Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 7, Indianapolis, Marion County, 13 July 1863 — Page 4

WEEKLY SENTINEL.

MONDAY, ? JULY 13. T&e interest Questian. In our paper of the 1st of Jnlj we published tbe correspondence between Colonel Joh.x C. Walke. Ageot of Suite, anl Messrs. Wixsiovr, La nice k Co , in regard to tbe proposition of tbe latter, upon certaiu condition, to ad ranee money tj pa j tbe interest due on that date. This correspondence occurred on tbe 524th, 25th and 26d d.m of June. The final proposition of Wisi-l-o w. Lasur Co was as follows: That you should, in the capacity of the A cent of State, go on and pay each creditor entitled thereto on jour dividend books, taking the receipt of each in the o.-mal form, you to draw jour ß.cial check on bur house, to the order of each party entitled thereto, expressing on the f4ce of ouch check that it la jriven for the July dividend on stocks. Thee checks we will pay, and hold the same our vnuchrrt until t wo are reimburse'. . r i This offer was declined bj Col Walke, on the 26th of June, and on tbe same day be forwarded to usa!tthcorrepoudence that bad then occurred betweeu him and WisslowLaniw k Co. for publication. Col. Walk dkl not refuse die proposition upon the ground that it would' make 'himself and bis securities liable to Wijuaow, Lamer k Co., in cae the State fail to pay them," although it was evidently the intention of the latter to hold the former personally responsible, and such would be the effect if Winslow, Lanie k Co. should not be reimbursed bj the State. If the Journal will favor Its readers with the letter of the Agent of State to Wixslow, Laxier k Co., ther will then be able to appreciate the reasons which induced CoL Walkkk to decline a proposition which they had not the remotest idea would be accepted. r We reproduce Col. Walker's reply to the NVw York bankers, to s-how the considerations which influenced him in declining their proposition: CbriCE Txpmxa Statu Aoxsct. ' ). 'rw York Citt. June 25, 163. a r Messrs.. Winslow, Lanier $ Co.: Gt.xTLtMtx: Your f.ivoref the 24th int. haa been received and duly considered. In reply. I beg leave to say. that in common with every citizen of Indiana, I am exceedingly anxious that the creditors of our State shall be promptly paid that which U due to them. The State has amply provided fr Ihera all. Her Treasury- is full and her tax-payers will keep it so for every lawful deni !d. All th it s needed is that the Legislature th.tll have an opportunity to make the appropriations to give the financial officers ( the State authority to disburse the funds I hope it is correct, as you state in your letter, th ;t the "reasons" why the "next July interest on the funded debt of the S'ate of Indiana" will not be paid at that time nre"puUicly known." The people of Indiana, with the ir'snf before the country npon them, elected a majority of Democrats to represent them in the Legislature of the Se ite. To prevent the legislation demanded by the people, the Republican minority of the House of Representative, in.-tinted by Governor Morton, and in vi-dalion of their iworti duty, deserted their posts, ar.d left that body without a quorum to do business. By this revolutionary proceeding the aetd appropriating moneys to defray the expenses of the State, to pay the accruing interest on the State debt, to carry on the benevolent institutions, and to keep up the St ite prison, failed to become laws. In cuusequence of thi. there are thousands of creditor of the State at horn- who suffer already for their just Ines, and,' as you mention, the credit ol the Slate abroad is also about to suffer from the anticipated faiinre to meet the accruing interest on her funded debt The majority of the Legislature are ready and anxious to make those appropriations, not only to pay yourselves and the class of creditor to whom you refer, hut other creditors for a large amount, whose claims are equally just. ' Through you. Governor Morton now asks me, as an officer of the State, whose duties the law prer-cribe. to co-operate with him and to furnish the records and facilities of my office, for what purpose? .Not to facilitate the State to pay her interests or to add to her pecuniary resources for the arrangement you propose is only & transfer of some portion of the indebtedness to other parties. And you plainly state that you ask this, not as an individual about to buy and operate in the certificates of the State, in a business way, (und a., tiucii reasonably entitled to information.) but in connection with arrangement entered upon at the "e.'-rnest solicitation of Gov. Morton and other citizens of the State." For an officer of Indiana, who has respect for his duty to himself and his State, to become a party to Governor Morton's real purpose in this scheme, is impossi Me. That object is not to "save the cred't of the Slate." hut to continue himself in his unlawful and disastrous purpose to override the Constitu tion and law of Indiana, to arrogate to himself the function of all other departments of the State Government, and to set at defiance the people and the Legislature. : Governor Morton, if he is faithful to the duties of his offi:e. and to the wishes and i utere-a of Indiana, will promptly convene the Legislature, and let them, as they will do, if his friends will remain at their posts, appropriate the money for the payment of the- demands of her creditors. The Governor prefers to rash into all sorts of temporizing ex dient. arid shifts). brinj;in the j;ood name and financial credit of hi State into lud repute with evrry holder ami hawker of claims against her. "The honor nnd interest of Indi ina require that her faithful servant and friends hall withdraw countenance from him in bis m d career. The State does not need that creditors at home or abroad should be call cl upon to postpone their dem itiis, hor, on the other hamf, that individuals should be asked to advance money for her. The party or parties who unnecessarily subject her to . the ha tni1. of such apparent confession, or who seem to sanction it as hein-; necessary, in fact only insult and dishonor her. Governor Morton has his partisan politics and his selfirb ambition to prompt him, and I will not lend myself to a furtherance of his acts, which are revolutionary and ruinous. He has no ri-ht, after the people of Indiana have taxed themselves and filled their Treasury for the purpose of paying their debt, still in his obstinacy, to ask them to accept n a favor the advancement of faads from individuals to save thini from dishonor. Without, therefore, intending disrespect to you, gentlemen, 1 mut decline to render assistance to the Govvtnor in his attempt to carry on the State Government in defiance of law and without that legislation which the Supreme Court has decided essential in the premises. , . , Trulv Tours, ' ' J. C. Walker. ".'; Agentof the State of Indiana. Such are the considerations that influenced the decision of Col. Walker, and what honest man but will admit their potency? . '' t ' But the Journal complains or charges that we ' did not publish all the correspondence between the parties. .We gave 11 that parsed between them up to and including the 26th day of June . The court organ produces another letter from 'Willow, Laxixk & Co., which it regard of hieb importance, bat it does not meet the issues made by Col. Walker. Unlike the Journal, which refuse to publish the entire eorrespondeoxe and especially the letter of Col Walker, ef ' June 25th, we are Dot ouly willing but anxious -that all thouW be mde pob-iir; Hence we give the .d low lag from W.-LOY-LViut k'C, wWcb ' that piper charges us witli auppressing: JJakkixo Drnci or Wuslow. Lixtra k C04) . , f No. 52, Wall strikt, ?J f.w Yoa, .... V - . .. June 21, 1063. . ' S Joh.i C. Walkkr. Esq , Aeent State wf Indiana: Dear Sir: We yesterday receive! your reply " to ouf"M-inr piopoiltTort "We shoul'17 pefTaps, have said therein üiat we did ao propose to hold jou personally responsible, in case you should agree to our request. u We now say so 44 t Verv Truly. Wisslow, Laxier k Co. ' Tbe Jrnmal baa published this letter twiceJ It "vm not written by WinslowvLaxikw k Co."', en 1 tbe 21 t of June.. It could not bate been, for it puruort to be an answer to a letter of Colonel1 f Walker's, daled" on the 2Cth "of that 'month. Whv ihi fraud Mdrrojr 4 Co.? , Tin Exiotua-isT We understand rthat tha enrollment of this entire district has been completed and that, io, without aoj trouble or , disturbance whatever. , So much, for the daily .. repeated Ilea of tbe vr.nsvill Journal and other small fry. that there was an organized opposition to the execution of tfce conscript w.JYiD cennes Sun.

