Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 7, Indianapolis, Marion County, 13 July 1863 — Page 2

WEEKLY SENTINEL.

MONDAY, - JULY: 13 I'MUttt Will They Do with the .loney. In a column and a quarter article in the "Jour ' iul, of yesterday, Moetox & Coexpreu their deep tribulation about the none 61 Jhe' Sinking Fund and the State Treasury, and anxiously inquire whaUwill the .officers .who, have, those funds in charge do with them? We can ans wer briefly., , Those oflicert, will keep Jhose,. funds just as the laws prescribe until they are authorised to disburse them in pursuance of appropriations mt'ii by law. The coutemptible . flings of Mowtoj Je Co. against the integrity oftbe State officers and the Commissioners of the; Sinking Fund are unworthy o( notice. , But the Governor really feels solicitooa about the ifety of the public moneys in the hands of those officers, why does be not use the means at his control tn hare them applied to the payment of the indebtedness of the State? The people ol ' the State are asking this question. They know ' the . money is safe while it is in the keeping , of the officers who now control it and , they know equally well that it would be squandered if Mono could direct its disbursement. We again say if the Governor has the slightest fear that the public monevs are unsafe, he is responsible if he does tot see to it that they are lawfully appropriated to par the public dues. It is with him to say whether it shall be done or not. But the Governor charges that the public' funds "are held fast by copperhead officers," and then adds that "none is paid out for any purpose except their own salaries." To refute thia silly and malicious misrepresentation we shall make the Governor a witness. The following account, made out we presume by the chief of the Governor's Bureau of Finance, headings and all, was paid by the Auditor of State a few days ago. We call attention to it to show the Governor's method of transacting public business and the new offices which he has created unknown to the Constitution or laws. It rends thus: ' Exkcviive Department or I.ndiaxa.) PcacAu or Finance, Indianapolis, July 7, 1863. ) The State of Indiana, for Governor's House, to C. Elliott, Dr. lor one clothes wringer, $6 00. Sooie Dirt. A writer in the Journal of yesterday, who has less brains than a crawfish, comments upon our notice of the surrender of Vicksburg in the following style: Wheu the first report of the capture of Vicksburg came :o this city, the Sentinel claimed Grant . as the coming man, and hurrahed for the vigorous prosecution of the war. In yesterday's issue it has no words of exhuberiitit joy, no tribute of praise for our arms, hut the following compliments for the Rebels, &c. Now. we direct the attention of this stay-at-bome patriot, whose only comprehension of the present troubles of the country is to make them the menus of abusing and villifying his political oppouaiit to the following tribute of Gen. Gaxt to the bravery of the Rebel garrison of Vicksburg. In his interview with the Commissioners sent by Gen. PkMBtaTox to negotiate terms of capitulation. Gen. (Irani is reported to have said: He concluded by paving a deserved tribute to the bravrrif and emdmrmmce of the Rebel garrison, and said if they surrendered they nil thoui-J be treated courteously as prisoners of war. Now be it remembered these expressions came from the lips of a General who bad under his cotnnvmd in the siege of Vicksburg more men than Wellington ha1 in his contest with Nabolkox at Waterloo. Gen. Gba.nt had the magnanimity and sagacity not to underrate the enemy, for he h id the opportunity to appreciate the bravery od endurance of the garrison at Vickaburg. He would bare slandered his army and the American character if he had not awarded to Pembebtox and his forces the meed of praise to which they are entitled for their defense of Ticksburg, and in saying this it is nojustification of the cautein which they are engaged, but weonly refer to military skill, bravery and endurance displayed by the Rebel defenders of Vicksbnrg. It is glory enough fur the army ot Gen. Giaxt to subdue such a foe, under such circumstances, in their stronghold upon the Mississippi, the capture of hieb removes the main obstruction to ita free Derivation. It is a victory which has caused the most heartfelt joy and congratulation throughout the North, but the Journal can see nothing in it but a triumph over a garrison without generalship, skill, bravery, or endurance, although it required a gallant army of over one hundred thousand men to subdue it. !!