Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 7, Indianapolis, Marion County, 20 July 1863 — Page 2

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WEEKLY SENTINEL.

MONDAY, JULY 20. The Siale Agency Horton' JIUrcpresentatione. It ih charged in a recent number of the Journal, instigtted beyond doubt by Governor Moetox, that CoL Walkes, the Agent of State, had receired $23,000 from his predecessor in office, which he refuse! to pay to the creditors of the State. That money was the balance left in the hands of the Agent of State to pay the interest upon bonds which bad not at that time been called for, due on the 1st of last January. That balance is bow mostly exhausted. Either Governor Morton was inexcusably ignorant of the appropria tion which should be made of the balance receired by Colonel Walkes from Colonel HrDaojr, or else by misrepresentation he wished to make the impression that the Agent of State refused to apply the funds in his hands to the payment of the debts of the State. But the malice of the Co rem or failed in its object. Refusing to obey the laws of the State himself and usurping authority which every good citizen should reprobate, it is and has been his aim, if possible, to impeach the integrity of the Democratic State officers and entrap them into some violation of law to corer his own deficiency. And in regard to the last letter of Wwstow, Lasix & Co. the facts are these: The letter has no date, but Moetos in its publication in the Journal inserted the date of the 21st of June. The letter was in answer to the one written by Colonel Walkes on the 26th ultimo, and was not delivered to bim until thirty-six hours after Col. Walkks's last had been delivered, and was not received by bim until the day after the balance of the correspondence was forwarded to us. We allude to these matters to show the chicanery of Mostox, and his attempt to impose upon the public by misrepresentations, manufactured by him out of whole cloth. 'Among the persons drafted in the Third District, in Massachusetts, were Robert C. Win throp, Jr.. Albert Lawrence and Joseph P. Cabot, all members of the first families. Journal. Will one e-f these "members of the first families" of Boston shoulder a musket and go to the war? They are wealthy. They can serve in the army without inconveniencing their families, if they have any. And if they should happen to stop a bullet and fall martyrs to the cause, their wives and children, or friends, would be left comfortable, and not be thrown on their own labor for subsistence or become the subjects of charity. But they will not go. They turn up their aristocratic noses at the drudgery, the toils &od the dangers of the camp. They will fork over the three hundred dollars exemption, and let others fight for the preservation of their property and their rights, and to maintain a common Government. The plowman, with a family or friends dependent upon his labor for support, can not pay tbe price of exemption, hence he must go, no matter what may be the privations or sufferings it may occasion. How is it in this city? The bankers, the merchants and the professional men, who are fierce for the prosecution of the war to the bitter end, do not go themselves or send their sons, unless it be in some lucrative or honorable position. If drafted, none will shoulder the musket and fight as privates for tbt reason that they have the money to purchase exemption from such service. But how is it with the laboring man? His wife, his children, perhaps a mother or younger sisters and brothers, are dependent in a great measure upon his daily toil for even the necessaries of life. He can not pay the price of exemption, hence he must go, and go into tbe ranks. , We allude to tbee inequalities of the conscript law to illustrate the reason why it is so odious to the laboring classes. They feel that they owe no more obligation to the Government and should not be called to bear any more of the burdens it imposes than those who happen to have more of this world's goods. And they know that the men who are most clamorous for the vigorous prosecution of tbe war are not found fighting. They inquire, where are the Suxxeks, the Phillip es. the Gasrisoxs. the Bxechiks, the Giddixgses, the Moetoxs, the Yates, the Tods, the Chandlers, the Weights. and a host of others that we could name, when the life of the nation is trembling in the balance? The see Si jish in elegant attire, with his delic i?e hands encased in kids of the most fashion- . a :e hue, at some watering place; Beeches and Wr:ght across the waer enjoying the comforts of the O'd World, fir from the din and scenes of smgtönary strife; Chaxdllk enjoying little biai.dy letting; and the Tods, and the YATtsand the Mortons playing the demagogue to gratify their vanity and love of applause, and to secure political advancement. Among all the leaders who are clamorous for the war, they can 6nd none who are making personal sacrifices, or who are willing to shoulder a muket. to aid in bringing the terrible strife in which the country is engaged to s speedy and honorable termination. Tet these men are eloquent in enunciating that "all men are created free and equal" a id that tbe negro is entitled to political equality with the white man, but none are willing to illustrate tbeir beautiful theories of equality bv placing themselves upon s level with the eiizens who happen to be poor when the Government makes a requisition to fill up or increase the ranks of her armies. It is the exemption feature of tbe conscript act which makes it odious to the laboring classes. But however odious it may be in that respect, r in any other, it is the law of the land, and while it remains upon the statute books, and when enforced, it mast be obeyed. Tbe people have a remedy in the ballot box for the redress of their grievances. Violence only begets violence and it leads to the greatest of all evils, anarchy. The laws must be obeyed, no matter how unjust, but when the lime comes apply the remedy by holding the authors responsible and let the verdict of the ballot box speak the condemnation of the people. Cablvct Rcmoe The Cincinnati Commercial thinks that the sending of Gen. Franklin to Gen. B inks' department indicates that General Banks w to be withdrawn from the army and made Secretary of War. "Franklin is one of the mo-t able officers in the army, and it is fair to presume that be would not be sent to the De partment of tbe Gulf unless he was to be its com mnder " The people, however, have yet to be convinced thit the Adroini-fntion has arrived at the point of wis lorn whi'!) would displace Capt. Stanton from the war offi e Gexeial Grast DRCsCE.ixras, ic The P'M enipVitimTty denies that there is any reason whatever for say in Gen. Grast is a drunkard or drinks excessively. It says of him: He doe not drink strong drink; he is not the slave of that or any other bsbit; he is temperate, abstentions even, and neither at Fort Henry, nor at Fort Donelson, nor at Shiiob, nor before Vickburg nor at any time since the opening of the wr, was he ever seen or known by any one to be under the Influence of liquor. Grcelet IS the IxDiPXXDt.vt. Mr. Horace Greeley, orer his own signature, in tbe Independent, says: We might now to be near tbe end of the great struggle, and our Government may, without compromising its dignity, not merely welcome, but openly invite, proposal from North Carolina, Georgia, Texas, and other revolted States, for a peaceful restoration of tbe Union. Let as all be prepared nay, we shall, we must already be to welcome peace whenever it can be achieved without sacrifice of duty, of principle, of honor, of plighted faith.