Sprech of Judfe l"erktn at Anderson. Indiana July 4tl I 3 .llataly In iCefert-nee to tlie tlelution of tle 1 n1on f the Ftates to the; liberties 1 ot the People.4" ' - , . , A.vDHisoii, Iso Jul 6, 1363. Hon. S E. Prrkint; 1a' A . : Dkar Sjr: We, the undersigned, at the rref $olieiiminn of many : per.-on who were on the ground, but were unal.le to hear vour aidre at the time ot its deliverv.Vm hist Saturdav, owing

to the immense numbers present, requ of , th am for publication', J ' -. ' i j i " Resrect full v, your , Xc., uer a c.py . : . Richard Lake, Ladies axd Okstlimex: Toil will accept as some pology. not ouly tor the brevity, but als) the non eiatxration of thid addtess,the fact that 1 had but one day's notice of your desire that 1 should SDeak to you on this occasion.' ' ; Fellow Citizens: The individual happiness and prosperity of the citizens of a civilized com mnntty depeud mainly upou good government. Your hixueet erthly , interosu therefore, demand your most earnest attentiou to the origin, history, and to all that pertains to the administration of the government of this Republic; and the thousands assembled here to da v, and the generous preparations made for their physical entertainment, clearly evince that the people of this section of the State are both public spirited and alive to the general welfare. ? ' - , . ' - 1 To day is tbe Fourth of July. It is the anniversary ot our separate national existence. That national existence originated in the Declaration of Independence; and it is therefore very natural to inquire, what led to that declaration, what consequences followed, what there is ot interest connected with that bo celebrated act? : If I ran otter a single word here to-day that shall tend to direct yonr minds aright, while you are meditating upon these things, and determining upon your duties as citizens of the State and United States, I shall feel that the occasion baa not been without profit. We meet to-day under solemn circumstauces. Our people are engaged in tbe most stupenduoua civil war in the world's history. A war growing out of controversy about the powers, duties, and a?ts committed or apprehended, of our common government. The occasion is more appropriate to careful, honest investigation thai to unmeaning declamation. . The main purpose of the few desultory remarks I may make to dav, will be to show tbe historical relation of our Union to the question of the libiriift of the peoThe Declaration of Independence dismembered the British Emp're, by taking out from under its government, the American Colonies. That dismemberment was not an end sought. It was not accomplished for the sake of iLself, it was not that the colonists desired to be independent of the British Government that independence was declared; but independence separation from Great Britain was a means, seemingly a necessary one. to a desired end; an ead that the colonists had determined should be achieved, no matter ut what cost, which end was thk liberty of the people freedom from arbitrary powtr in Government. Separation was resorted to with extreme reluctance, was yielded to, in fact, only as an inevitable necessity to the treat end determinedly fixed upon. The Declaration of Independence had nothing to do, directly, with the Umos of the States the word Umo.v is not found in it. Independence , was a nreans to enable the people to escape the exercise of tyranny, arbitrary power upon them individually by the Government. - AikI what is tyrauny, arbitrary power in government? It is a government at the will or discretion of Executive power, independent of, or without the use of separate legislative and judicial power, government without parliament, without the legislature, regardless of established lawy;and manifests itself in illegal taxation, in arbitrary arrests of the citizens, in depriving them of free conscience, speech, press and suffrage. Such is tyranny, arbitrary power. All tyranny must practically execute itself upon the citizen, directly or ftidirectlv. in touching his property or personal rights. Tueje two terms cover, embrace his all; and it has been the lawless invasion of these that has hi all tim'js, cost tyr.itits their heads. And let me here declare to you, the lawless invasion of the rights of a single citizen is a crime against every citizen of the State, for the rights of one a-e the rights of all, and the injury of one is the injury of all, because the fate of one maybe, bv the time power, the lite of all. Every single eitiztn has a right to the entire power of the government for his protection. ... The unredressed injury, by . a foreign government, of a single American citizen, would be cause of war, and might justify spilling oceans of blood. Tyranny.'arbitrarj government, is the government of a tyrant, and who is a tyrant? Says old John Milton, the immortal poet, in his "leiw ure of Kings and Magistrates." tmblished in "A tyrant, whether bj wrong or by right, com ?ng to the crown, is he who, regarding neither law nor the common pood, reigns only for him self and his faction? Thus St. Basil among oth ers defines him; and because hs power is great, his will boundless and exorbitant, the fulfilling 'whereof for the most part is accompanied with innumerable wrongs and oppressions of the peolle, murders, massacres, rapes, adulteries, desolation, and subversion of cities and whole prov ince; look bow great a good and happiness a just King is, so great a mischief is a tyrant; as he the public Father of his Country, so this the common enemy, against whom what the people may lawfully do, against a common pest and destrover of mankind. I suppose no man of clear judgment need go further to be cu'ded than by the verv principles of nature in him." ' - Our fathers, when living under King George were living under a tyrant. He governed them by arbitrary power, and our faihers determined that to escape such tyranny they bad a riixlit to resist his government bv force, snd to withdraw from under iu jurisdiction. This the Declaration of Independence shows. It speaks for itself. Hear it: We hold these truths to be self evident that all mPu are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these rights are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rig'its, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to aboliwh it. and to in stitute new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and bappiuess. .Prudence, indeed, wil dictate that all Governments, long established, should not bechanced for light and transient causes, and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are su'dVrable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same ohjeot, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it ia their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of thes colonies, and snch is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former system of government. The history of the present King of Great Pritiin, js a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object tho establishment of an absolute tyranny over the- States. To prove thr. let fact be submitted to a candid world ' Then follows a long enumeration of acts of 'atblTrary power" on the part of the "KingTwhTch close with tlw declaration that "A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. The Declaration of Indepedence, then, is as sociated with the idea of struggles on the part of the people against the government to obtain and defend the personal liberty and personal securi'v of the citizen a glorious and hallowed association. ' , 'V '. - ' Bat though the Declaration of Independence Aid not cre.ite, fid was pot directed to the Union of the Americ .11 States, yet such a Union h existed, still ex's', and Hod grant it forever mat exf-t It In S been agjurlou Union; may it le such again! """" ' " But why was the Lidon formed what was its ol'iectY 1 i Tin? Unü'w'Vifs not vrtated 'end,- h, lile the DrcUri ivm vf JudjJV'detMt w is one of fbe mean adopted to secure another gre it object as the all important end, vie: thk riohta$ libkrtiesj or thi prople; to secure them Iron domestic and foreign aggressions. This fact should never be forgolteo -. , .. ,, - . , Historically there have, been three tage in our National Union: .,,,, . - l. A mere voluntary association or Union, at will, without terms 0 "obligationsformed a!tiplj by consultation meetings of Governors, Commissioners or delegates, to whose recommendations olentary ebedience was generally paid? nnder patriotic influences. ...... ; The Union of this stage was formed, not as an end; but aaw joemrs of reflating tbe tyranny, the arbitrary rule of King George, and thus .gaining and defending the liberties of the people. "Brit Isb oreion,.' slid Patrick Henry, in the Philadelphia meeting of 1774,'MeCected thlaUnion.? It was formed, and continued to exist between