- Hie I'rcc Lakar System Work. The following letter from a gentleman engaged in working the Louisiana cotton plantations with free negroes tinder the protection of the Federal Government, is the first reliable account we hive seen of the practical operation of the system. The negroes, a general rule, work on the plantation nf their former master the latter, when loyal to the Government, receiving from the lessee a fair compeiis ition for the use nf the propertv, or working the negroes themselves under regulations. We he'ieve the pi inters are, m my of them, quite content to have the emanci patiort programme carried out to the full length, as the ' cheapest way of obtaining peace, convinced that, from the necessities of the case, a system will be established substantially the same as that which may be done away. Of course the negroes must remain where they are. for nobody else wants them, and some kind of police arrangement must be adopted to keep them tn order and prevent vagrancy. So, as the upsht of the whole social revolution, there will be o!Wnno instead of an overseer a rose under aoother name," kc. The writer says: 4 Lack Protide.nce, La , Jane 18. We have a fine stand of cotton, and are now cattintr (thinning) it out. With a favorable season I think we will make an average crop. All the plantations from Lake Providence to Jiilliken's Bend are occupied by several regiments of troops stationed along .he line to protect them. All are being worked on the free labor system initiated by Adjutaut General Thomas, and proceed well. I luve wo doubt it will be continued. From thin place to Milliken's Bend there are nnder cultivation at least 1011)0 acres of cotton, averaging say one bale to the acre, which will be mature nd ready to pick by the 1st of Angust. If this territory is protected by the Federal Government, the supply to the cotton market from this section will be a sensible relief. Letter from Gor. Seymour The Chicago Times is permitted by a promi sent geutieinu of that city to make the follow ing eltract from a private letter received by him from Gov. Setvolb. The letter is dated Htli of Jene: , t I hope the result of the elections in the great Central States will sive our country. If the conservative men in the central parts of the TJn;on will act In concert thev cm control the policy of the Government.' We can never live nnder a Gulf State or New England system of laws The great, jopuloiinnd powerful Central Sf'. which -re free from sectional passions and prejudices, mot give the tone to the public sentiment. I am very much obliged to yon for your letter of the 8th inst., and for your kind expressions wirb regard to myself I hall try to tnet-t the expectations of my friend In dealing with the great questions of the dav; but I fear they are of . a magnitude beyond the grasp of any living man. Our friends in Chicago bore themelvea nobly dnring tie trials and excitement growing out of Oen. Bumside's insane conduct. They won a victory for themselves and the eountry. I believed the a rou-i -spirit of the American people, in behalf of their 'borne rights,' will yet are us from despotism.'! , Raate4DM In reply to the boasts of the Abolition tars that tuey hava in their ranks many . Democrat, the Attica Atlay says: , "Satin was an aogd or light, aed Juda Iscariot was an apostle of Jesus Christ. . Ben. Butler, Buraside and Stanton are fallen Democrat.' - KyTb wheat la Starke county promises an abundant yield. a , ; r - . j :

Gortrnor Seymour Upon the state of : j theCountryi j i At the celebration of the Fourth of July, in New York, Governor Setmoce delivered an adareas at the Academy of Modic. The New.York Sua in commenting upon it remarks: "Coming fromxhe man now at the head of .-affair in the Empire St tie. it will be read with interest, and its logic canvassed by the people, of whom the Governor is the represensatii e man. It is able, conservative and patriotic. The Governor 'earnestly calls upon the President, his Cabinet and alt those who elevated thi Administration to power, to drop political machinations, pay more attention to the guarantees of the Constitution, and cease to proclaim that a necessity now, or ever did exist, for suspending the fundamental law of the land for the purpose of putting down the rebellion, or restoring the supremacy of the Federal Government. .. ,', Governor Strxota said: . Fillow CitTiztss: When I accepted the invitation Ur speak, with others, at this meeting, we were promised the downfall of Vicksbure. the opening of the Mississippi, and the probable capture of the Confederate capital, and the exhaustion of the rebellion. By common consent all parties had fixed upon this dav, when tha results of the campaign should be known, to mark out that line of policy which they felt that our country should pursue. But in the moment of expected victory there came the midnight cry fvr help from Pennsylvania to save its despoiied fields from the invading foe, and almost within sight of this great Commercial metropolis the ships of your - merchants were burned to the water's edge. Since that time to this I hare occupied every hour of my time, to the point of physical exhaustion, to rally our troops to the rescue of an adjoining sister State tremendous applause to organize the militia of our own State, for our defense, and to place it in that condition of dignity and power which a