Ex-ProaldentePlerce'e Address at Con

cord, n. u. juir 4 Mt Friexds ajid Fellow Cou.ntetmexi While I have come to nreside at this meeting, at your bidding, permit me to say that no command less iinoeraiive than your wish on sucn an occituoa. would have brought me here: aud I trust that in view of the great aggregation of personal rela tion which thirty years of manhood life have formed between us, you win recognize in tnis fact a warm reciprocation, on my part, of the respect and affection which, in all that time. I have never lauea to nna on yours. Ap plause. , . . . ... We meet on the anniversary of a day hallowed by solemn memories, and sanctified as that of the birth of the American Union. The Declaration of Independence laid the foundation of our po litical greatness in the two fundamental ideas or the absolute independence of the American people and of the sovereignty of their respective States. Under that standard our wise and heroic forefathers fought the battle of the Revolution; under that they conquered. In this spirit they established the Union, having the conservative thought ever present to their minds, of the original sovereignty and independence of the several States, all with their diverse institutions, inter ests opinions and habits, to be maintained intact and secure, by the reciprocal stipulations ana mutual compromises of tbe Constitution, i ney were master builders, who reared up the graud structure of the Union, that august temple beneath whose dome three generations have en joyed such blessings of civil liberty as were never before vouchsafed by rrovidence to man; mat temple before whose altar you and I have not only bowed with devout and grateful hearts, but where, with patriot:c vowa and sacrifices, we have so frequently consecrated ourselves to the protection and maintenance ot those lotty columns of the Constitution by which it was upheld. No visionary enthusiasts were they, dreaming vainly of the impossible uniformity öf some wild ü topin. of their own imaginations. Nodespsiate reformers were they, madly bent upon schemes which, if consummated, could only lesult in general confusion, anarchy and chaos. Oh, no! High hearted, but sagacious and practi cal statesmen they were, who saw society as a living fact, not as a troubled vision; who knew that national power consists in the reconcilement of diversities of institutions and interests, not their conflict and obliteration; and who saw that variety and adaptation of parts are the necessary elements of all there is sublime and beautiful in the works of art or of nature. Majestic were tbe solid foundations, the mass ive masonry, the columned loftiness of tnat magnificent structure of the Union. Glorious was the career of prosperity and peace and power upon which, from its very birthday, the American Union entered, as with the assured march of the conscious offspring of those giants of the Revolution. Such vi the Union, as conceived and admin istered by Washington and Adams, by Jefferson, and Madison, and Jacksou. Such. I sav, teas tbe Union, ere the evil times befell us; ere the mad ness of sectional hatreds and animosities possessed us; ere, in tbe third generation, the allcomprehensive patriotism of the Fathers had died out and given place to the passionate emotions of narrow and aggressive sectionalism. The Eastern States covered he sea with their ships, the land with their larms and their manufactures; so did the middle Atlantic States, with addition to their mineral wealth ot coal and iron; while the Southern States, with their rich, soft climate and congenial soil, raised up those great staples of cotton, tobacco, sugar, rice, corn, which are the life of commerce and manufactures; and the vast reeions of the West grew to be the granaries of Eurooe and America; and still further on whs revealed the land of eold and silver, on the re mote shores of the Pacifi. These were the material elements of our national power, each State with its difference of interests, co operating with the others to constitjte one harmonious whole. And so the various European neu co-existing here, though differing in blood, religion, temper, the 1'rotestant and the Catholic, the Puritan and the Cavalier; yet, by their very difference of character, afforded the mental and moral element of the power of the Union. Gloriously sublime above all the history records of national greatnes, was the spectacle which the Union exhibited to the world, so long as the true spirit of the Constitution lived in the hearts of the people, and the government was the government of men reciprocally respecting one another's rights of States, each moving, planet like, in the orbit of its proper place in the firmament of the Union. Then we were the model Republic of the world, honored, loved, or feared where we were not loved, respected abroad, peaceful and happy at home. No American citizen was then subject to be driven into exile for opinion's sake or arbitrarily arrested and incarcerated in military hastiles even as he may now be not for acts or words of imputed treason, but if he do but mourn in silent sorrow over tbe desolation of his country; no embattled hosts of Americans were then wasting their lives and resources in sanguinary civil strife; no suicidal and patricidal civil war then swept like s raging tempest of death over tne stricken homesteads and wailing cities of the Union. Oh, that such a chance should have come over our countrv in a dav, as it were as if all men in everv State of the Union, north and south, east and west, were suddenly smitten with homicidal madness, and "the custom of fell deeds" render ed as familiar as if it were a part of our inborn nature; as if an avenginz nngel had been suffer ed by Providence to waive a sword of flaming fire above our heads to convert so many millions of good men. living together in brotherly love, into inensihle beings, savagely bent on the de struction of themselves and of each other, and levinj but a smouldering ruin of conflagration and of blood in the place of our once blessed Union ! I endeavor sometimes to close my ears to the sounds, and my eyei to the sights of woe. and to ask myself whether all this can be to inquire which is true, whether the past happiness and prosperity of my country are but the flattering vinion of a happy sleep, or its present misery and desolation haply the delusion of some disturbed dream One or the other seems incredible and impossible; but alas! the stern truth can not be dispelled from our minds. Can you forget ought I especially be expected to forget those not remoU days in the history of our country, when its greatness and glory shed the reflection at leist of their rays lipon all our lives, and thus enabled us to read the lesson of our fathers, and their Constitution in the light of their principles and their deeds? Then, war was conducted only against the foreign enemy, and not in the spirit and purpose of persecuting non combatant populations, nor of burning undefended towns or private dwellings, and wasting the fields of the husbandman, or the workshops of the artisan, but of subduing armed hosts in the field. Then, the Congress of the United States was the great Council of the whole Union, anxious to promote the interests and consult the hon or and just pride of all the States, seeing no power beyond the law, and devoutly obeüient to the commands of the Constitution. How is all this chanced! And why? Have we not been told, in this verv place, not two weeks ago, by the voice of an authoritative ex positor; do we not all know that the cause of our calamities is the vicious intermeddling of too many of the citizens of the Northern States with tbe constitutional rights of the Southern States, co operating with the discontents of the people of the States? Do we not know that the disregard of the Constitution, and of the security it affords to the rights of the States and of individuals has been the cause of the calamity which our country is called to undergo? And now, war, war, in its direst shape; w:tr, such as it makes the blood run cold to read of it in tbe history of other nations and of other times; war on the scale f a million men in arms; war, horrid as that of barbaric ages, rages in several of the States of the Union, and in its more immediate field, and casts the lurid shadow of its death and lamentation athwart the whole expanse, and into every nook and corner of onr vast domain. Nor is that all; for in thoseof the State which are exempt from the actual ravages of war, in which the roar of the cannon and the rattle of the musketry and the groans of the dying are hea,d but as a faint echo of terror from other land even here in the loyal Slate, the mailed band of military usurpation strikes down the liberties of the people, and its foot tramples upon a desecrated Constitution. Applause Aye, in this land of free thr.CTht, free speech, and free writing in this Republic of free suffrage, with liberty of thought and expression as the very essence of republican institutions even here in these free State, it is made criminal for s citizen soldier, like gallant Edgerly, of New Hampshire, to vote according to his conscience; or like that noble martyr of free speech, ValUndigham, f prolonged cheers to discus public affairs in 6hkr. aye. even here, the temporary agent of the sovereigd peopH, the transitory administrators of the Government, tell us that in time of war the mere arbitrary will of the President takes the place of the Constitution, and the President himself announces to us that it is treasonable to speak or to writ otherwise than as be may prescribe; nay, that it Is treasonable even to be silent, though we be struck damb by the shock of the calamities with which civil councils, incompetency and corruption hive overwhelmed our country. Loud applause. ..