the colonies while , they w ere subject to Great ßritai,.. Wjththis Unior, Jbe Colonies carried oa rar agiioit their Own Government at the de-ti ferse of their Ufierties, "within, the Union," with , Grc:it Britain, front the battle of Lexinirton and Concord, April 19, 1775, to July 4. 1776, nearly a 'year and a quarter, before' thev separated from the parent nation, and with this Union they con- 1 tinned the war of ti e Revolution till the appeas- ' ancoof tbe Union of the second stage, in 1778. 1 The Union of this, the first stage, then, was ' formed, not as an end, but as a means of obtain- 1 ing fbetw-people personal liberty. 'The cod was t accomplifchetrat that time: . 2. The UiJUof the second stage was formed,' bv the Articles' or Confederation, July, 1778. This was a voluntary- Ut ton, with specified term, und. for n declared, end, fit: Art. 3, "their common defense, thk secuhitt or their liberty and their MriLfl and general welfare." Thi. Upiou of tbe second it-.ge, tlieu, wag formed not ; as an end but as. a means of securing the continued enjoyment of the popular liberties which had beeu gained uuder the Union of the first gstae. The.. Union of. the second,. .stage .lacked the power of self preservation . , 3. The Union of the third stage succeeded the Union of. the, second, and was ormed .by .our present Constitution. It was voluntary, bat upon specified terms and with power of Velf perpetual tlon. What was the purpose of this Union of the third stage?- l, -.was-noV .wholly an end, but mainly a mcatkCuiv iotrurucntalUy, for what? Let it answer for itself. The preamble to the Constitution declares that the cud for which it w as adopted is to make theUniou more perfect, ko., "And secure the blrtiinga of liberty to our telret and our posterity ." . ' ' This abort review of. the history of our Independence and Union, shows that the great end for which they were accomplished was the perpet ual liberty of the people, and instructs us that as the Union was made to secure our liberties, we must never allow it, tor the sake of itself, to be diverted from its original purpose, to be made the instrumeht or the pretext for the destruction of those very liberties it was mainly designed to guard. This review also points to tbe duties which we, as citizens, have to perform. Fellow citizens: Time and events have devolved upon us the solemn duties, viz: - Of preserving the liberties of this people by vigilantly guarding them against attacks of arbitrary power. , . Of preserving the Union of these States, fearfully endangered by the unconstitutional acs of extremists and fanatics in all sections of the common country. Of preserving our National Independence put in hazard, to some extent, by our domestic quarrels. History teaches that all Governments are proue to usurp arbitrary, tyrannical