ereat State should ever hold that truly respects its own rights. Great applause I have concerned myself with those measnres that I thought were calculated to protect the commerce of this great city. I stand betöre you then, upon this occasion, not as one animated by expected victories, but feeling as all feel who are now within the sound of my voice, the dread uncertainties of the conflicts which rage around n, not alone in Pennsylvania, but along the whole course of the Mississippi! contests that are carrying down to bloody graves so many of our fellow countrymen, so many of our friends that are spreading reoewed mourning throughout this gieat, broad land of ours. Under circumstances like these, I shall not allude to many topics upon which I meant to speak on thin occasion. They might seem to jar with the solemnity ot the occasion. They might not be in keeping with the feelings which now press on each breast of ours. But there is one subject to which even now I feel it my duty to call your attention. Tbere is one appeal that I want now to make to this whole community, irrespective of party, and I pray that

you may hear that appeal. A few years ago we stood before this community to warn them of the dangem of sectional strife; but our fears were laughed at. At a later day, when the clouds of war overhung our country, we implored those in authority to compromise that difficulty, for we had been told by a great orator and statesman. Burke, there never yet was a revolution that might not have been prevented by a compromise made in a timelv and gracious manner, (treat applaue Our prayer were unheeded. Again. when the contest was upon us, we stopped to invoke those who had the conduct of aff.iirs not to underrate the power of the adversary, not to underrate the courage and resources, and endur ance of our own sister States. All this warning was treated as sympathy with treason. Yon have the results of these unheeded warnings and un heeded prayers; they have stained our soil with blood; they have carried mourning into thousands of homes; and to day they have brought our country to the very verge of destruction. Once more I come before you to oner again an earnest prayer, and beg you to listeu to a warning. Our country is notonlrat this time torn by one of the bloodiest war that has ever ravaged the lice of the earth, or of which history gives un an ac count, but, if we turn our attention to our own loyal States, how is it there? Do you not find the community divided into political parties, strongly arrayed against each other, and using ith regard to each other, terms of reproach and defiance? Ia it not said bv those who support more particularly the Administration, that we who differ honestlv, patriotically, sincerely, from them with regard to the line of duty, are men of treasonable purposes, and traitors to our country. Hear, heir But, on the other hand, is it not true that those ra, f nrif nrrranivA tinn irtnlf 11 rutn thi A H mi 11 iat.r:t tirwft m hostile M our rights and liberties; look upon our onnonents as men who would do us wron-r in rr . I regard to oar most aaored franchises? I need not 1 regar call your attention to the tone of the press, or to the tone of the public feeling, to show you how, at this moment, parlies are thus exasDerated.and stand in a I inoftt defiant attitudes to each other A lew tears ago we were told that sectional strife, waged in terms like these, would do no harm to our country, but you bav seen the kx1 and bloody results. Let us be admonished no in time, and take care that this irritation, this feeling which ia crowing un in our midt shall not also ripen into civil conflicts that shall carry the evils of war into our very midst and about our own homos. Now, upon one thing all par ties are agreed, and that is thi: Until we have a united North, we can luve no successful war; until we have a united, harmonious North we can have no successful peace. How shall we have harmont? How hhall that unitv to all parties be obtained? 1 wish to .av a few words to you upon this point, which I firmly believe U one of the most important considerations to which I could call your attention. Is harmony to be coerced? Cries of no, 110. I appeal to you, my RepuMi can frends, that when you say to us that the nation s life and domestic peace hang upon har mony and concord here, if you yourselves in your serious moments, heuere that thega are to be produced by seizing our persons, by infringing upon our rights, by insulting our homes, md by depriving us of those cherished privileges for which our fathers fought, and to which we have always sworn allegiance? Great applause. I do an peal to you, my Republican irienda.aud beg that you will receive this appeal in the earnest and patriotic spirit which prompt. me to make it I appeal to you If you are not doing yourselves and your country a great wrong when you declare that harmony and harmony of parties are essential to save the nation's life, essential to the highest