commencement of tbe

civil war, with its fearful cst. . The rceinef traitor is the mm who ia faithless to his own convictions, ani especially one who has given them calm and deliberate expression. Yet be urgtf tbe prosecution of a war which be save not only eosts the nitioii tts'ccusistency, but changes our' populnr Government into a despotism at a fearful co-it of life and treasure. Can a man be honest, cm there be a particle of patriotism or" Christian "principle In tjrglng' such ' a war under such circumstances? Wh it a remarkable spec! ide is here presented.. With such a record. Mr. Owe ia now engaged in questioning the integrity of his former j-oliti ctl associates,' and tbe Journal from day to day charges tbe Democrats with being traitors to the Government for dem Hiding that the war fh ill be prosecuted to m tint in the Constitution and the integrity of the Union under the Constitution. The moral deformity and the partisan malice are too apparent to require demon it ration. The reCord of the Democratic party is against the separation or disunion of the States, yet the paper and its editor, who declared that If any State had determined upon secession that it was "the dictate of Christian kindness, no less than political wisdom, to let her go in peace,' Is charging treason upon those who demand that the Government shall be administered as to restore the Union and preserve a popular government. Enough for today. Oor object has been to give a faithful portraiture of the men who are doiog all in the'r power to stir np civil strife for personal aggrandizement and base ptrtisin purposes. No meaner or worse enemies of the Government can be found, or more treacherous foes to social order.

The Issue as !tlade by ihe Itadicalt. The intelligence from North Carolina indicates great dissatisfaction in that State with the Con federacy, and warrarts the supposition that she mar soon cut loose from the Richmond Government and seek to re?ume her place in the Union Sou Id she do so, and should which is probable our forces gain possession of East Tennessee, tbe effect upon the rebellion would be even greater than thecapmreof Vicksbuig; for Virginia would be completely severed, as Arkansas and Texas now are. from the Gulf States. But right here arises the question whether he will be permitted to resume her place in tl Union, ami this question is met by the New York Evening Post, on behalf of the radicals, in this wise: "But thers ein be no re-admision of North Carol na into the Union with klavery. because In North Carolina, as In other rebel Sutes, slavery ba already be n ahol-Ir-bed. Then i not and can not be, in contemplation of the Federal Government or any of its olflcers or agents a cinfr'e lve between ihe soi-h-rn frontier a-.d the northern boundary of SuU!h Ca-olina The Federal Government cn not, without usurpii.g a powr to which It has no claim. priee1, even in the most trifling of Iu arts, spon ibe avtuinption that Marerr still exists there. "It is lira to look'lh'S question iu the fare and to state It ith tbe greatest plainness. The prolamaion of freedom to tbe slavea In the rebel States was, in the view of all who support the war, a rightful proceeding, authorized by the law of war. and Inno manner a departure from the proper cont;tution8l province of the it 'Miient. as the Commander-in-Chief of our armies. If it was thus nshiful, tli'-re is not a human being in Norf Carolina who ir not free. The procl unation struck off their fetter, and there is no power on earth which can lawfully fa-ten them on ajain. There can be no further toleration of slavery in North Carolina, or any other reiwl S ate, without acknowledging ihat the cd ct of emancipation was a false step, a usurpation of authority, without Wal effect, and wortbv of no other fite than to be put etU of slxht and speedily forgotten as the folly of an inconsiderate moment. 'If that was a rightful prcceedirjt tbe Federal Government jnut adhere to it wUh a'l 'H lesj'timate consqueuc . The Administration cannot enter into any di.-cui-Mnn wit- any asent or rep-eentative of a State Government wh!cb denies its validity. Con ere-s cannot legislate in any manner which does not rcorn;ze the rights of tho-e who were et free by it. Whatever may be the difference of opinion a to the risrht to isnue the proc'amati. n of freedom, there ct;n be no difference of opinion on that point that the Federal Government, a'ter hivintr rightfully iriveu free-lorn to a das of fie inhabitants of our country, has no power to assist la educina them again to bondage, and cannot, without departing from the plainest rule of "uty, look on while thy are re-en-a'avrd by their former masters. If the F.xe ntive have the authority to wt them free, it mubt see that its authority is respected." Here we have the radical view of the case fairly stated and the radical issue fairly made. If this view be correct, the American people now see for what the war has been waged since the issue f the emancipation proclamation. If this view be correct. North Ctrolina has the alternative of sacrificing her millions of slave property as the price of rasuming her place in the Union, or falling hack into the arms of the Conlederacy and aidng in the rebellion until the end. Des anybody doubt which horn of the dilemma she would choose? If the emancipation proclamation is valid, the rsd'c il view of its scope and effect is undoubtedly correct. If it be not. valid, and the Administration, while its invalidity rem tins unascertained, adopt the radical view and that view cems already to have been adopted by the Administration its effect upon North Carolina and erery other insurgent State which might seek, in ihe absence of