I will not say this without referring to the anthoritv upon which I rely. In his letter of June 12, 1 863, addressed to Erastus Corning and other citizens of the State ot New York the President makes use of tbe following extraordinary language: V ' - v. ... "Indeed, irrest by process of courts, ad arrwt In cam of rebellion, do cot proceed altogether on the saae bast. Tha former U diractad at tha small pcrconUga of ordinary and continuous perpetration of crime, while tha Utter U directed at sadden and extenM-i uprisings against the Govemnent, which, at mort, wil' succeed or fail in no great length of time. In the latter eaae, arretta are made, not so much for what has been done as for what probably would be done. A pplause and lau thter. The latter Is more for the prementive and less for the vindictive than the former. In inch cwti the purposes of men are much more easily understood than in cases of ordinary crime. Tbe man who stands by and says nothing when the peril of his Government is discussed, cannot be misunderstood. Laughter. If aot hindered, he is sure to help the enemy; much more. If be talks ambiguoukIy, he talks for his country with buu and if and 'ands.'" It is seen by this letter, at least, that there is no longer doubt as to where the responsibility for those unconstitutional acts of the last two years, perpetrated by subordinate officers of the Federal Government, both civil and military, properly attaches; but who. I ask. has clothed the President with power to dictate to any one of us when we must or when we may speak or be silent upon any subject, and especially in relation to the conduct of any public servant? By what right does he presume to prescribe a formula of language for your lips or mine? It seems incredible, and even with this authentic paper before us, is amazmer, that any such sentiment should have found utterance from the elected representative of a free government, like that of the United States. My friends, let those obey such behests who will; you and I have been nurtured here anion? the granite hills, and under tbe clear skies of New Hampshire, into no such servile temperament. True it is, that any of you, that I myself maybe the next victim of unconstitutional, ar bitrary, irresponsible power. But we, nevertheless are free men. and we resolve to lire, or if it must be, to die such. "Amen!" "That's it," and cheers. Falter who may, we will never cease to hold up on high the Constitution of the Union though torn to shreds by the sacrilegious hands of its enemies. A voice" We'll do it." How strikingly significant, how suggestive to us, on this occasion, is the contemplation of that august spectacle of the recent Convention at Indianapolis of seventy-five thousand citizens, calmly and bravely participating in the discussion of the great principles underlying their sacred rights ot freemen neither awed by cannon frowning upon their liberties, nor provoked by threats into retaliatory violence. I would say to yod, fellow citizens, emulate that exhibition of wisdom and patriotism. Be patient, but resolute. Yield nothing of your rights, but bear and forbear. Let your actions show to the world that, with courage to confront despotism, you have also the discretion to avoid inconsiderate action in resisting its advances. I trust it may be profitable on this occasion, as the end of vour meeting suggests, to revive the

memories of that heroic epoch of the Republic, even though they come laden with regrets, and hold up that period of our history in contrast with the present. Though they come to remind U9 of what were our relations during the revolution. and in later years, prior to 161, to that great Commonwealth which we were accustomed to refer to as "the mother of statesmen and of States;" and of what those relations now are. Can it be 'hat we are never to think again of the land where the dust of Washington aud Patrick Henrv, of Jefferson and Madison repose, with emotions of gratitude, admiration and filial re