interests of our laud, and yet thus stigmatize men as true and honest as yourselves, and those whom first experience has proved to have been wiser, too, as men who do not love their country, and who are untrne to our institutions. How, then, are we to get this indispensible harmony this needed unity? It is not to be ob tained bv trampling upon rights. It is not to be obtained by threats; it is not to be obtained by coercion; it is not to be obtnined bv attempting to c!oe our li when we would attempt to utter the honest purpoe of our hearts and the strong conviction of our judgments. Applause But, my Republican friends, there is a mode by which it can be reached, and there is a mode by which the nation's life can be aved; there is a mode tit which, in the end, we will restore this UniHi of ours, and bring back those glorious privileges which are so wantonly thrown away. Applaus We come to you in no spirit of arrogance We simply come before you this day and ask you to accept the wisdom and the patriotism of onr . common fathers. We da not come to you asking vou to make any concession, of advantage In us. Oit the contrary, we only say to you. holding hi your handa and in your control almost all the political power ot your country, to exercise it. and to exercise it according to our chartered rights. Tremendous applause We only ask that you shall give to us that which you claim for yourselves, and that which evtry free man, and every man who respects himself, will have for bimelf, freedom of speech, the right to exercise all the Iranchiscs conferred by the Constitution upon American citizens. Great applause. Can rou safely deny us these things? Are you not trampling' upon your own rights if you refuse to listen to our appeals? Is it not revolution which you are thus creating wheu you say that our persons may be rightfully seized, our property confiscated, our homes euteredr Are you not exposing yourselves, your own 'nterests to as great a peril as that with which vou threaten, us?' Remember this, that the bloody, and treasonable, and revolutionary doctrines of public ne cessity can be proclaimed by a mob as well as by a government Applause. Remember all the teachings of history; and we Implore yon, with regard to your own interests, to slop and inquire if you are not doing yourselves and your owr families, and all that you hold dear to you, an infinite wrong when vou "sustain propositions that tear away from thvtn, aa well as from us, all the barriers and protections which the Constitution of your country has thrown around public liberty. Great applause Can yo tell when ambition, love of plunder, or thirst for power will induce bad and dangerous men to proclaim this very principle of military necessity, public necessity, as a reason why they , -should

trample beneath their feet all the laws of our, land, and the institutions of our country? I ask' you again to think if measures like these give power, diirnity or strength, to our Government? I nsk you, on rtbe othe- hand, if those governments have not lived out tuelouget perious who, in times of public danger, instead of shrinking back from the principle of liberty and the Jbar-. riers of order, have raised aloft these great pria-" ciples, and battled under them, and thus given strength to the hearts of the people, and gained the respect et the world? Applause. I ask you if it is not an evidence of weakness, dereat and discomfiture, when, in the pree"ce of armed rebellion, the Administration is compelled to ;ay that the very charter by which it holds ita poatr has ceased to hare a virtue that can protect a citizen io bis rights? Suppose we accept this doctrine,' what will be the consequences to this Government? 1 To day the great conservative party who still battle for time honored principlesfor chartered rights amid denunciation and contumely and abuse is the only barrier that stands between this Government and its own desirtiction. If we accept to-morrow their' teachings if we to morrow should acqulece in the doctrine that In times of war constitutions are suspended and laws have lost their force, then we should acceot the doctrine that the very right by which this Government administers its power, has' lost its virtue, and that it is brought down to the level of rebellion itself, living and existing only by virtue of material power. Would not the vital blow be struck to liberty If we should accept this doctrine, and what would be the consequence? When men accept despotism they may have a choice as to who the despot will be. The struggle then wilt not be shall we have constitutional liberty 7 but having yielded to the doctrine that the Constitution has lost its force, every notice of personal ambition, every instinct of personal security, would lead men to put themselves under the protection of that power which they supposed most competent to protect their persons And then this Administration would find that in putting military rulers over as thev had made military