powers over the citizens, to justify such usurpa tion by the plea of necessity, known us the tyrant's plea, and to remain short sighted enough to continue to exercise such powers after the people have become sufficiently enlightened to know their rights. Such folly has caused' the overthrow of most of the fallen dynasties. Take the example of Charles the First, of England. For what was he dethroned? What were the complaints of the people against him? I take this case, because it so clearly shows us that the ideas of to day passed through the minds of our ancestors and were decided upon by them. The complaints gainst King Charles are clearly set forth in charges against his Ministers, one of whom was the great Lord Strafford, who, as Mr. Thomas Weutwoith h id been an ardent Democrat,, but who, us Lord Strafford, with place, pow. er and money, went over to administration to the sideot'despotie power, and became the most "thorough" persecutor of his former political associates; also they appear, in accusations against King Charles himself on bis trial. Against him it w as charged "that the aaid Charles Stuart, being admitted King of England, and therein trust ed with a limited power to govern by, und according to the laws of the land and not otherwise; and, by his trust, oath and office, being obliged to use the power committed to him for the good ami benefit of the peonle, and for the preservation of their rights and liberties; yet, nevertheless, out of a wicked design to erect and uphold in himself an unlimited und tyrannical' power, to rule according to his will, and to overthrow the rights and liberties ot the people yea, to take away and make void the foundations thereof, and of all redress and remedy of misgoverntnent, which, by the fundamental constitutions of this Kingdom, were reserved on the people's behalf, in the rights and privileges of frequent and successive meeting of Parliaments, or national meetings in council, kc." The charges against Strafford, the most influ ential and confidential Minister of Charles, and oil which charges he lost his head, were th-it he obtained authority from the King to exercise powers subversive of all laws, and whereby he made arbitrary arrefts, and declared " that the people should find the King's lifle finger heavier than the loins of the law." In short, that he was aid ing the King in an attempt to subvert the Junda mental Inics of the country, and to govern by execultce power. - Andt he pie 1 of necessity and good intention as put in bv Charles and his Cabinet Ministers to justify heir arbitrary acts; but tint illustrious patriot und strict con tructionist, John I'jm, could not see the propriety ot allowing such a plea, and the people of his day agreed with him. He itiM-ted that looi! intentions could not justify a thing wrong in its very self, and that the plea 01 necessity, as a justification lur tne exercise 01 rbitiarv, illegal p wer upon the citizen, bv the Government, was utterly destructive of all liberty in the people, and subversive of all security. The doctrine, said 1 vrn, in a speech in Par liament, more than two hundred years ago, that "in case of danger the King may impose upon his subjects, ami that he is the sole judge of the danger, necessity and proportion, is, in brief, to enable him to take what, when and where he will, which doctrine, though delivered in the time of a gracious and merciful pjitice, who, we hope, will not wrest it bevond our abilities, vet, when left to the interpretation of . a succeeding tyrant, if ever this nation be so unfortunate as to fall into the hands of such, it is a record wherein every man might read himself a slave that reads it, having nothing be can call his own, but nil prostitute to the will of auother."- ' ; ; He proceeds: "The law is the ' boundary, the measure be twixt the Kmr s prerogative and the peoples liberty; but if these bounds be so removed that they enter into contestation and conflict, one of these mischiefs must ensue: if the prerogative of the King overwhelm the liberty ot the peoule, it will be turned into tyranny; if liberty undermineth prerogative, it will grow into an anarchy. "The law hath a power to prevent, to restrain, to repair evils. Without this, all kinds of mischief and distemper will break in upon a State. It is the law that doth entitle the allegiance and service of his people. King to the "If you takeaway the law, all things will fall into a confusion. Every man will become a law to himself, which, in the depraved cotu.itiou of human nature, must needs produce many great enormities Lust will become a law. and envy will become a law; covetousness and ambition wili become laws; apd what dictates, what decisions such laws will produce, may easily be discerned in the late Government of Ireland." And, he contended, that if ihere was a necessity then existing for going beyond the law. and exercising arbitrary power, that very necessity had 'been created by t.ie illegal, arbitrary acts of the Executive and military officers, provoking the people into acts of violent resistance. See Life ol .ym in Förster, British Statesman. Thus thought and thus acted our patriot ancestera, .before . the , middle of the 17th century, as to arbitrary tovernments. It is earnestly to be hoped that ours, the wisest and best in sti ucture 011 e.Tth. will not, in administration, commit the tatMVnftsrake f the past.'wtrVitot split oporl such a rock. It is the great trust of the people to see tint it does not The people must compel adoitnidtrariou t cot fwe itself strictly, wiihnt constitutional and legal limits, or the Constitution and laws will soofl heeae despised, .and disre garded trumpery. All respect and veneration for them will disappear, perhaps beyond recall. J This power the' people most' xrV though the f ballot box. and a public sentiment formed by free d'fta' ,1 be- iBntrumefitabUe opeii to 111, under our happy form of government, and will supersede, we may nope, tor an time, tne necessity of a resort to force, the only means assessed by the subjee of hereditary despot isms. I fear we may hope to recover a lost Union easier than we can the lost liberties of this great people. ,. But, in addition to our liberties, we must preserve the union of these States. Their union i. not a necessity to the enjoyment of personal liberty under our State governments. TftC ubi lit r the territorial limit Oft Sie;a a general rule, the less power is possessed by the government and the more liberty by the people. But the union of the States is a necessity to our greatness, glory and power as tt nation, to the freedom of our commerce and intercourse, to our security from foreign aggression, and, we had believed, from domestic war. But to give us the; tleHfr8 tbe Union1 roust Jie one of peace and good wili among the States and citizens of them, a Union of affection and interest upon specified terms, which shall secure justice to all, and which, terms must be carefully re pected bv all. Down to lti60, our Union remained in tuet: It

was then unjustifiably assailed by a Southern reb ell km. I say unjustifiably, for up to that Lime the Government of the Union bad fulfilled its obligations to the South. .Northern people and