gard? Is hate for 11 that Virginia has taught, all that Virginia has done, all that Virginia now is, to take the place of sentiments which we have cherished all our lives? Other men may be asked to do this, but it is in vain to appeal to me. So far as my heart is concerned, it is not a subject of volition. While there may be those in whose breasts such sentiments as these awaken no responsive feeling, I feel assured, as I look over this vast assemblage, that the grateful emotions which have signalized this anniversary in all our past history, are not less yours than they are mine to day. Let us be thankful, at least, that we have ever enjoyed them; that nothing can take from us the pride and exultation we have felt, as we saw the old flag unfold over us, and realized its glorious accretion of stars from the original thirteen to thirty four; that we say much, when we say in the language of New Hampshire's greatest son, if we can with assurance say no more, "the past at least is secure." But if we cannot be joyous, my friends, as we have been on this anniversary, let up show that it is our privilege, with tbe blessing of God, to be considerate, brave and wise. If there be anything of the great inheritance, under existing circumstances, to save, may we not in an humble, earnest way. contribute to that salvation? If we can not do all for which our hearts yearn, may we not at least approach its consumation in that spirit of devoted loyalty to the Constitution and the Union which we feel ? George Washington and Samuel Adams. Mat thew Thornton and Charles Carroll, George Reed and Roger Sherman, Phillip Livingston and William Hooper, Benjamin Franklin and Edward Rutledge, George Walton ami Richard Stockton, with their associates of all the thirteen then inde pendent und sovereign States, stood eighty-seven years ago to day in that simple but most memorable room, where the declaration was signed, like the people of tbe States whom they represented, with the solemn graudeur of high resolve, if apparently weak, yet with their armor on and their heartä strung for the great contest of civil liberty. If we can not be joyous and exultant on this anniversary of that day, it may do us good to remember that joy and exultation were far from the hearts of the brave men who sanctioned the Declaration of Independence, and then fought seven years to maintain it. No! they were not joyous, but determined. They felt the inspiration of a great object, and they sought its accomplishment with a stern, devoted, self saorificing spirit. They were animated by that determination which, in a righteous cause of self defense and self vindication, is invincible. They knew the condition of the Province in point of men and munitions, and they had a clear pcrcep tion of the colossal power which they were to confront. But neither one nor the other considerations, nor both combined, shook either t,heir faith or courage. They compensated for the want of numbers, arms, and all which under ordinary circumstances goes to constitute the sinews of war, by the glow of their patriotism and the strength of tbeir purpose. To be sure, they fought for their rights, but their endurance and energy were quickened by an incalculable power; they fought for their homes ai-d their hearthstones, their wives and children behind them. Let the disregard of others for what the revolutionary fathers achieved, and for (he compact which they made, subdued as they were in all things but a sense ol right and honor by the suf ferings of a seven years' war, now stand out before us. Let the people realize what this constant ringing in their ears of the charge that "the Constitution is a covenant with death and a league with hell," has brought about. And then let them see and feel what we had in eighty years of unexampled prosperity and happiness under that Constitution. Let them look back upon those eighty years of civil liberty of the reign of constitutional laweighty years of security to our homes, of living in our catles, humble though they may have been, with no power to invade them by night or by day, except under the well defined andexhib ited aothority of law a written, published law, enacted by themselves for the punishment of crime and for their own protection, eighty years of the great experiment which astonished the world. If the people will do this, I will not, I can not believe that we are so smitten by judicial blindness that the prent massof our population, North and Sou'h, will not some day resolve that we come together again under the old Constitution, with the old flag. Cheers -I will not believe that this experiment, of man's capacity for eltgovernment, which was so successfully illustrated until all the Revolutionary men passed to their final reward, is to prove a humiliating failure. Whatever others may do we will never abandon the hope that the Union Is to be restored. 'Never.' Whatever others may do we will cling to It "as the mariner clings to the last plank when night and tbe tempest close around him." No matter what may have been done North or South to produce it, this terrible ordeal of blood which has been visited upon us ought to be sufficient to bring ua all back to consciousness of responsibilities and duties. The emotions of all good men are those of sorrow and shame and sndness now over the condition of tbeir country, when they retire at night, and when they open tbeir eyes upon the dawuing day, struggle against them though they may. Why should they attempt to disguise It? Solicitude which hinges upou apprehension of personal loss, and that alone, is contemptible. Trifling men may indulge in trifling word and thought, while the foundations laid by the Fathers are crumbling beneath their feet; but the artificers who laid tKose foundation found no time for triflin? while engaged in their grand and serious work, nor can you. They could lift up tbeir souls in prayer, but tbey had no heart for levity and mirth. My friends, you have had most of you have bad great sorrows, overwhelming personal sorrows, it may be; but none like these, none like 4

these which come welling up, day by day, from the great fountain of national disaster, red with the best and bravest blood of tbe country, North