emancipation, to resume their places in the Union, will be the same as though it were valid, for the insurgent S'ates cannot try its validity before seeking to resume their places in the Union. It is thrust at them as terms on which they will be permitted to resume their places, and these terms they must accept or reject They might accept these terms and try the validity of the proclamation afterward, mav be said; but meanwhile, we answer, what would hecome of their slave property? And. besides, the insurgent States must return as they went forth, free and independent States, or the sovereignty of all the States will be impaire 1 and the Federal system subverted. The radicals have fairly made the issue. It involves the indefinite continuance of the war. the S'lhjng-ition of State sovereignty, and, necessarily, the preservation of civil liberty. The itc mediate issue is: Shall North Carolina, if she seeks to resume her place in tbe Union, be per mined, as a State, to do so, or, thai! ibe rederid Government continue to make wnr upon her to compel her to alolisIi slavery? This is the im mediate issue, if North Cirolma m ikes it. and upon it all men must take their position Chi cago Times. Ttie Kepnblican War In Wayne County. There ia a big fight in progress between the Mortonites and Ihe Juüanltes in Wayne county. The following urticle from the Centreville True Republican, the Julianite organ, will give some ideA of the character of the war: The two short horn Holloway organs at Richmond, the Palladium and Telegram, take great exception to the paragraph from the Connersville Union, copied into our paper two weeks ago, which states' that the Congressional committee found that Mr. IId!owy "had been the means of swindling the Government oat of a large sum of money," anil that their report shows the fact. The 6hort horn organs say this cannot be, because the s me committee say they are not satisfied that Holloway intended the swindle. Nevertheless it were etsy to demonstrate that the Union's statement was strictly trne, Irrespective of the luteutioii of the guilty party. The sole question $ as to. the fact whether the Government was swindled as alleged. The report of the commit--tee shows that it was that over thirty e.ght ihousind five hundred dollars was lost to the Government by liollowayV misconduct and maladministration. Thecomniittie, of course, could not judge of the Intentions of the gtrlty party, except as his acts revealed t'iem, and leaned to the side of meicy. But w'll nny sensible man si that the loss was any tie less a swindle upon the Government? or can be escape the obvious conclusion that Holloway a the means, whether intention il or n'",?ton.kii of consummating this swindle? The richest part of the Palladium's "defense" of Holloway is the plea that if the report of the committee is to be understood as it reads, or at finding him guilty, the President would "immediately dismiss him in disgrace from the Patent Office." We think he ought to do so; but he has not done it nnd what does that prove? Simply that be is the same good, easy man who suffered oimself to be impored on in tbe appointment of u-h men as Simon Cameron, D. P. Holloway. &.C i and being honest himself, he ia slow to recogn'i the knavery or iiicptity f his appointees, and has thus clung to some of them as be did, for in"tence, to Gen MuClellan, with a long suffering fahh, shared in by hardly anybody else. That "ta our explanjtlon'öf his forbearance with such men as Holloway, and we think it is a much more satisfactory one than thai of the Palladium. t3f"Tbe Hnu. D. WV Voorheea has been Invited by the Democratic State Central Committee of Ohio to visit that State and address the people at several different points He bus consented, to do so, and will commence a wies of appointments at Hucyrus. Crawford county, on the 15tli of September. He wiil speak at Dayton on the 17ihol the same month. No mn is performing more labor both at home or abroad, in favor of constitutional liberty, than he. Large crowds reef him whatever be goes. I Terra Haute Journal. " .

The Ilaweae Cwrpue Case. In the matter of Georre W. Gold application

for haheaa corpus before Judge Perkioe August 24. 1&63. The petition of William w. Gold for a writ of habeas corpua lor release from restraint of his son, George Wl Gold, ss presented to be by his attor neys, T. D. and R. L. alpole, Lqs. Said W il liam is alleged to be held as an enlisted soldier n the Cuited States service, while he is under eighteen years of age. 1 he first question ia whether I have jurisdic tion to hear the case upon the return of the writ executed. If I have uot, I ought not to issue it- , Personally, it will be gratifying to me if I have not jurisdiction, as I shall, in that event, be re lieved of much unpleasant gratuitous labor. The question is, can a State court or judge de iver a person from illegal restraint or imprison ment. who is thus held by an oflicerof the United States, but without any judicial process? I shall hastily commit my conclusion on this question, id the grouuds on which I rest it, to writing. It is admitted that where a person is held bv the proper United States officer, under legal julicial process, he can not be taken from such officer by State process. As property in custody under judicial process from a btate or United States court can not be taken by virtue of process from any other court; so a person in custody un der judicial process from a State court can not be taken by such process from the federal courts, and vice versa. In ex parte dorr 3 Hw. U. S. Ren.. 103. Judge McLean says: "Neither ibis nor any other court of the United States, or judge thereof, can issue a habeas corpus to bnug up a pi isoner who is in custody under a sentence or execution of a State court for any other purpose than to be used as a witness. It is mmaterial whether the imprisonment be under civil or criminal process St in Ableman, v. Booth. 