masters for themelves; for all history teach? u that that General who will betray the liberties of the people for the purpose of gaining the favor of power, will, when opportunity occurs, seize" power itself Applause. I came here to day to appeal to you, who may be politically opposed to ns. Don' do yourselves a wrong. Don't do your own Administration a wrong, and push us from that position we are trying to hold. Do not nse abu"e and contumely against our persons ' and 'threats against our property, because we stand up to say that you, and we, and all; shall have our rights; because we stand up to aar your homes shall be sacred; because we stand up to say the family circleshall not be entered, and, in English parlance, that every man's home fhallbe his castle, within which he is safe from intrusion. Applause. Why, what is the glory of a people and the glory of a nation? It is not the magnitude of its power; it is not the extent of its dominions. It is the fact that the humblest home is safe under its protection. The proudest boa.t ever uttered by Britain's proudest statesmen was this not of martial achievement not of the triumphs upon the field not upon the wonderful dominion upon which the sun never sets no; it

was this: that the uritisn monarch could never en ter unbidden the humblest home mi the land, al though its broken walls might give but scanty shelter to its humble inmates. For what are Governments constituted but for this? Not for dominion; not for grandure; but in order that these great ends might be reached; that everv man should enjoy the rights of person and secu rity of home, and freedom of conscience, and the enjoyment of his property, subject to the least possible burden from the law and the State. These are the great objects of government, and any system that comes short of these fails in the nhjec.; and nnr declaration that aasails or endangers these great objects is trefoil sgainst human rights Applause. But it is said there is a law of necessity that in times like these suspend our Constitution that war is unfavorable to liberty. It U not true; liberty was born in war; it does not die in war Great applause Liberty was wrought out in the battle field. That wonderful people who founded this great State the Hollanders who for eighty years battled against the martial law and martial power of Spain, made it a living principle, which sustained them during that long contest, and which enabled them to render that history glorious in the anuala of nations. Were personal rignts und personal liberties suspended by jour own forefathers during our Revolutionary contest? You heard the words of that Declaration of Independence, which said thu men h id a right to trial by jury; that the military authority should never be exalted above the civil jurisdiction; that men should not he transported ob-oad for trial tremendous cheering; that the should have all the rights and privileges known to English jurisprudence and English law; and jet to-day we are told that the men who put forth that declaration of rights and of independence amid the roar of battle, when our nation was struggling into existence in nil its I e:ikness, who declared-and they made their declaration good by their conduct through that contest that these rights were to be held sacred in war; yet to-day we are told that these men who uttered this declaration in war made a Constitution thai dies and shrinks away in war that men trained in the perils of revolution had formed the G'jvernmeut under which we live, that was dot equal to the very highest purpose for which Gov ernmeuts are constituted. I tell you it is a libel upon our fathers. Great applause So far from it beiux true that those who formed this Constitution contemplated that these powers should ever be suspended, you find in all these provisions particular care tor all the dangers and the exigencies of war; you and numerous provisions that are meant to guard against the very dangers that now menace us. Your at'entiou has been called to the fact y the gentleman who preceded me. Why was it that they so carefully guarded all your rights amid public disorder if they meant that the mere existence of war should suspend the burners of public order aud private rights? This doctrine of the suspension ol the Constitution this doctrine of the sus pension of the laws, is unconstitutional, is unbound, is unjust, is treasonable. Tremendous applause and waving of hats and hatidkerchiefs. I am one of those who are l ull of hope for the future. Not that I underrate flie dangers which threaten us; not that I do not deplore as much aa any living man can the terrible ravages of tliia war. But why does war rage in our land? It was because the people of this generation have lost the virtues and patriotism and ilom of their lathers who framed it It was liecause we had become indifferent to troe great truths which we have now laid before us, a if they were curiosities in legal literature, instead of being great truths