and South; red with the blood of those in both sections of the Union whose fathers fought the common battle of Independence. .Nor have these sorrows brought with them any compensation, whether of national pride or of Yictorious arms. For it is not vain to appeal to you to raise a shout of joy because tbe men from the land of w asningtou, ilanon and Sumter are baring their breasts to the steel of the men from the land of Warren, Stark and Stockton; or because, if this war is to continue to be waged, one or the other must go to the wall must be consigned to humiliating subjugation? This fearful, fruitless, fatal civil war has exhibited our amazing re sources and vast military power. It has shown that, united, even in carrying out in its wildest interpretation the Monroe doctrine on this continent we could, with such protection as the broad ocean which flows between ourselves and Euro pean powers affords, have stood against the world in arms. I speak of the war as fruitless; for it is clear that, prosecuted upon the basis of the proclamations of September 22 and September 24, 1862, prosecuted, as I must understand those proclamations, t Bay nothing of the kindred brood which has followed, upon the theory of emancipation, devastation, subjugation, it cannot fail to be fruitless in everything except the harvest of woe which it is ripening for what was once tbe peerless republic. Now, fellow citizens, alter having said thus much, is it right that you should ask me what would you do in this fearful extremity? f Voices That s what we want!" I reply, from the be ginning of this struggle to the present moment, my hope has been in moral power. Thee it re poses still. When in the spring of 1661 I had occasion to address my feliow citizens of this city trom tbe balcony ot the hotel before us, 1 then said I had not believed, and did not then believe, aggression by arms was either a suitable or possible remedy for existing evils. Voices "Good, good:" ai d cheers. All that has occurred siuce then has but strengthened and confirmed my convictions in this regard. I repeat, then, my judg ment impels me to relv upon moral force, and not upon any of the coercive instrumentalities of military power. We have seen in tbe experi ence of tbe last two ye:irs how futile are all our efforts to maintain the Union by force of arms; but even hid war been carried on by us success fully, the ruinous result would exhibit its utter impracticability for the attainment of the desired end. Through peaceful agencies, and through such agencies alone, can we hope "to form a more perlect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare and sesure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity," the great objects for which, and for which alone, the Constitution was formed. If vou turn round and ask me, what if these agencies fail; what if lue passionate anger of both sections forbids; what if the ballot box is sealed? Then, all efforts, whether of war or peace, hav ing failed, mv reply is, vou will take care of yourn;lves; with or without arms, with or without leaders; we will, at least, with theeffort to defend our rights as a free people, build up a great mausoleum of hearts to which men who yearn for liberty will in after vears, with bowed heads and reverently, resort, as christian pilgt'ms, to the sacred shrines of the Holy Land. Loud applause. From the Cincinnati Price Current, July 15. Financial and Commercial Summary for the Past Week. Since Tuesday evening, the time we closed our last summary, until Saturday last, but little change took place in financial affairs culling for special remark. The demand lor money was quite light and the market easy at 6S percent, for acceptable business paper. On Monday morning martial law was proclaimed by Gen. Burn side, and all business ordered suspended after 10 o'clock. This terminated our commercial und financial history for the week. There was a large demand lor exchange on New York on Mondav morning, and some of the bankers put up the rates lo J per cent., but the greater por tion of them supplied their customers at lg prem. The news of the rrett riot in New York, which reached here on Monday evening, changed the desire which existed in the morning, to transfer funds to New York, and the demand for exchange fell off: BUYING. 8KLILNOXew York par. J, prem. GoM 23&30 prem. prem. Silver ISaiO prem. . prem. Demand notes, 2?30 prem. prem. Kentucky hank notes.. . 22, S prem. .... Indiana State not 2 -'H prem. .... Orders on Washington, di. .... Certificates 11 dis. .... Quartermasters' Vouchers, city Z-H di. .... Quartermasters' Voucher. countrT..... no aale. It will be seen that gold is lower than it was a week ago, but has ruled, notwithstanding comparatively steady. The defest of Lee in his new position will put it down to 125 beyona a doubt. There has been increased firmness in the pro vision market, and a fair amount of business has been done in pork and hacou, but no demand for lard. The particulars are noticed in our general market report. Flour very dull, and not saleable except in small lots to meet the wants f the city dealers, and even in this way not hing but the higher grades are needed. Wheat declined 5c. but red recovered 3c of this up to Saturday. Whisky advanced 41 jc. Corn and oats were iii better demand, and "the l itter l2c better. The suspension of business under the order de daring martial law, unsettled the market for all articles Monday and yesterday, and under the circumstances it would have been impossible to give anvthing like accurate quotations at the close. The railways were 11 interruptsd, and the river commerce suspend!, so that all the channels of supply were cut oft", and prices were asked according to the ideas entertained by holders regarding the duration of the present state of affairs . .Tloriran'i Itaid. If General Morgan is not caught and caged before he leaves Northern soil, the public will be inclined to sny that General Burnsideand his post commanders are of very little value to the country. The raid is so very aud in'ous as to surpass the usual order of adjectives applied to such oc cations, and mark out a new er in our experi ettce There seercs to huve been a general disregard of chances, as though there were no formidable Mxjor Generals and not less formidable lirigadier Generals in the department, to say nothing of thousands of soldiery who are said in hourly dispatches to te swarming at his heels. If the Rebel band were foraging among hencoops in their own native mountains their course could hardly be marked with less trepidation or more cool audacity. We might prehaps ask what Gen. Bnmsidt) is doing in the midst of all this deliberate destruction of Northern property, but we should probably get no answer That he is exercising very uncomfortable sway over Cincinnati is quite evident, but that he annoys the guerrilla chief to the same extent does not appear. Of course Morgan will ruin all the Union men whom he can, lay violent hands on all the horses he meets destroy what railroad bridges come in his wav, and then recross the Ohio as deliberately as he crossed it. He could add to the unblushing effrontery of his conduct in no way except to ride through Cincinnati and pay a state visit to Gen Burnside. Chicago Times. The City ol New York Declared to be In at state of Insurrecu ton Proclamation br Governor Seymour. Whereas. It is manifest that combinations for forcible resistance to the laws of the State of New York, and the execution of civil and criminal process exist in the city and county of New York, whereby the peace and safety of tbe city and the lives and property of its inhabitants are endangered: and Whkrkas, The power of the said city and county has been exerted, and is not sufficient to enable the oflicers of the said city and county to maintain the law of tbe State and execute the legal process of its officers; and W Berkas, Application has been made to me by the Sheriff of tbe city ana county or sstw York to declare the said city and county to be in a tat of insurrection: Now, therefore. I Horatio Seymour, Governor of tbe State of New York, and Commander inCnief of the forces of the same, do, in the name nd by its authority, issue this proclamation, in accordance witb the statute in such cases nade and provided, and do hereby declare the city and count v of New York to be in a state of insurrec tion, and give notice to all persons that the means provided by the laws of the State for the maintenance or law aud oruer win De employ ea to whatever degree mv be necessary, and that all persons who hall, alier the publication of thil proclamation, "resist, or aid or assist in resisting any force ordered out by tbe Governor to quell or suppress sucli insurrection, wm renuer mem selves liable to the penaltiesprescribed by law. Horatio Seymous. New York, July 14, 1863. Ox. Mkadk's Rxiioioit.Tbe New York Freeman's Journal and Catholic Register states that General Meade Is a Catholic in his religious riewi.