21. How U. S Rep , 5U6. where a per son was in custody upon process duly issued. upon an afli lavit, bv an United States Com mis iouer, he being a judicial officer, it tms held that he c u'd not lie taken from the custody of the united !utes Marshal bv ttfocesa Irom a State court, this is the point decided in the case, be cause such were the facts upon which the de cision was inido. öee rerk. pr., p. 4io, &ee U Story ou the Cont , öec. 1,757. It has een sought to extend the operation of this Ableman case bevond its facts. It is claimed that a person in the custody of an officer of the United States, even without judicial process, is in tbe custody of the Government of the United States, and beyond relief bv a State court. It is contended that if a United States Marshal should, of his own volition, without any process, seize and imprison a negio. or any other person. ana cia:m to noni nun ns a iu"mve nave, me i - ill . Marshal would not, according to the case of Ableman vs. Rooth.be liable to ans er a State writ of habeas corpm lor the release of the arrested person. This is a new interpretation of that cae, nnd can not, we thiük, as a general proposition, be correct. The great lending fact in these cases should never be forgotten, that our citizens all the time live territorially, within two jjovernmonts, viz the State nn i Federal; and that the former pos sesses all power over toe citizen not granted to the latter; and, further, that neither the Consti tution of the United St ites nor anv act of Con gress give.- to the Federal conrts, in terms, ex clusive jurisdiction in such cases as hive been mentioned; and Judge elson, of the United States Supreme Court, in lr51, 8cems to rule that a holding under the authority of the United States, to exclude the jurisdiction of the State courts, must ben holding under legal process. He savs: "In such a case, tli.it is, when the pris oner is in fact held under process issued Irom a reo er al tribunal, &c on. Judge McLean, in Morris vs. Newton. 5 McLean. 1)2 Hurd on H ibeas Corpus in fra Take practical illustra tion of the doctrine contended lor. Suppose the President of the United S ates should issue to the United States Marshal for Indiana u order as follows: Sir: The Rev. A. VV., of Indianapolis, does not preach the true gospel; the Governor t.f the State is jruilty of undignified conduct; the Judge of the Marion Circuit Court has decided u case erroneously; Mr. C B , merchant, charges his customers too high fr goods; you will, therefore, arrest those men aud place them in confinement till further orders Would the State courts be powerless to afford relief? Suppose the above order addressed to the Postmaster, and that he had made the arrests; being k United States offi cer, would the S'ate courts be deprived of juris diction? Now, where military ollieerg make attests, without judicial writs, claiming that the persons arrested ate soldiers, it has been the usage for S ate Courts, in nearly, if not in every Sute in the Union, to take jurisdiction and craiit dis charges upon habeas corpus. Rut see Spangler's ca?e?2 Am. L. Reg. N. S.. p. 59s1. Jude Hoff man, of rw ) ork, so late as lcul, in D odd s case, J Am. Ij. Keg. poo, says: "Whatever doubts Chief Justice Kent and Justice Storv en ttrUined of the right of State Courts and Slate Judges to bold jurisdiction of tbe matter, see 1 Mason, fco; !) John. Rep. 26, our Supreme Court explicitly and fully letognized the power and the duty of the State judge? to give a detained party, enlisted under the laws of the United States, the benefit of a habeas corpus. In the matter of Carlton, 7 Cowen, 471 (1S27) the Cour. declares that the enlistment of a minor, without consent of his parent or guardi hi, was void ui.der the act of Congress, and that he might be discharged by State authority. 1 hia doctrine has been acted upon by Judges of this State Irom that time to the present " See also, Disinger's case, 12 Ohio St. Rep. 256; Wanilau vs White, 13 Ind., 470 Ought not the officer, in all cases, to show to the Stt'e Court the authority by which he detains in custody, that the Court may judge whether it is legal or not on its lace; And m ir not tlto oi ate Court then pass upon this question? The Supreme Court of rsew Hampshire has said: "If the laws of the United States justify the detention of the applicant, there is tioth ing ilegd. If they d not.it i not a case an-ing under the 1 ws of Ihe United State, although it uny be under color or prjten.e of authority by vir tue of lhoe laws. Butan. pre pretense of authority utider the laws of the United States ia no better thin any sitter pretense. It neither confers an exclusive jurisdiction on the coiirts of the United Stas,nor ousts the ordinary jorisdic tion of the court of tili State. Nor cm it nvke airy difference that the illegnl imprisonment, if the.e be om, is by an officer of the United Slates Army. The court of tbe Ui.de I States have no exclusive jurisdiction over their officers;" citing 11 Massachusetts Reports, p.n. Gl and 67; the State r. Dimick, 12 N. II. U-n . 197; see, also. Norris v Newton. 5 McLn,92; Disinger's case, 12 Ohio St de Ren., p 25G. and Hurd on habeas corpus, p 162. et seq , where the earlier cases in the several States ot the Union re collected. It may be observed tint while the judges of the United S'ates courts are worth v of the utmost confidence, --til! the estab'i-huieiit of the doctrine of. their cx'.