IS orihern States had not done so, and a party thst had threatened not to do so, obtained poa session of the National Government in 1660-61. Tbe South were alarmed, and had re.isou to be to some extent; but the means, lost bj their ithdrawal from Congress, of protecting their rights ja the Union, existed ia tbe bands of tbe South, and their rebellion was, therefore, utter ly unjustifiable and enormously criminal, indeed, agaiust the friends of strict constitutional Government in the North. But the Union still exists, in law, as com completely as ever, aud will till the Federal Gov ernment shall acknowledge the separate independence of some part of it, or, at lost, shall cease efficiently to attempt to enforce its own authority thertiu. Tbe act of secession being toid, is ino.e-ative to take a State out of the Union without the consent of the parent Governmeut. But though tbe Union still exists, in theory, a portion of the states refuse to act in tne union practically by sending representatives to ttie Federal Congress nnd participating generally in carrying on the machinery of Government, and in obeying the laws, but forcibly resist doing so. And two things seem necessary to obviate the trouble: 1. To disarm those making forcible resist ance. 2. The existence of a non-combatant mass of citizens, voters who shall be friendly to the Fed eral Union in each rebellious state, and willing to net in it and carry on the functions of a civil state, in harmonv with the rcderal Government, in the limits of the geographical State. How these two things are to be brought about I am not able now to say with certainty. I think I know how they could have been accomplished at an earlier day in the contest. Thev could then hare been done, as thej ought to have been, bv consenting to just guarantees. by the instrumentalities ot peace and justice. But that time has gone hr. (Jther causes of irritation and hate have since been added by the ac tion of the Administration, to those preexisting; all the people of the South have been so united In rebellion, as to present the alternative of con stant wr or the extermination, not only of tbe men in arms, but of all the white men, women and children of that section, thus leaving our "American citizens of African descent," now held to be all free, with a few white overseers or superintendents, to carry on the organize I civil State, within the limits of the geographical State, now in the Union, anil thus resiore their political connection with the Federal Government. This, it seems to tne, is what the Administration has determined to achieve by war this I understand to be what is nie int by the President's policy of segregating the African portion of Our free American citizens, as the great mass of negroes in the laud now are, according to the President's proclamation, and the opiuiou of the Attorney General, Mr. Bates. More than a million of gallspt soldiers, with out distinction of party, for upwards of two years, have endured the hardships of war, in winter and in summer, in wet and in cold, on the march, in the camp, the h-jspital, and on the bloody field. Cheerfully have they marched forward ready to sacrifice home and ease and health and life, in the great undertaking of con quering the rebellion, and giving peace to our once happv Lnion. 1 hey have, by their heroic deeds, honored themselves, their States, the na tion; and multitudes of them have vindicated their patriotism by giving up their lives. Gaily they inarched forth to the region of rebellion to return no more. Honor to their names. Often let us pause and bestow upon their memories the tribute of a silent tear of sorrow. Tbey properly acted in obedience to the call of their government without enquiring into the judiciousness of that call, or the wisdom of the particular policy which they were required to c irry out. May that policy, even though the worst that the government could have adopted, still be successful in rest.or ing unity, peace, prosperity and happiness to our suffering, bleeding country. The Union must never le dissolved, ' it must be perpetuated. It would seem that we now have men enough in the field to annihilate the South. I think we have. It cannot be possible tint the South can much longer resist our legions. Bui it seems to be the opinion of the Adminisiration that to accomplish theextermiuatiuuof the white rebellious rare of the South, more men must be had from the North. Indeed, a call lor more has been made. Aud here I must again, with great reluctance, express regret at the general policy pursued by the supporters of the Administration, upon two points, viz: 1. The general character which they eeem de sirous should be given, and which, as we have above intimated, we think his been given to the war, outside of the great olject of putting down the rebellion, and about which we shall add nothing further heie; and, 2. The course adopted toward the Democratic party, comprising a moiety, at least, of the people of the North. I think the policy ou this latter point tends much to discourage enlistment and cool fight ing enthusiasm, wiiich is grievously to be lamented. It tends to divide the North. The policy of which I complain, and with no little feeling of indignation, is that of denouncing und barrassing Democrats as traitors, and that, too, for political ends. The assumption of fact in the case is utterly false, and the reasoning by which it is sought to be established is absurd. The reasoning is this: The people of the South tiever belonged tn the modem Republican party, and did not vote for Mr. Lincoln The people of the South are trai tors; therefore, people who do not belong to the Republican party are traitors. But Democrats do not belong to the Republican party, and differ from that partv as to the policy of the Administration; therefore, Democrats are traitors to their country. This reasoning is as souud us that in the fol low ing cases: "It seems that by the Mahommedan law there is an offense called 'homicide by implication,' or more strictly, 'homicide by an intermediate ctMise. A remarkaoie case was trieu at the Greek island of Cos, while Dr. Clarke and his companions were at that island, a few years ago. It was as foilows; A young man desparatelv in lave with a girl of Stanchio, eagcriv sought to marrv her; but his proposals were rejected. In consequence of his disappointment he bought some poison and destroyed himself The Turk ish police instantlv arrested the father of the young w oman, as the cause by implication, of the man riealii. Unoer the nlth species of homi cide, he became therefore amenable lor this act of suicide. When the cause came before the magistrate, it was urged literally bv the accusers, that 'If be, the accused, had not had a daughter, the deceased would not have fallen in love; consequently be would not have been disappointed; consequently he would not hare swallowed poi son; consequently he would not have died: But he. the ccu-ed, had a d aughte; and the deceased bad fallen in love; and bad been disappointed; and had swallowed poison; and had died. Upon all the-e account he was called upon to pay the price of the young man's lite; ami this being fixed at the sum of eighty piastres, was accord ingly exacted. "Another instance was mentioned to Dr. Clarke which occurred at the island of Samos, as a char acteristic feature of Turkish justice; that is to say, a eophis'.ical application of a principle. rigidly founded upon this fifth species of 'homicide by implication." The Capudan Pasha reasoned with the people of Simos on the propriety of their paying for a Turkish frigate, which was wrecked upon their territory, and the crew lost, because the accident would not have happened unless their island had been in the way.' "But case of a much more atrocious and important kind have occurred in all governments tinctured with despotism. It is determined by the laws of China that whosoever shows any dis repect to the' Emperor is t be punished with death." As they do not mention In what this disrespect consists, anything mav furnish a pretext to take away a man's life, nnd to exterminate any family w hetever. Two persona in that country, who were employed to write the Conrt Gazette, havinff inserted some circumstances rela tive to a certain faetthst were not true.it was pretended that to tell a lie in the Court Gazette was a disrespect shown to tbe court; in conse quence of which they were put to öeath. A prince of the blood having Inadvertently made same remark on a memorial signed witn tne rea pencil of the Emperor, it was determined that he had behaved disrespectfully to that prince; which was the cause of one or the most terrible perse cutions agains-t that family that ever was re corded in historv. Upon these facts Montesquieu makes the judicious remark that if the crime of high treason be indeterminate, this alone ia tnm eienttomake the government degenerate into arbitrary Dower ' (Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws. 1st vol. p. 270. I have said that our national independence roust be preserved; but if we succeed in perpetuating m a 1 ibebtiek and ou Uniom our national j j independence cau tiever be in danger. .. ,. , . -r- - 3F"The Evansvitie Journal, a Republican Abolition sheet, calls white men who happen to be poor, "the poor white trash."

From . Watiintn.