Tbe new York Klots. A telegraphic dispatch was received from a

reliable and well informed citizen of New York yesterday afternoon that all was then perfectly safe and quiet, and there was abundant force to command authority. The prompt action of Governor SiTMori and bis coolness in the midst of the terrible excite ment, receives tbe warmest commendations of the best citizens of New York. These qualities, and his executive ability saved the city from a threatened destruction which would have been . calamitous in the extreme. Immediately upon his arrival in the city be issued the following address: To the People of the City of Neva York: A riotous demonstration in your city, originating in opposition to the conscription of soldiers for the military service of the United States, has swelled into vast proportions, directing its fury against the property and lives of peaceful citizens. I know that many of those rho have participated in these proceedings would not have allowed rhemselves to be carried to such extremes of violence and of wrong except under an apprehension of injustice; but such persons are reminded that the only opposition to tbe conscription which can be allowed is an appeal to the courts. The right of every citizen to mske such an appeal will be maintained, and the decision of the courts must be respected and obeyed by rulers and people alike. No other course is consistent With the maintenance of tbe laws, the peace and order of the city and the safety of the inhabitants. Riotous proceedings must and shall be put down. The laws of the State of New York must be enforced, its peace and order maintained, and the lives and property of its citizens protected, at any and every hazard. The rights of every citizen will be properly guarded and defended by the Chief Magistrate of the State. I do therefore call upon all persons engaged in these riotous proceedings to retire to their homes and employments, declaring to them that unless they do so at once I shall use all the power necessary to restore the peace and order of the city. I also call upon all well disposed persons not enrolled for the preservation of order to pursue their ordinary avocations. Let all citizens stand firmly by the constitute! authorities, sustaining law and order in the city, and ready to answer any such demand as circumstances may render necessary for me to make upon their services, and they may rely upon a rigid enforcement of the laws of the State against all who violate them. Horatio Setxour, Governor. New York, July 14, 1163. When the Governor was in his room in the City Hall, the crowd that had been for some time nround the Tribune office, rushed from there tor the purpose of attacking the former. Tbe Herald says: "No sooner had they made their appearance in front of the building than Governor Sit hour rushed out of the room to the steps below, in the midst of the crowd, and addressed them s follows:" SPEECH OF GOT. 8ETMOVR. Fellow Citizens: Hearing there was difficulty in the city. I came down here, leaving the quiet of the country, to do what I can to preserve the public peace A Voice e want you to stay here. Gov. Seymour continued: I came not only for the purpose ot maintaining ;he laws, but also from a kind regard for the in.erests and the wellare of those who, under the influence of excitement and a feeling of suppose-1 rong, were in danger not onlv ot inflicting seri ous blows to the good order of societv, but to their own best interests. I beg you to listen to me as a friend; tor I am your friend, and the friend of vour families. I implore you to take care that no man's property or person is injured; for you owe it to yourselves .ml to the Government under which vou live, to assist with your strong arms in preserving peace and order. Cheers I rely upon you to defend the peace and good orderof the city; and if you do this, and refrain from further riotous acts, I will see to it that your rights shall be protected. Renewed applause. I will say a word about the draft. On Saturday last (before the outbreak com tnenced.) I sent the Adjutant General of the State to Washington, urging its postponement The question of the legality of the conscription act will go to the courts, and the decision of those coutts, whatever it may be. must be obeyed by rulers and people alike If the conscription shall be declared tobe legal, then I pledge myself to use every influence with the State and city authorities' to see that there shall be no inequality between the rich and the poor. 1 pledge myself that money i-hall be raised for the purpose of relieving those who are unable to protect their own interests. There is no occasion for re sistiug the draft, for it bus not yet been enforced. And now, in conclusion. I beg you to disperse; leave your interests in my hands, and I will take care that justice is done to vou, and that your families shall be fully protected. The Governor was greeted throughout with great cheering. Tbe crowd soon after dispersed, and did not gather again in that vicinity during the forenoon The mob received no mercy from any portion of the pre.?, and the Democratic press were especially decided in condemning the riotous proceedings and the violations of law and order. We mske a few extracts from the latter, to show the spirit which animate) them, and as a refutation of the infamous calumnies that Democrats or Democratic papers gave any encouragement whatever to the mob. We quote from the papers of Tueday mornine: From the Journal of Commerce. J Thete is but one word of advice to be given to every ninn. I imprf-s'ses itself on 11 citizens to dav. Sustain the laws! There is no other security. Stand by the constituted authorities, local. Slate ami nation il! Every man has his duty to do Everv voice should be raised in this behalf. It is a pressing duty this morning. Our lives and property are dependent on the fulfillment. The authorities need every man's support, and they mnt have it fKom the World. Let this lawlessness cease. 5Iobs must stop or be put down. No Government cm tolerate them. Anarchy is no refugo trom injustice aud wrong. Your resistance is ill timed and unlawful. The courts still exist in the State of New York. Law and the protection of law is measure! out to the humblest citizen. The Governor of the Slate will suffer no law 10 be disoleyed, whether by mobs or misguided rulers. The firs man the conscription calls unwillingly from his home has it in his power to test the coustiuttionality of the law by which he i selected, and the decisions of the courts will be sustained in the Empire State against any and every power which attempts to override them. From the News. We implore them, (the working classes) therefore, to find other means than lawless violence to oppose oppression. Let them remember that they are American citizens, and should, under no circumstances of provocation, descend to acts of incendiarism and outrage. If they would assert their capacity to be freemen, they must learn to govern themselves and to repress the terrible promptings of their passions. By giving way to excess and to reckless and vindictive violence, they will defeat the objects tbey have in view. If "they have determined to resist the conscription act, let their resistance be that of men, the firm and effective opposition of those who are conscious of a just and righteous cause. Remember, fellow-citizens, it is our duty to prove that we are superior, in the attributes of manhood, to those who are now in power; that we are better able to guide the Ship of State and to bring back peace to our distracted country. It is not by yielding to the impulses ot frenxy that we can substantiate our claim. It is not by tbe wanton destruction of property, by attacks upon uooffnding Degroes, or by giving loose rein to the dictates of revtnge and hate, that we can ele vate ourselves above the level of Abolition fanatics and make ourselves worthy to become the saviors of our country. The World, however, thus apostrophizes tbe men in Washington: Will the insensate men at Washington now at length listen to our voice? Will they now give ear to our warnings and adjurations! Will they now . believe that defiance of law in the rulers breeds defiance of law in the people? Does tbe doctrine proclaimed from the Capitol that in war laws are siient please them put in practice in tbe streets of New York? Will they continue to stop their ears and shut tbeir eyes to the voice and will of a loyal people, which for three long years has told them by -every act and by every word that this war must be nothing but a war for be Union and the Constitution? The Express thus describes the scenes of Monday night: The picture of the city last night, in the misty,

hazy atmosphere, was such as our eyes never before beheld. The buildings fired were giving forth lurid flames, that the atmosphere reflected and refracted in a solemn gloom, while tbe tolling of the fire bells brought back reminiscepces of Moscow burning, and the Kremlin in flames." The state of the atmosphere fearfully exaggerated the spectacle while the excited crowds in the streets, but added to the fearful magnitude of tbe whole scene.. The rain between 11 and