-lnsive jurisdiction in ihe cases of habe is corpus mentioned would be cause for deep regret ina-muli as, on account of the fewness in number und remoteness of locality i,f iho-e judges j'lst'n e would .thereby be remove! far away troni almost every man s door, nnd w-m.d b obtained, rarely at all. snd when it w is, only at treat expense and delay. Practical. the doctrine would favor arbitrary power against the liberty of the citizen ' " As, then, I find no decision of the Supreme Court of tbe United Slates denying the jurisdiction of the Stale courts iu these caes, but I do find tbe jurisdiction sustained by the Supreme Courts of the several States of the Union, almost without exception; aud, ns a denial of the jurisdiction would be to the prejudice cf the rights and liberties of the citizens of the Sute. I 'hink it my doty to assume the jurisdiction and isue the writ till the Supreme Court of the Uuiied States shall settle the law differently. " ' The Clerk of the Supreme Court will issue the writ, returuable at, Ac. S. E. Ptcaiss. The 35th (let Irian) Indiana Herl ment. . Caut or tbk 1st laisH. 35th Reoimkst McMistiUe, Tim., Aug 13. 1863 En. Sestinel; I understand that it has been stated in Indianapolis t'aat I said that Col. J. C. Walker swindled uie out of the Captaincy of Co. E, of the 35th regiment. Now, sir, I never made such a statement. .Col. Vv'nJker offered me the commi-M n as Capuin of Co. E, and I refused to take it for the following retsons: Captain John G. Huglua had been asaigned to the command of that company. He was toy friend. He was an old soldier, and I can say, without fear of contradiction, one of the best officers In this department. He was better fitted for the place than I raa. ' Thoe were my reasons for refusing to accept the commission. ' Col. Walker always treated me like a gentleman, und I will always respect him for it- I believe him to be au honorable tau that is, above anything thut ia mean. I loved him as my Colonel aud i love blm as a man. ' llopitif that you will publish these few lines, and do justice to a man that has been wronged, I remain youri, respectfully, ' (k ' ." . v Eoyua 0. Bbkixx, ' Cept. Co. . 1st Irien, 35th Ind Vols.,

From the London Times. Aag;ut 6. An r.nglish View of the Struggle. Tbe struggle in America baa undoubted en

tered upon a very critical period . The Jforth has certainly gained mcrr$es which might check the energies of a people not thoroughly determin ed to fight lo the last. The Dossessinn o( the Mississippi for the time so completely that a ves sel has betrn able, at least for once, to pass down it from bt Ijouis to JNew Orleans entirely unmolested, is no doubt in itjelf a great achievement, and may have important political efects on the nttitude of the great States of the Northwest. But this achievement is obviously still moie im porta ii i in the effects it probably will have on tbe campaigns in the Southwest. ' e ' From all these considerations it can not be doubted that the South may have to meet an organized invasion on the largest scnle into the heart of the Southern States, from Tennessee on the north, Mississippi on the wet. and perhaps Mobileor ihe Gulf coast on thesouiU It does not appear at the present that they have the meansof successfully resisting such an advance. It ia acknowledged by Southern journals that the force under Johnston will not be able to check the advance of Gen. Grant, and that it is probable that he will be able to effect a junction with Rose crans The result of such a movement, as the Southern journal confesses, would be the establishment of an army of 160.000 men on the soil of Alabama or Georgia; aid if they could retain such a position, it is felt that interioriiy in the field would be the least of the consequent disasters to the South. Even if no battles aere fought such a force would ravage the whole country nnd destroy the crops, and while the blockade is kept up the South can not import sufficient grain for its necessities. It is clear that the Southern journals themselves feel that if t-uch a combined force as we have indicated by the forces of Generals Binks, Grant and Rosecrans can be made, it would drive the Confederacy to great extremities. But the fame journals which made these admissions show no signs of faltering in a determination to continue the struggle to the last. A Voice from the South. A remarkable article appears iu tbe Raleigh (N. C ,) Standard, of July 31. It is reported to have been written by Hon. R. S. Dox.neil, Speaker of the House of Commons of North Carolina, aided by F. B. Satti.rthwaitk, Fresideut of the Governor's Council, and to have been published with the approval of Governor Vaxce. After a full review of the history of the secession movement what the leaders promised to do and what they failed to accomplish, the article con eludes as follows: The one great demand of the people of this part of the State is peace peace, upon any terms that will not euslave and degrade us. Thevmay, perhaps, prefer that the independence of the South should be acknowledged, but this they believe can not now be obtained; nor in viewing the situation of i (lairs, do they see much to hope of in the future. Ther naturally ask if, wiih no means of recruit ing to any extent, we can not bold our own axinst the armies which the Yai.kees have now in the field, how can we meet them with their 300,1101) new levies which wi 1 soon be in readiness, while they can keer their army recruited to n great extent, if not up to its maximum number, from adventurers which are constantly nriiving in their ports from every country in Europe But if independence can not be obtained, then they aie for any terms that are honor able any terms that do not degrade us. They would be willing io compromise upon the amendment propomi'i by Mr. Corwin, from the Committee oi Ten' v six, perpetu ting si ivery iu the Stales to which I have heretoloie alluded. But iu what precise way overtures shall be m i'e. or the move mem inaugurated, 1 leave to wiser men and abler sute.