that should be impressed upon the heart and mind of every American. I tell you why I am full of hope that not only will our liberties be maintained, our nation restored, and order once again prevail over this great land of ours. It is this: Examine yourselves, and I ak you how many men there are within the sound of my voice who knew, twelve months ago, what the Constitution of our country and the Declaration of Independence. Applause We have accepted it, I said, mentally and intellectually before; but why was 11, when these familiar words sounded again in your ears on this occasion, as you have heard them often before 011 the anuiversary of your country's liberty, that they stirred your very hearts within you. and made ycur blood tingle in your veins? My friends, we have not now a mere intellectual knowledge of the Constitutionwe do not give it now a mere mental support; we have now. upon that snbject, a vital, living piety that makes us better men and better patriots; and wherever you go all over this land you find these sentimenta now exist in the minds iif more than a majority of the American people. They are now fervent in their faith, fixed in their purra.ae a pirtv if yon please, faa tics tor the great principles of liberty and fanatical in their determination to see that tho-e right and libertie are e-dablisheri. ( Ore t applause We have seen in our land small parties, each an inconsid erable minority in the section of country where thev existed, bnt men of pnrpose, men of xeal. men of fanaticism. We have seen them wage a war npon the Constitution of your country with n persistence and power that have, at last, shaken it to its very f undation, and brought ns to-day to the' very brink of 'national ruin. We have seen what xeal and purpose could do when It was opposed only by a dull mental acquiescence in great truths. ' What may we not hope that we mav not do when the great majority of the American people have a fervent longing and vital faith in these principles which you have heard and read, and who propose to maintain them at every cost and at every hazard? Great applause Do you wfch- for peace? Do you wish for victory? Do you wish for the restoration of our "' national privileges?" Here " lies the pathway, and let the American people once learn the lull value of their 'liberties,: as our lathers did, nd the battle i fought and wort Without' this, my friends, war can bring you ho success peace n give vou no quiet until the American people are thus educated and elevated, and I believe they are rapidly becoming educated and elevated. Until that takes place war or teace Is the mere incident of the great underlying causes of convulsion which have affected our land and sicken our institutions to their very center. ' RemMnber this, that the great underlying cause of-this war, I care not what particular application you may give to it, what your particular views may lead you to attribute

it to, one special cause or another special canse; but there is one .treat underlying general cause, which must be removed before it can be restored, and that cause was indifference to our rights, in difference to our liberties, and want of proper inleUigecce with regard to our own country, and want of an elevated wisdom that could understand the duties of American citizenship. When you have gained this, peace will be restored; when you have gsined this, all the world can see that we have gooe back to the wisdom of our fathers, and that we are again sustaining institutions that invilad the whole world to th?ir shelter ami protection institutions that made us, but three short years sgo, the most glorious nation on the face of the earth. When we have again restored that virtue and , that intelligence, our country will again be restored to its former greatness, and to it former glory. Great applause. But, my friends, anvthii.g short of this will disappoint your hopes. No victory can restore greatness, and Rlory, and power, to a people who are unworthy of liberty. No peace will bring back prosperity to a land which can not understand the great principles upon which Governments should be predicated, and the grett objects for which Governments are instituted Let us resolve, upon this sacred pay, that we will hereafter stand by the Constitution of the country, the power of the Government, the rights of the .States, the privilege of the citizen, and the independence and the pnritv of the judiciary. . Whatever others may do, let us show ourselves obedient and respectful to the authorities acting within the limits of thei constitutional jurisdictions, and at the same time show ourselves resolute in the maintenance of our own rights. Let us do our duty and demand our rights. . Let us do our duty cheerfully, promptly and faithfully. Let us demand our rights resolutely and firmly, in all their fullness. He who fails to do bis duty is untrue to his country. lie who fails to demand his rights ia false to the principles of liberty and of freedom.