12 o'clock 1 st night (blessed be the rain !) dis-. persed the mob, and sent it off to bed. Rains often are thus more effective than artillery. The Journal of Commerce, of Friday, thus comments upon the origin and progress of the riot: The origin of the riot was in tbe Ninth Con gressional District, where the drafting commenced oa oaturaay last. A great crowd gathered vesterday morning around the office in Third Avenue, where the drafting was in progress. On Saturday the drawing of names had not been interrupted. Sunday intervened and no one anticipated any trouble, nor was there any reason to bei ieve that the occurrences of yesterday were premeditated or organized. On the contrary, there was probably 110 idea of it in the mind of any one concerned, up to the moment of the outbreak. Then a pent up fire seemed to break out suddenly, and the absence of the military forces relied on to check such demonstrations, prevented an immediate suppression .so thatit gained power and assumed enormous proportions. Tbe office on which tbe attack was made is in the Third Avenue, and the riot was at first confined to that loctlity. The ollicers escaped, it is hoped without serious injury, but the furious crowd vented their rage on the building, set fire to it, and then forbade any interference of the fire companies, so that it was destroyed. The fire was not confined to this house. Like the mob, once kindled, it was unresirsined and destroyed what it touched, no one staying its course. From the locality in which it commenced, the riot spread into various parts of the city. Men every where were excitable, and the whole communitv seemed to be in k state of nervous anxiety, while portions of it were resdv to add to the fury of the mob. Nothing was talked of but tbe draft, and the burden of conversation on that subject was the old story which had been ag iin and again talked over, but which now had fresh interest. The rapidity with which the. riot spread is unexampled in history. In a few hours the whole of the upper part of the city was in possession of the mob, and a scene commenced whose horror is beyond description. Without leadership, without any common design, thev selected objects for their attack, and went from one to another with tremendous rapidity. The details of much that was done will be found elsewhere. Much remains unreported, since, for various reasons, it was impossible to collect the facts. Tbe lower part of the city remained quiet until the evening, with the exception of excited crowds in the neighborhood of the Park. At about half pist seven a sudden attack was made on the office of the Tribune. For a few minutes the mob had possession of the building, and a considerable amount of damage was done, when a body of police charged on them, cleared tbe building, and formed a strong gunrd around it. Night then came down on the city in a condition not to be described. From the roof of the Journal of Commerce building the view presented in the misty atmosphere was such as we hope never to see again. In our own neighborhood all was quiet, and profound stillness reigned where the city is by day most crowded and noisy. But in the distance new conflahrations and the remains ef those kindled during the day lit tbe drifting clouds with a red glow, and the shouts of the mob came down to us from fir off scenes of riot. The fire bells have scarcely ceased their loud calls from hour to hour, and the night has been full of alarms and apprehensions. Letter from Archbishop llughea Ap peal to the Catholics of Jim York. THE CONSCRIPTION THE RIOTS. "The first man we ever heard advocate a gen eral conscription for the prosecution of the war for the Union was Archbishop Hughes, in his sermon directly after his last return from Europe last year. He condemned the reliance on volun teering as hazardous, and as placing too large a share of the burden on the generous nnd public spirited, urging that. $ince the obligation to serve rested equally on all. the liability or risk should be apportioned accordingly." Editor Herald: The foregoing paragraph is taken from the Tribune of this morning. It is the latest malignant article against the undersigned with which the Hon. Horace Greeley has been in the habit of favoring him for some time past. 1 ermit me to request of you the insertion of a few remarks in the Herald, which may throw light upon the subject which Mr. Greeley misrepresents and affects to misunderstand. He says that I "condemned the reliance upon volunteering as liiiz irdous, and as placing too large a share of the burden on the generous and public sp;rited, urging that, since the obligation to serve rested equally on all, the liability or risk should be ap portioned accordingly. 1. I did not condemn volunteering. 2. I did not recommend a coercive conscrip tion, but thiit the people of the North, who stand by the Federal Government, should demand conscription hv their own voluntarv choice and act. This would be their own system of volurteering. The main object of mv remarks on the occasion referred to bv Mr Greeley, was to bring the war to a speedy conclusion. The Rt and decisive battle in everv war is necessarily the most mer ciful in its results, since it puts an end to the further shedding of human blood. This was the main object as regards the interests of the country at large. My remarks were not intended for the congregation whoin I was addressing, but for the whole people. Since that time m;uiy most sanguinary battles have been' fought, in which blood sufficient to float a ship of wsr has been hed; and yet it seems that nany other similar battles are yet tobe fought before we come to the final struggle which shall decide the question. I have been attacked by three Catholic laymen, editors ot the Baltimore Mirror, ard by ;i priest of Bedford, Pennsylvania, 9 if I were a man of war. and as if the idea of bringing the war to a speedy termination was a cruelty, instead of al lowing it to fertilize the fields of Tennessee, of Virginia, Maryland, and even Pennsylvania, with periodical supplies of human gore. This is the idea of mercy sud humanity entertained by the proprietors of the Baltimore Mirror and the gentle shepherd of Bedford as to what constitntes humanity and mercy. 3. Another reason that influenced me on the day on which I preached the sermon referred to by Mr. Greelev, was the fact that on my return from Europe I found the number of able bodied men, fathers, brothers, husbands in my congregations vastly thinned, and the widows and orphans multiplied all around me. How could this have happened? Was it all voluntary on the part ot those who abandoned their homes to defend their country? I know that to a great extent it was voluntary and patriotic, especially at the commencement of the war. There were militia regiments in New York who felt that, whether they were Catholics or not, whether they were natives or foreigners, deemed with honorable chivalry that having donned the national uniform they were bound to rush and rally for the defense of the country, which they did. This would be one class; and they were numerous enough to leave not a few destitute widows and orphans far from the field on which they were slaughtered or taken prisoners. But there was another class it was composed of those Irish and Catholic citizens or laborers employed by men of wealth in factories or in other establishments of honorable industry. What I am now about to say is more than I can vouch for of my own personal knowledge. It was stated to me on my return that the employers of these men. immediately after the wsr broke out, suspended their factories and other departments In which human labor had been employed, to compel these Irish and Catholic operatives to enlist, in order that their families might not starve: and that all this was adroitly accomplished under the plea that war had rendered it necessary to suspend all manufacturing establishments; that this pretended necessity was only for the purpose of sending fighting men to the field, by which the neighborhood weuld be relieved" from the presence of workmeu of foreign birth; that, in point of fact, as soon as necescity drove that class away, tbeir places were promptly supplied by other operatives, whilst, in in the meantime, such manufacturers and trafficers upon the public calamities of civil war have been vastly more prosperous than ever before. Sooner than witness such mean and base tricks upon unfortunate laborers, I was then, am now, prepared to approve of a thousand conscriptions, openly appointed by the Governtment; provided, however, that the same shuffling and low trkkery shall not be employed to expose the poor to the dangers of battle and leave the we tlthy to be come wealthier in their quiet homes. , 4. No language of mine could ever be inter preted as recommending the Government to enact a coercive conscription; but, judging by mv own feelings, I supposed that the people ot the North, if tbey bad a Government such as their fathers Instituted a government of which they would be worthy, and which woe'd be worthy of them tbey would have patriotism enough to stand up