-meu than myself to propose. I would, however, sugt;et to the people to elect members to the next Congiess who are in favor of an armistice nf six months, nnd in the meantime ol submitting all matters io dispute to a convention of delegates from all the States North and Srmt'i, the delegates to be elected by the people thtmstive, in such m.ns'cr ns may be agree 1 upon by the two parties Others there are, that desite that the people of N.irth Carolina should be consulted in their soveieign capacity throvgh a convention that the Legislature should submit the t)ue?tiin of "convention or no convention" to the peop'e, as was done in February, It'Cl. Such a invention would undonbtedlv speak the Fentimcnts of the people of the State, citizens as well as soldiers, as 1! would be consulted But I propose nothing flefiid'e, and only make these suggestions to bring ihe ra tiler before the pub lie. I would, however, most, earnestly appeal to the friends of humanity throughout the State to use their utmo-t efforts to procure as spcadily as possible an honorable peace. In the name of reason, of suffering humanity ami of tbe re ligion which we profe-s, would I appei.l lo the public men and statesmen of North Carolina, anil especially to that eminent statesman who possesses in a greater degree in an nil others, the confidence of the people of the State, and who has recently been elev.tcd to a high place in the Confederate Government, to lend a helping hand and use their influence to bring about an honoral'le peace And. lastly, I would appeal to the ministers nnd professors of our holy religion to pray constimtlv without dictation of te. nis to Almighty God lor an honorable peace. Should not the a?ople of the North be willing to unite in such a prayer "to pray constantly to Almighty God for an honorable ptace" T "Constitutional Union" Meetm; at KecUekirr 1'lie liesolutlons Adopted. nomrsTtH. N. Y., August 19. At the clos of tTit evening session of the conservative meeting, ihe following resolution, the sciies submitted tv the business committee hav ing been considerably amended and modified, at the Fuggcsiion of General Combs were adopted : . Rettolced. 1. That this meeting favors an association of conservMiive Union men for the next Presidential canina gu, and that we invite the union an i co n:cr-ition of all who lire opposed to electing to any ortice in the gift of the people any person in 'political connection or sympathy with secession, boürionism, or sectionalism of any kind; th it our biding purpose, in brief, is the suppression f rebellion, the m tintenance of the Union, ndhiwsi'-e to the C ni-titutiou, fidelity to the Government, the en foi -erneut of the laws, mid opposition ' foiei;ti i-i'erveution. 2. That a Nation il JoMirr.itut-be appointed by this meeting, to con-ist of two members- from each Srate, at d h Smrtipy. l.i rl;i i be an exojjieio meiiiier thereof, s;iid Crmmittee to have power to fid vacancies; that it shall be the duty of the Committee to electa President mid Treasurer, antl to call n nut'on.-l convention for the nomination uf President and Vico President of the United States, nnd to make all necessary arrangements for conducting the Presidential cam- . paign, and to confer with other conservative orcanisiliona for the purpose of securing united action. 3. That the establishment oT the independence of the State in revolt would entail upon the people of the United States evils more grievous and greatly more enduring thm all that would remit from a continuance of the war, wherefore every patriot should support the appropriation of nil the monev and men necessary for a vigorous and successful prosecution of the war against the people in a st ite of insurrection, until they dissolve their military array against tbe United States, and in good faiih return to the Union tin . der their respective constitutions existing at the time trey revolted. 4. That the people of a State, any portion of whom are in, insurrection against the United States should they abandon such insurrection arid return to their allegiance and obedience to the authority of the Constitution and laws of the United States, may thereupon without other con ditiou, elect aud send to Congress Senators and Representatives, elected according to the Constitution and laws of the United States and their respective States,- and perform every other act in conducting the Federal Government which the people of any State may rightfully do; provided, however, that all persons who in this revolt h ive violated any of the criminal or penal laws of the United States will be subject to be tried accoiding to tbe forms prescribed by the Constitution and laws of the United States for such offenes. 5 That the rights of property, whether In Und, personalty, or slaves in the States are exclusively within the authority and jurisdiction of the States respectively, and the owners of all or either of those classes of property cannot be de prived of it by tlie Government of the United States, the President or any military car civil officer thereof, except for public use and just compensation, or for crimes committed of which they shall be convicted according to ihe mode and form of trial prescribed by the Constitution. 2TThe Cleaveland Leader says : "The Government has decide! not to retain any officer in -the army wboss views on the war policy are sot hi consonance with its own.'! . , .