Peogeess op the Copedekatk Ixvasiox Posi tion ok the Co.hfedebate Abut PhilabeL'' riiiA ix Peuil Position or the Aemv of the Potomac G ex.' Lle'will havl to Dfteat Gkx . Meade before he Ca Attaci Baltimore or Washington. Special Correspondence ef the Chiacgo Tunas. Washington, July 1. ' The movements of the Confederate army In Pennsylvania, during the last two days, hate been full of significance. Gen. Lee's headouarters are at Chambersburg. His forces still occu ' py the territory between that place, Carlisle and Gettysburg, while their pickets extend far be yond, in all directions. But the heads of his column? luve been turned to Cite e.istwnrd. He ' has made no further demonat rations toward II rrisburg. A considerable distance of the railroad track of the Pennsylvania railroad, west of that place, has been destroyed; but at present it does not seem to be Gen. Lee's intentiou to move 011 the capital of Pennsylvania. Those of his troops that had advai ced as far as Carlisle are now moving down the tight bank of the Susquehanna. The other columns. at Chambersburg and Gettysburg, are movine over the roads of that vicinity towards York, Wrightsville, Columbia and Lancaster. When any considerable, force reaches Wrightsville, on the Susquehanna river, twenty-, five miles below Karrisburg, there will be some data on which to base a theory as to Gen. Lee's subsequent movements aud his probable designs.. The bridge over the Susquehanna at Wrightsville ha been burned But that makes no difference to Gen. Lee, for he has with him seven miles of pontoon bridges. If he begins to lay these pontoons across the Susquehanna at Columbia, that will be all that need be known in order to penetrate his designs. In that case the fate of Philadelphia is sealed. In four days after the pontoon bridge is laid the army of Gen. Lee will be in possession of the Quaker City, and the Confederate flag will be flying from the State House steeple. I know there is a body of troops at Harrisburg, composed of brave men, and many of the regiments commanded by experienced Colonels. I know that the citizens cf Philadelphia will throw up a line of hasty intrenchmentj, and will endeavor to defend their city. But I know that there is nothing in Penn sylvania that can withstand the march of Lee's 150,000 veteran troops, if he determines to march to Philadelphia. This deplorable 6tate of affairs is the direct and leg'timate result of the conduct of Pennsylvania auring the war. She has surrendered all her means of defense, her 200,000 soldiers, her arms, her munitions of war, and all her State rights too, and her Sta'e sovereignty, into the hands of the General Government as she thought, but really into the h inds of the wretched crew of imbecile fanatics who compose the Administration here; and now she lies prostrate, helpless, defenseless, at the feet of an invading armv. Gen. McCIellan is a Philadelphian; Gen. Franklin is a Pennsylvanian. If eithor one of them hid been allowed to act in this emergency, a few weeks aso, a force would hive been raised, in Pennsylvania nnd other States, that would have prevented this invasion. But Gen. McCIellan is imperiously commanded to keep quiet, and Gen. Franklin is hurried off to New Orleans. It is barely within the limits of possibility that a force may be raised in New York and Jiew Jersey which may be able to prevent the capture of Philadelphia. But if, on arriving at Wrightsville, the Con federate army continues its march down the right bank of the Susquehanna towards Havre de Grace, that will indicate a movement on Baltimore and Washington, and of course, the destruction of the railroad between Philadelphia and Biltimore If Hooker had been retained in command a day longer, it is not too much to say that both o these cities, too, would have fallen an easy prey to the Confederates. But the movementsof Geo. Meade, during the last two days, have been marked by vigor and good judgment, and the tine army under his commnnd has already been moved to a point where it can act with advatit ige. Gen. Lee has not taken all of bis troops with him into Pennsylvania. When he crossed the Potomac, he left on the south side of that, river tiearlv nil his cavalry, some 15.000, under Gen. Stuart. Tiiis body of cavalry has been hanging on the Hanks of Hooker's army, and watching Hooker'- movements, ever since. They were at Fairfax 011 the 2Gih ult. Thev crossed the Potomacat 11 point nly seven miles above Washington, on the 27th. They captured two of our w agon trains on the 2t?th. near Itockville, in Maryland, who were carrying supplies to our army in Frederick. . They moved thence north, to Svkcsville, where they cut the Baltimore and Ohio railroad on the 29th Hooker was then at Frederick. He had just been relieved of his com mand, lie nail started 011 a special tra'ii tor ii-H timoie, and had gone half way to Svkesville when the train was stopped, and he learned that he was running iii:ht into the jaws of J. E. B Stuart. Of course the train ran back to Fre ier ick in a hurry. On the same day Gen. Stuart sent some detachments of his cavalry down to Sandy Spring and Colesviile, ten ur twelve miles from Annapolis Junctior, ami sixteen miles from the Relay House It seemed, indeed, on that day, that the railroad between here and Baltimore was in great peril. But Gen. Meade had already got his forces in motion. Yestesday, his movements were such that Gen. Stuart was com pelled to make a hasty march northwards, and he has now joined the main body of Gen. Lee's army. The Maryland Hights were eracuated, and everything blown up yesterday. 1 he Armv of the Potomac, under Gen. Me ide is now north of Baltimore, and in such a position that it covers that city and the railroad between it and Havre de Grace. Gen. L.ee will have to fight and defeat it before he can either touch that railroad or attack Baltimore. It is a fine army, although greatlv reduced from its former strength. Its corps 111mm nulers, its division Generals, its Brigadie Generals, its Colonels, and its officers in all the lower grades are all that could be wished. Its men nre veteran eoldiers. All it needs is a head. May God grant that General Meade will prove himself worthy of his position 1 here was a stormy session of the Cabinet yes terday. The President has assumed a reckless, careless temper, and it would seem, from a declaration he made on that occasion that he is entirely indifferent to the fate of the country. He was urjjeil aain to tike theonly step that would be sure to result in military success, namely: to restore Gen. McClell .11 to the chief command. But he only replied, angrily, that on thit point his mind wa made up; that, if he mut be con quered, he would rather be conquered by Gen. Lee than Gen. McCIellan. God help thecountrv when siK'h sentiments are eu'eriainrd by the head of "the Government." X. Xlie President' "pinion. The Boston Common we Oh. n ultra Aboli tion paper, is authority tor the lollowing: "I have examined this negro business, and probed it to the bottom," said the President, in reply to some Captain who wanted to .raise a negro regiment "It's the same thing with all of you. If I 'gave you authority to raise this regiment, the result would be that you would get Colonel s pay for several months, and 1 would get not a nigger: 1 he whole business ot thts war has heen con ducted on the same principle Plunder is the grand objeefs of is managers, and it will goon as long as the plunder lasts. Gexibal Meade The Detroit Free Press thus characterizes General Mead;.: All things being equal, we would prefer General Meade to any other General in the service. We believe him eminently fitted to command. He is 11 man of untiring industry, unquestioned bravery, combined with a most . thorough and complete knowledge of every branch of the military art. If great energy is required, he has it; if great engineering skill is necessary either to vereomo or construct defences, he has it in fact, he has all the caution and ability of McClel lan, with more energy and force to follow up any advantage he may gain over the enemy. - The RKruDiATORt -Says the Fort; Wayne Times: ' We are glad to see that Colonel Walker has refused to receive the monev from the hands of Winslow, Lanier & Co., and that he refused to give any countenance whatever to Governor Morton in his revolutionary schemes. As a sworn officer of the State desirous ot doing his duty. Colonel W could do no otherwise than he has done., We. indorse bis action, as will also the people of Iudiaua. The Democracy ot Indiaua believe iu the honest payment of their debts, in an honest and legal wav. Governor Morton, and the Abolition party, have brought dishonor on the good name of our State, and they will be held to answer for their action. - tt " 1, The Enrollment of Tippecanoe Cocntt. The Enrolling Coramissijner of Tippecanoe county have concluded the enrollment, and report the fo'-low ing number of persons subject to the draft: , -, . '.-.,( There ara of tb Brat class 8,522 " , " second claw....... ............ 1,429 Total ... 1,550