as one man and say, "This thing cannot be allowed to go on; either those who have rebelled against the Government must have their rebellion thoroughly put down, or they must put us, who make no rebellion, under their triumphant dominion. But at all eveDts this thing ought not to go cn. All war must come to an end, especially when only one side is disposed to offer pesce, which the other cornfully rejects " The substance of what has just been expressed will be found in the following extract from my sermon, which I offer for the reconsideration ol tbe Hon. Horace Greeley, the three publishers and proprietors of the Baltimore Mirror, and the Rev. Thomas Heyden, of Bedford, Pennsylvania. After having spoken of my observations in Europe, among the highest autliorities and guides of public opinion on that continent, I made known that, according to my observation, there was no good feeling toward the United Stales even in this struggle for self preservation, and at the close of this narrative it seems, by some reporter's account of my sermon, that I used the following words: I do not know what may happen in case tLis wsr should continue, as it has continued since I left this country. The news renders all attempts at judging fairly impossible, because it is contradictory and confused. It is difficult for one even acquainted with the country to comprehend bow the land lies; much more is it so with those who are not acqainted with it. 'or is it in any one's power to say with absolute certainty what must happen if this war continues. And, in the meantime, what is the prospect of its coming to an end? I do not see any prospect. There does not appear to be an issue; and it may be that God, for some design of his own, which future generations can appreciate, has allowed this war to scourge us in order to bring future benefits to the human race. There are things that no man can pretend to fathom questions that depend on so many additional circumstances for their solution; but there is one thing and one question that should be clear to every mind. It is this, that if a war of this kind should be continued for many years it is recognized as beicg allowable for other nations to combine in their strength and put an end to it. Better for the people themselves to ?ut an end to it with as little delay as pos-ib!e. t is not a scourge that has visited us alone. From the beginning of the world wars have been nation against nation snd oftentimes the most terrible of all wars, which is not a war of nation against nation, but brother against brother. How long is this to go on? If it goes on. what is to be the result of it? As affording a pretext for all the Powers of Europe to combine to put an end to it? And, although I would not say that even then they should not be permitted to interfere when tney interfered through benevolence, and above all when the sword might be put at rest but I do say to every man that, if they interfere, and if they interfere successfully, if the country and the Government are not maintained by every sacrifice that is necessary to maintain them, then your United States will become a Poland then it will becomedivided the strife will multiply across every border; every State, or every section, will claim to be independent and make itself an easy prey for those who will turn and appropriate the divisions of the people of this Country for their own advantage. Oh! let it not be so. I know little of what has transpired here during my absence. I have had scarcely time to look at the papers since my return. But, at all events, much has been done, though not much has been realized, towird terminating this unfortunate war. Volunteers have been appealed to in advance of tbe draft, as I understand; but for my own part, if I had a voice in the councils of the country, I would say let volunteering continue. If the three hundred thousand on your list be not enough this week,

next week make a dntt of three hundred thousand more. It is not. cruel this is mercy, this is humanity. Anything that will put an end this drenching with blood the whole surf ice ot the country, that will be humanity Then every man on the continent, rich or poor, will have to take his share in the contest. Then it will not be left with the Government, whatever Government it will be, to plead with the people and call on them to come forward and ask them if they would be drafted. No, it is not for them, the people, to rise and ask the Government to draft them; and those who are wealthy and can not go themselves can provide substitutes, and bring the thing to a close, if it can be done. No doubt the same effort will be made on the other side and who can blame them? For the ske of humanity we must resort to some course of this kind. In the meanwhile, beloved brethren, it is enough for us to weep for this calamity, to pray God that it be put to an end, to make sacrifice of everything we have to sustain the independence, the unity, the perpetuity, the prosperity, of the only Government we acknowledge in the world. But it is net necessary to hate our enemies. It is not necessary to be cruel in battle, nor to be cruel after its termination. It is necessary to be true, patriotic, to do for the country what the country needs; and the blessing of God will reef mpense those who discharge tbeir duty without faltering and without violating any of the laws of God or man. I may have been mistaken in my estimate of humanity snd mercy and patriotism, as expressed in the foregoing remarks, and it may be that my critics Greeley of the New ork Tribune; Kelly. Heyden and Piet, proprietors of the Baltimore Mirror, nnd the Rev. Mr. Heyden of Bedford, Penn., are correct in their views of humanity in desiring that the w;r should be interminable. But not al! the Tribunes, or Mirrors, or country persons in the United States, can change my convictions of humanity, or patriotism, 011 that score For all these gentlemen and for their objections, there is a document already in manuscript to refute them, individually and collectively. But I could not expect that any daily paper would have space, however well disposed its editor might te. for the publication of such a document. When printed, it shall stand by itself in the form of a smill volume. Two lemnrks, ami I shall have done. One i-. that some years ago, I was the means of preventing a riot in the city of New York, and that Mr. Greely on that occasion pronounced in his p.iper that better the streets of New York should flow with blood than allow the supposition that tne civil authority was insufficient or indisposed to preserve order and to protect life and property, th:m that these results should be due, directly or indirectly, to ecclesiastical influence Even now Mr. Greeley, either by himself or by his reporters, charges our present troubles upor the Irish. He ssys that all those who have been arrested are Irish No doubt. The Irish are fit to take their share on the battle field in defending the country. Then they are very fit to be arrested snd taken up as inocuous victims of onr municipal laws. I was in New York when the first number of Mr. Greeley's paper was published. Its first theory was that all international quarrels might be settled by peaceful arbitration. This lasted for a time. But Mr. Greeley was an advocate for revolution in every other country; and, having passed once through Italy, he saw the country, and of course, more or less, even the people, through the windows of the vetterino; and when be returned he published a little book of bis travels, tbe amount of which was that the Italians were unlikely, if not unfit, to enjoy liberty, unless they could look down a cannon's throat, in which statement he imposed upon them a feat, the accomplishment or'imitation of which no human man would suspect Mr. Greeley to be capable. There are many things bearing upon Mr. Greeley's homily to me, in his paper of tbe 9th inst., which in another way, and at xbe proper time shall be taken notice of. fJOHS HlGHKS, Archbishop of New York. New York, July 14, 1S63. rOSTSCEIFT. In spite of Mr. Greeley's assault upon the Irish, in the present disturbed condition of the city I will appeal not only to them, but to all persons who love God and revere the noble Catholic religion which they profess, to respect also the laws of man and the peace of society, to retire to their homes with as little delay as pos-Mul , and disconnect themselves from the seemingly deliberate intention to disturb the peace and social rights of the citizens of New York. If they are Catholics, or of such of tbem as are Catholics. I ask, for God's sake for the sake of their holy religion for my own sake, if they have any respect for the Episcopal authority to dissolve their bad associations witb reckless men, who have little regard either for divine or buman laws. tJous, i.e., kc. In his speech to the Mississippi Legislature, made about nine months since, Jefferson Davis said, with reference to holding the line of the river, that it was a "necessity not only to the people on its banks, but to the Confederacy itself. Yicksburg and Port Hudson are points that must be defended, and every effort roust be strained for the purpose. The Confederacy must stand or fall by the defense of the river!" Blockade Rcsxtas A letter from off Charleston harbor to the New York Tribune says: Three steatcji succeeded in getting ia during the Uiree weeks proceeding the '2iL ult. A battery, apparently formidable, has appeared near Fort Sumter, and it is reported that three iron-clad rams have been built at Charleston.