A "Radical" a.talt. The system adopted by the radical press, of

branding with opprobriotrs epithets all who differ witli them and presume tn criticise or question the wisoom oi certain act ol the Administration, is, tossy the least of it, irjuilicious and thort sihgted. ii cmi answer no ooa purpose, mid is fur more likely to frustrate than advance the objects it is intended to promote. Under our political sys lem. every man has a ri)iat t.t discuss public afi ura ireciy ana luliy; and tbe attempt to deny or preveut the exercise of this plain constitutional privilege, tsither bv harsh words or overt acts, is simply un-American, and argue a lamentable lack of discernment. Hitherto, in the history of our country, no party that abandoned areumeut for vituperation has ever succeeded. The attempt has been tried over and over again, aith tbe same result of disaster to all ho engaged in it. In the time of Jefferson, the Federal pirty, instevd of counteracting the efforts of the . bu Ming De mocracy by logic, branded the adherents of that great statesman as infidels, aud disorganize! s of society, and predicltd universal chaos in cae of bis election. So, also, during the Jackson ex citement, all who opposed a high tariff and United Stales Hauk were otrcised from respectable society, and turned out of Whin factories and stores, and the term "Democrat" wns applied in derision and contempt to all men who adhered to the principles of Old Hickory, but in reviewing the history of these periods, it is plain that the weight of argument was apainst the party that resorted to these, and th l tlie ultimate success that attached to the victors resulted from this fact. The history of the Republican party itself illustrates the importance of adhering to fair discus siou. It climbed to power by virtue of the hard common sense that distinguished the speeches and newspaper articles t f its friends in resisting the infamous Kansas policy of the Buchanan Administration, and now if it allows its opponents to get the advantage in fair argument, its doom is sealed. In the last fall election, the time and energy tht should have been employe.! iu proving that the defeat of Governor Seymour was essential to the best interests of the country, were wasted in calling bis adherents "traitors" and copperheads," and we all know the rtsult. The fact is, a resort lo hard names and bad language cetterally. excites suspicion of a weak cause. The only effectual means ot supporting the Administration is by dctiiopstrating that its acts and policy are the wisest and lest that cculd be adopted under the circumstances. We advUe our radical friends to adopt this meihod if they wish to succeed, and drop calling ll.eir opponents bard names. fN. Y. Sun. PoMitl 71 a pa of the I'nlted Mates A Itequest ta l'.nclt County for Information. . Editors of newspapers will pie tse publish tbe following and oblige the citizens uf the Slate: PoSTOKriCr. DtPARTJIKXT, Contract Okfick Washington Citt, August 15?, 1?63 To the Honorable, the Secretary of State of In diana: Sir: I have the honor to address to you the following request; The Topographer to this Department having received instructions from the Postmaster General to prenare for publication a series of postal m ips ol the Unite 1 States, it is desirable that the latest and most accurate ir.forajat.ion as to aew county boundaries, chinges from time to time of county seats, etc., should be here on file for immediate delineation on our maps. I would, therefore, respectfully request that there be forwarded as early as possible to this office, from lime to time as the cases arise, a copy of the wording of the law establishing a new county or change of limits or site. I would further respectfully suggest that, in order to make our ni'ps correct in detail ns to the direction of postal roads, etc., a copy of every County map exi-ting, (manuscript or printed) should be forwarded to this office for preservr tion aud reference, which would in m tuy case clear up doubtful points in regard t the estabüshmei.t of new postoflices and their supply. A request to this effect from you to the proper officer of each county might f urther this desirable object. A list of the counties and county seats of your Slate as they now stand will be acceptable at the present moment. Respectfully, your obedient servant, Geo Wm. McLellax, Second Assistant Postmaster General. To Clerks of the Ci.cuil Courts: Gentlemen: Tbe above request of the Postmaster General 's one tint interests your constituents, and in order to facilitate his object, I propose to transmit from this office any intorma tion you may send me on the subjects indicated iu his circular. Very resrectful!y, Jauks S Athon, Secretary of State. Xhe Itrstom tion of the Union nnd the Mgjerhcud and Copperhead f'rrs. The radical and coppeihead journals of this city me in-iking a great fuss about the mode, manner and conditions of the ie.toralion of the Union at the end of the war, and ihey are speculating whether the aimy now being raised by the drift will be sullicienl for the purpose. They might as w ell save themselves the trouble Wheu the military power of Ihe rebels is completely destroyed as it soon will be ihere will be no longer any question at