Horton on the Crista. The accidental Governor of Indiana made

peeeh from the balcony of the Bates House en Tuesday evening, upon the occasion of the re joicing over the capitulation ot Vicksburg, in which be expressed sentiments that may foreshadow the policy of the party in power. Slavery, argued the Governor, was the cause of the re-1 bellion. hence there could be no permanent peace until that institution was abolished. He was therefore in favor of the prosecution of the war until personal and political freedom were secured and guaranteed to every enslaved negro, 110 matter at what cost to the public treasury and regardless of the ronpequences of such a policy to the white race. He was therefore opposed to the return of North Carolina, Louisiana, or any slave State, now in rebellion against the Government, to the Union, unless upon the basis of emancipation, making that a condition of receiving them back. We do not profess to nuote the exact lan guage ot Morton, but such were the Benttments be uttered. He then stands opposed to a restoration of the Union upon tbe same basis that existed before the breaking out of hostilities and the secession of the States that are now in armed reln-ilion against the Government, but ' like Birlixoame of Masicliu.sttsaud the radical Abolitionist be g for a new Union, a new Constitution, a new bible and a new God, fr the old Constitution, the old Union, the old bible aiid the God of our fatbers, under whom the nation grew and prospered in an unparalle'ed degree for three quarters of a century, are not good enough for the virtuous Mokto.v. Cakkik Filkins. Abigail Foster, ard that school of self constituted public reformers. When we have gently hinted that the contest had degenerated into nn Abolition war, we have been denounced by Morton k Co. as misrepresenting and traducing the motives and patriotism of the leaders of the party in power; but if Morton did not come out square-toed in favor ot prosecuting the war for the abolition of slavery wherever it existed over all the territory that belonged to the old Union, then we can not comprehend the meaning of lang"age. Perhaps Hi Accidency was a little too much exhilerated over the glori ous news of the fall of Vicksburg. and hence was thrown off his guard. Morton made a speech at Cambridge City on the 4th of July, in which he took strong grounds in favor of the centralization of power in the General Government, going even beyond the old Federalists in the advocacy of a strong govern ment. He stated that the States bore the same relation to the Federal Government that the counties do to the State, and that they had no more power or rights under the Constitution. Our system of State eovernments. controlled by a general government of specified powers sur rendered by the several States to promote the common welfare and for protection against the encroachments of foreign powers, has been te garded by the ablest writers niou political econ omy and the theory of government as the best ever devised by human wisdom to secure to the citizen civil and religious liberty. But the Gov ernor is of opinion that the recent exercise of arbitrary power by the Federal authorities, and the supremacy of military over civil ruleln States loyal to the Government; the overthrow of tbe liberty of speech and the prest and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, are better calcu lated to secure popular rights and the freedom oj the citizeu than the government framed bv the patriots and sages of the Revolution. We are yet believers in the capacity of man for selfmirjiriinivnt nml urn nnnjKfi1 tn f'ifi innnvutiATtd of self constituted reformers in both morals and politics. Prom the Journal of Commerce Xlie Abolitionist Kxpoied. One Mr. Conway whs sent to Europe a few weeks ago, by the Abolitionists. His departure was announced in most of the radical papers, ae companied with high commendations of his abili ty, and the statement that he went on n political mission, authorized by the Aholitionists. He was most elaborately praised by some of these sheets, and his mission was spoken of as of great importance. We at length discover what that mission was and in a manner that is evidently astounding to the radical uentlemen who sent him He was perhaps a very good minister for their purposes. in ail respects but one. He did not know enough of diplomacy to keep the object of his mission secret. He placed himself in the hands of his foreign correspondent and was exposed; and not only himself, but the party be represents were exposed t the indignation of the people they were plotting to betray. Open, unblushing treason is the avowed object ot his mission. He states that he went out authorized bv the radical to offer terms of disunion to Mr. Mason, the Rebel envoy in England. He says that his principals hold the "balance of power" in American politics, and can bring the war to an end and make disunion a fixed fact whenever they choose. He says that he has authority from the leading ant.i slavery men to make propsitions to Mr. Mason foe accomplishing disunion, and he proceeds to make them. Of course, if a conservative man had openrd a correspondence with a Rehel official, stating lhat he was authorized to negotiate for disunion, the Radical party would send fifty or a hundred leading conservatives to Fort Lafayette on suspicion nt once We all remember the howl of virtuous indignation with which they received Lord Lyons' statement that he bid had some conversation with conservative men, (as it afterwards turned out they were Administration men, "joiispicnous since in Loyal Leagues,) but we do not hear any such indignation expressed about Mr. Conway. We do not hear of any attempts to arrest the traitors whom he represents. The newspapers which announced his departure contain abundant evidence on the subject. There would be no difficulty In arrestinc, indicting and trying these men. Are the Administration really desirous to stop treasonable aid to the enemy? Here is the exposure of the very hot bed of treason. Do they wish to know what men are anxious to com promise with the Rebels, not for union but for disunion, here is the nest of traitors? The radical newspapers nre either profoundly silent on the subject, or simply call Mr. Conway a fool. This will not do. . He was no fool when they and their friends sent him on this mission. Nor is there anything new in the idea. We long ago showed the Administration the speeches of a number of these traitors, met in council in Bos ton, in which they avowed they would rather fiiiht for Davis than Lincoln if he former would emancipate the slaves. No attention was pa'd to their utterances. They were of the "loyal" kind, who may speak or act treasonably with im pnnify. But now that they have openly sent an ambassador to the Southern Confederacy, we trust there will be no more dispute, on the part of the Evening Post. Times. Tribune, and similar papers, as to who are the traitors at the North. The Abolitionists adopted the disunion theory years ago. They passed resolutions before the war began to open a correspondence with tbe Southern disnnionist, to effect a dissolution of the Union. They refused to enlist when the war commenced. , They devised all kinds of measures for making the war. unsuccessful. ' They have finally sent an ambassador to the Southern Confederacy. And these are tbe men who call themselves loyal and call us disloyal! Such are tbe Abolition traitors that charge sympathy with the Rebels on the Democrats! Why not put in the hands of every honest man a whip , "To lash th rascals naked through th worMr" RsrcDiATfoxiN Indiana The factious coorse of the Republican members, in withdrawing from the Indiana Legislature and leaving lhat body without a quorum, is likely to result in repudia tion on the part of the Slate. ' The appropriation bill was not passed, in consequence of this action of the Republicans, and no provision was made for tbe payment of the interest on tbe Slate bonds. The Auditor of the State canno pay this interest without the authority of the Legislature, as to do so would be to commit a penal o Reuse. Itia probable, therefore, that tbe bonds will be repudi ated, and this will be a sort of climax to Gov Morton's former troubles in regard to thein N. Y. Herald. - Thi Lkks There are two Lees besides the commander of the Jtebel army: his eon, Getjeral W. N. Fitthdeh Lee, nd his nephew, Genen.1 Fits Lee, each commanding a brigade of fire regiments of caYalrt. " ' '

GUARDIAN SALES.