issue. The insurgent States, by virtue of the Constitution, whose authority is above tint of Congiess and the President, become unconditionally States of the Union again; and they have only to send their Senatois to the Senate Chamber and their Rep rcseiitatives to the other hall of Congress, and no power can keep them out. It needs no proceeding of Congress, no act of amnesty, no proclama tion of the Prt-ident, to give validity to the restoration ol the Southern States to the r legal and con-.tituiionxl status in Congress. Nor has Congress or the President any power to ititerlere after the close of hostilities with any of the domestic institutions or municipal laws of the South The confiscation act and emancipation act are null and void by their unconstitutionality, and the only em mcijntion whicn can h.ve any effect is that which has taken place by the acts of the Generals within the lines of the army. All out side is legally untouched by the President's proclamation, wliich is, as he himself described it, only like the Pope's bull against the comet. The war being over, military lines cease to exist, and every Slate risrht and institution revives by the force of the Constitution. This was the plat form laid dow n by. Congress in its declaratory resolution in the extra session, proclaiming tbe fundamental law of the land; and all parties may as well mike up their minds at once that this constitutional principle will prevail over all .otchets und revolutionary ideas. The people are dpie.-nvned to h i e it so, and tint settles the matter, ns ail the world wi I find out by the re suit of tbe next presidential election. New York Herald Xhe democracy of .TIalne. The following is an extract from the letter of the Hon.. B. Bbadbvrt lo the Democratic Sta'e Convention of Maine, which nominated him for Governor: Rut opposition to the present war policy and war incisures of the Ad minis' talion is lift opposition to tbe Govern ment. The Administration is not tlie Government. Those in authority are but the agents of the people to carry on ihe Govei n men t uiidr the Constitution. They may exceed or pre veil their constitutional pow ts they may oestroy the Constitution itself. Under such circumstances, to oppose the Adtnii i-tratiou is to support the Government. To uphold the Government, to maintain the Const ituiion, to rjstore the Union as it ws is the first duty of every citizen. To fail In the dutv is to be false to ourselves, to posterity and to the great cause of constitutional liberty, and it is equally a duty to protest against a policy calculated to prolong the war and subvert the Constitution. - Very trulv Tours, 'BION "BRADBURY. General S J. Anpxrs We see now hat Governor Andrew of Massachusetts meant when he said that the peo pie of that State iu a cei taiu contingency would "swarm the highways" iu response lo the call of the Government. He anticipated that ihe cH would be in the shape of a draft, that there would be a $300 exemption clause and exemption-for physical disability, and . bis idea was that the people would "swarm ths highways" toward the Collector's office to pay their $300 and toward the Surgeou's office to obtain certificates of hvsical infirmity. This certainly must be what he meant, for such baa turned out to be tbe fact. We instance a single county, which ia a fair example of all the other bounties that of Berkshire, noted for its healthfulness. Out of the 1,160 conscripts, 430 (almost two fifths) were exempted for physical disability. Of the whole number given above all were exempted for one cause or another except 133, of whom firs have furnished substitutes. , Massachusetts! There she stands! Look at ber. Chicago Times.

why few Substitute are Sent from .VI Htvac I u e 1 1 s. A correspondent of the Springfield liepub'ici a tatea that not a dosen out of the thousand eonfccripfs examined in that district have furnished substitutes, and gives the following explanktion of the facts: ' At least twenty cases have come under my knowledge where men bave been anxious to furnish substitutes, Ihh when they reported with the m on the day assigned, they were told that the board had no time to attend to them, and they had better pay $300. These instances are not exceptions!- there are scores of others, and the

figures will show thai in no district in tbe cUtef nor I believe in ibe country, have eo few sub-, stitutes been sent and so much commutation money been paid in pp-portion to the men examined, as in Iiis; ud the reason, as I have aaid, is not because the urge number of the men do not wish to furnish substitutes, but simply because "the Uoard has no lime t-j attend to them." Now I ask respectfully, iu miking this draft, which does ihe Government want, men or money? If tbe former, is it consistent to discourage and conlinuallv place obstacles in the way of the presentation of substitutes? And is it tbe fair thing to deprive a man in this way of bis right to send a substitute rather than pay, if be chooses to do so? lMiblic Order. It is remarkable that whenever a European ruler undertakes to put his toot a little heavier on the necks of the people, he always does it in the name and on the pretense of securing "public order." It was on this tyrants' plea that the Holy Alliance unite! to suppress the rising spirit r liberty in Europe. The following item of loreign news tells its own story: "The Emperor of Austria lias addressed an autograph letter to the Chancellor of Hungary, saying that the disloyalty in the Hungarian municipalities menaced the public order iu such a dsngcrous manner that the public duty requires the raieing of strong barriers agsitist such excesses; that as the convocntion of the Hungarian Diet in a constitutional manner appears impracticable until order is re established, ail tbe existing authorities in the districts and communities are abolished, and the Chancellor ordered to elect persons to replace them, and to take care that the administration of public affairs suffers no interruption AU per torn charged teitk crime mgaintt the public safety shall be tried by military tribunals. In conclusion, the Emperor expresses the earnest wish for ihe establishment of public order, and the future maintenance of the concessions be has gratited Hungary. ' We leave the reader to run the parallel between this Austrian rule and that of "the party of freedom" iu this country. Detroit Free Press. The Hartford Times figures the cost of the conscription 8 equal that uf upporting an army of 000,000 men for unevenr. MEDiCÄL COLLECE. Rush Medical College, CHICAGO, TT.T.. fllUE TtTEXTY-FlKST A XX UAL SFSSIOS TT1LL commence October 1st, and continue kixteeu weeks. Faculty. Iio.niel Biairl, it. I) K. S. Ciirr. -M. I. J. VY. Freer. M. I) J. Adams Allen, M. D H. I. liet, M. D De I.iki Miller, M. D Klhrim Iiil1, Ii. U-..... . I. r Lyun, M. I) Surpery. ........ ...CbemUtrv. InMitutr. Practice. ............ Amtorny. . Obstetnca. .Ttiero. and Hat Aie4. IX'tnoost rater. Fries 4. Dissecting and Mat. Ticket each 5. Board tH 60 io' per weck. Fit further iuiormulion or circular address K. L. KEA, Secretary, Box 533. ull-d2'A4w SCALES. :kvv.:ä: mm. mmj-x kcm PATENT PLATFORM SCALES F A IBBAXK'l C ATT Li, BAT, COAL, GKA1X, WAREHOUSE, RAILROAD, TRACK, AD C0CSTIR 4 J i MfcrcfvU -scales. -fc'-h:.J 4 T i Vnnufairf nre4 unlv V trr 1 5 W CO., S t. Jfthnirmrv 2 f " d J Vermont. Vor sale at in Manufacturera'rrlcrttiy iV7-rVT W. P. 3 ALLCP, A rent, 7vetvTaibtLjrturil., anapot , lu-tiaua- apSl-wly for sale: " mm GRIST AM) SAW MILL WITH TWFSTT-FIYB arrerf land a tached, -i i miles went of Ir.diaDapelis. TUe ili'l ,11 he sulci entire, it tbe inarliinery fceparately. Inquire of FRANK fcSUTH, ReM Estate Agent, ofoite iWd Fallowa Hall. Jutjl3-3row LICENSE. Notice of Application for l.irente. TOTic;-: is ukrkby given tuati will applt to the Barl of Cotnmi-f'mer of Marion county, Indiana, at their nest tenn. 1S63, fur a lict-nre to sell latoxicating liquors in a le quantity than a quart at a time, with tbe privilege of allowing tbe same to be drank on my premise, for one year. Sly place of bDsineca and the premises whereor said liquor are to he tlt and drank are located on lot 'o. 10, iu Miuare JCo. 65, heinr 1 East Pearl street, in Indianapolis, In Center township, it Marion county, Indiana. au!7-w3w FLORENCE RICHTER. Notice of Application for License 7VT0TICE IS HERKBT GIVEN. THAT I TTILL APPLT to the Board of CorarainM.-ner of Marioo county. Indiana, at tbeir next term, l.v.63, for a licence to aril intoxicating liquors ia a le.-f quantity than a quart at a time, with the privilege cfallowiiii; tbe fame to be (back on my premi.-s, for one year. Jty place ef buoinew, and tbe piemiaet whereon sail liquor are te be sold and drank, are located at roo" No. nineteen and twentyone (19 and 2!i Exchange bni Mines, North Illinois tret, in the city of Indiauapoli, in Center towut-bip, fu ilanon comity, Indiana. auRlT-aSw P. BACON, ir. EXECUTOR'S SALE. Executor's Sale of Personal Property. 1TOTTCE IS HFUF.BT GIVKN. THAT ON KONDAT, X the 31t day of tbe present month of Aujnt, be twern the hours of Hi o'clock A. at. and 4 o'clock P. M-, I wi.I eil at aiirUon. at No. 14 East W'ashn tton f treet, Indianapolis, known a "Hng'a Saloon," the Wa5 JLi ft arji. wjb j remaining in the ca!d Saloon and et-TIar at tbe t'm tt mjr husband! decease, consisting of Brandies, Wines Gin. WhUkejr, Cider, Ale Ac, .. In casks, barrel, keys, bottle and barkets, together with tbe othei anicia of furniture tat aaid e-alooa aad tbe cellar ol the Boston Store. For a particular dexrip. tln ot tbk article to be tbu offered, reference is bereis made to the inventory on file In tbe office of tbe Clerk ef the Court of Common Plea of Marina county. A credit of 13 months will be aivea en all um exceeding three dollar, on tbe purcbaaer givinf a proal wy note, with approved urety, bearing interest from date, and waiving valuation and appraisement law. CHKISTiSA HCG, Kxecnrrla. Indianapolis, lotS August, 1X3. aaglO w3w WANTED. A Situation as Teacher Wanted. A LADY WlSHF.t A SlTrATION AS TEACHER 0T i'ounpr ldirnin French or in the higher breach oi tliematlcis etc. . Any one wiahicg roch win aidr Ir C. Ii. through the postofl.ee , augU-d2t r.rFon.tr.tTio.r irMTEn. UTM.TATIjOR, HATING MOTTD TO BELLI FONTAINE. Ohio, woald be glad lo hear of tbe wnereabouu of hi mother, ktra. Mary Ann T.yVor, or A-xJrew Fbarp, formerly of Caldwell count, forth Carolina. Ajjy luloruiatton will he tbaakfally reeri. . augiS-uAwlt

3t