Sale of Valuable Real Estate. nl'r1cTJ , ra p wrwaree with an n'er tbe X Common Kleas Court of Xartoa County, made at the June term, tt, th year 1-63. will. 00 Ike t'.h ay of July, ra the year 1S63, (ell, for the fcnrhcta4 beut prie be cn iret, to lollowiQfr real estate, utaalea m Indianapolis Mrin county, N-kin-pn; to Kate F. and Jenny W. Keld tbat U to say. part of lots 17 and 18, ) sqaareSl, bounded tollowic (ommrncing at a point 00 l.ut Mreet one hundred and ten feet from the autbea.t corner of aald square (81), tbence running north aloe Et trt "0 fet to an alley, thence wert alonjr naid a!iy one htmdre-d and one tm (101), thence eoath TO feet, thence ea one hundred and one feet to he place of bettlnnior, with ail tbe improvement. TU property cannot be sold for fc - than $3.700, that being the apprised value ' therrof. The term ef kale will be one-third ca&h tn hand on dar of wie; the residue in two equal payments in one and ( two year, with int-r-.t, feet-tired by mortgage on tbe remir. Tbe title I byia any qo-ttio. je-U-Uwtd JOU.X W. KL1D, Guardian, c Gnardian's Sale of Kcal Estate. 'IIHE CSDERSIGSED. ODAUUIAX OF ALAySOJT G. 1 Steven, will hold for sale at private rale on and after Jiilv 2d. 1S63. the following Real Fslate vir. Lot No. 13, 14. 15, 16, 17. IS, 23, 29, 30, 31. ?, 33 and 31 in Mh;s K. Donn.y ', fiaardUn's, iub 1ivl .ion cf out lot dez one bono red and two. In the city of Indianapolis, Indiana. tiaid sale will he tnado in compliance with an order of thoCout of Corara-n l'la of Marlon Conniy. Indiana. Tc or Sauc The lot will be aold at the appraised value, upon the following t.rms: One-third of the purchase tnoner cah In hand, ne-thtrd payable ia one year, and one-third payable in two years after date of cale. the purciia.er executing for the deferred paymenta hit promissory note, payable with interest, without re -lief from valuation or appraisement Uwa, and ecored by mortgage on Oie Teal estate pnrrhafted. The abtve described real estate will be held for aale at . the ffice of Cottrrll & Knight, on IMaare Mreet, in the rity of Indianapoli. MKJJSSA F. Hot KT, Junr39-w3t (iuardian. ADMINISTRATOR'S SALE. f nHK lT3TFRSir!--T), AIMI5ITRATOR OF THK I estate of Michael Bower, late of Marion County, Indiana, deceased, will well at public !. en TuewJay. the 7th of July, at the late residei ceof aaid decedent, tn Pik Township, County and State afureaid, the following described personal property to-wiu One Reaper Threshing Machine, Cradeling 8cytbfcS, Crew Cut Saw. Barrele, Iron, h rough and other articlea too tedious to mention. Sale to commence at 10 o'clock A. M. of raid day. Tkrm or Sai.c All mm of f3 and under to be paid inrt!h, and all am over $3 a credit of twelve month will be given, the purchaser r purchaseri giving their note with good M-rurity, wa: ins relief from valuation and appraisement law, bearing interest from date. IM5IKL MEYERS, june!5-3tw Administrator. EXECUTOR'S SALE. SALE OF PERSONAL PROPERTY. "XTOnCK IS HF.UF.BT tJIVF.X TH KT I WILL SF.LL AT public auction, on Thuriay. the 3oth dy of July, W.t, tthi" reiii'nre of Jona IluITman, late of Marion County, decea-e-t, all hi personal property, consisting uf Horses, Catt1 Hoes. Corn In the ciib. Corn on tho lTounrt, Wheat Drill, l'eap-r. Two Horse Wagon. Spring Wagon. Farming I'tetvils. Hooehold Furniture, Ac. A credit of twelve m-mthx ill be given on all ums over three dollars tbe purcha-er giving Dis note with approvfd eenrity, waving valuation and appraUement laws. Three dollar and oiwI.t cah in hand. Sale to commence at o'clock A. M. Jult6-3tw DAVID HCKK, Executor. LICENSE. Notice of Application for License. VTOTICE IS MKRK.r.Y fJlVEN THAT I WILL APPLY i to tbe Board of Coinmifoncr cf Jl.inuii county," in liana, at their next term. 16:. for a license to sell in toxicating liquors in a lea quantity than aqnart at a time, with the privilege of allowing tin- same to be drank on my premi.es, for one year. My place of business and the premises whereon snid liqaora are to be aold and drank are located 011 lot. Nos. 4 an-t 5, in square So. 61, on Fast Washington utreet. in Indianapolis, in Outer township, ia Marion county, Indiana. JuW6-w3t ALLES BROW!?. EXECUTOR'S NOTICE. TOTICE IS HEREBY GIVES THAT THK UXDETIx SIGNED has beeu arpo'n'ed Executor of the la-t will of Jonas Huffman, (with the will annexed,) late of Mariou Countv. Indiana, deceased. Said estale Is up-po-cd to be solrent. DAVID HCFF. June29-w3t Executor. WANTED. 'f0 A JIOSTII! wnt t"t at 0 a month, expenses paid, tosell onr Krrrlalinj i'MciU, Orient il ;reni,and 13 other new, meful and curious articles. IS cirrnlar. free. mvll-wSm SHAW CLARK, Biddeford, Me. Qmi?' - IO TU! I want to hire Agent In ev J ) ery county at t75 a month, expensea paid to eil mv now, cheap Family Sewing Machines. tnyll-wSm Address, S. MADISON, Alfred, Me. WANTED. A SMALL FARM WANTED. I WISH TO PURCHASE A SMALL FARM OF THIRTY, Forty or Fifty Acres with pretty good improvements, and should like "to have it convenient to a station 00 some Railroad leading from Indianapolis. Any one having ucb a place for sale will plea.se address me at Indianapolis, giving full decripUona, with lowest rab pric June2-wSw J. II. OfiLBSBY. TOMB STONES. MARBLE WORKS. 5 5 S5 P hi 0 9 SViBQIDt FITTER 1 WE KEEP OX HAND AND MAKE TO ORDER, ALL kind of Marble Monnment and Grave Stonei, enre to order, with di4gn, einhleia, or device that may be wanted. Those denting auything in our line will do well to give us a call, an we nae none but the be.t materials and it-aura al work. mchSl-dlwlyfl SCALES. PATENT PLATFORM SCALES w a IRB AltK'l CATTLE, HAT, COAL, GRAIK, WAREHOUSE, RAILROAD, " TRACK, AI COCKTF.R if Hi--; ' i. re,' i.iiirL . i : :i SCALES, 1 t ufactured only by PAISBA5K CO., St. Jakaabary, Vermont. For ale at Maiiufactnrern'prlcei-by W . P. 3 ALLUP, Agent, T4 Wi tWakingtot, p31-wlT .... . V-U-anapol s, Indiana. THE COFKSSIOS3 AD nXPKHI ' FACE OF A INVALID, Published for the benefit, and a a warning andCAtTtOX TO YOL'KO KKIt who naffer from Jtervoae Debility. Premature Decay of Manhood, etc , cupplytng at the tame time, THK MEANS OF SEL-FCUKE. By one who ha eared hitnrelf. after being put togreat xprate and injury through medical humbug: and quackery. Byenclotng a post-paid addressed envelope, klngle coviM may he bad of tbe author. v . NATHAN MAYiFAUt, Esq., myl5-wly Bedford, King county, a. T. ,

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