President Lincoln Answered Ueply of the Albany Democracy to the President' Letter of June 12. To, Hi Excellency , Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States: Sir: Yor answer, which has appeared in the public prints, to the resolutions adopted at a re cent meeting in the city of Albany, affirming the personal rights aud liberties of the citizens of this country, has been referred to the undersigned, the committee who prepared and reported those resolutions. The subject will now receive from us some further attention, which vour answer seems to justify, if not to invite. N We hope not to appear wanting in the respect due to your high position if we reply with a freedom and earnestness suggested bv the infinite gravity and impor tance of the questions upon which you have thought proper to take issue at the bar of public opinion. Too seem to be aware that the Constitution of the United States, which you have sworn to pro tect and defend, contains the following guarantees, to which we again ask your attention: 1. Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech or of the press. 2. The right of the people to fie secure in their persons agiiust unwarrantable seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrant shall issue but upon probable cau?e supported by oath. 3. No person, except soldiers and mariners in the service of the Government, shall be held to answer for a capital or infamous crime, unless on presentment or indictment of a grand jury, nor shall any person be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law. 4. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right of a speedy and public trial bv an impartial jury of the State or district in which the crime shall have leen committed, and to be confronted with the wituease against hioa You are also no doubt aware that on the adop tion ot the uonstitution these invaluable provis ions were proposed by the jealous caution of the States and were inserted as amendments for a nerpetual assurance of libcrtv against the en croachments of power. From your earliest read ing of historv, you also know that the great principles of liberty and law which unoerlie these provisions were derived by us from the British Constitution. In that country thev were secured bv mnqna Charta more than six Hundred rear ago, and thev have been confirmed bv many and repeated ptatutea of the realm. A single palpable violation of them in England would not only arouse the public indignation, but would endan per the throne itself. For a persistent disregard of them, Chatles the rirst was dethroned and be headed bv his rebellions suhjects. The fact has already passed into hitorv that the sacred rights and immunities which were de signed to be protected by these Constitution guarantees have not been preserved to the people during vour administration. In violation of the first of them, the freedom of the press has been denied, in repeated instances, newspnpers have been suppressed in the loval States because thev criticised, as constitutionally they might, those fatal errors of policy which h 1 ve characterised the conduct of public affair since your advent to power. In violation of the second of them, hundreds, and we believe thousands of men h:tve b-en seized and immured in prisons and batiles, not only without warrant upon probable cause, but without any warratit. and for no other cau?e than a constitutional extrcie of the freedom ot speech In violation of all these guarantees. distinguished citizen of a peacclul and loyal State has been torn from his home at midnight by a band of soldiers, acting under the orders o one of your Generals, tried before a militarv com mission, without judge or jurv, convicted and sen tended without even the suggestion of any offense known to the Constitution or laws of this country. For II these acts vou avow yourself ultimately responsible. In the soecial case ol Mr. Vallandigham, the injustice commenced bv vour subor diuate was consummated by a sentence of exile from his home pronounced by you 1 hat great wrong, more than any other which preceded it, asserts th principles of a supreme despotism. . These repeated and continued invasions of constitutional liberty and private right have occasioned profound anxiety in the public mind. The appreciation and alarm which they are calculated to produce have been greatly enhanced by your attempt to justify them, because in that attempt you assume to yourself a rightful authority possessed by 110 constitutional monarch on earth. We accept the declaration that you prefer to exerci1 hi authority with a moderation not hitherto exhibited But. Iie'ueriiitf. as we do. that your totliearance is not the tenure by which liberty is enjived in this countrv. we propose to challenge the grounds on which your claim of supreme power is based. While yielding to you as a constitutional magistrate th deference to which you are entitled, we cannot accord to you the despotic power you claim, however indulgent and gracious you mny promise to be in wielding it. We have carefully considered the grounds on which your pretens;on to more tin 11 regal authority areel dined to ret; and if wodo not misinterpret the ro'sty and clouded lorms of expres sioti in Ivcli those pietetmiom Mre set forth, your meaning is. that while the rights of the citizen are p:otected by the Constitution in time of peace, ihey are suspended or lost iti time of war, when invasion or rebellion exists. You do not, like many others in whose minds reason and the hive of regulated liberty seem to be overthrown by the excitements of the hour, attempt to base this conclusion upon a supposed military necessity 'existing octside of and transcending the Constitution, a military necessity behind which the Constitution itself disappears in a total eclipse. We do not find this gigantic and mon Strons heresy put forth in your pleaa for absolute power, but we do find another equally subversive of liberty aivl law. and quite as certainly tending to the establishment of despotism Your claim to have found, not outside but within the Constitution, a principle or germ of arbitrary power, which in time of war expands at once into an absolute sorereigntv, wielded bv one man, so that liberty perishes, or is dependent on his will, his discretion, or his caprice. 1 his extraordinary doctrine you claim to derive wholly from that Clause of' the Constitution which, in case of in vasion or rebellion, permit the writ of habeas corpus to be suspended. Upou this ground your whole argument i based. You must permit us to say to you with all due respect, but with the earnestness demanded by the occaslou, that the American people will never acquiesce in this doctrine. In their opinion, the guarantees of the Constitution which secure to them freedom of speech and of the press, immunity from arrest for offenses unknown to the laws of the land, and the right of trial by jury before the tribunals provided by those laws, Instead of military commissions and drum head court mar tial, aro living and vital principles in peace and war, at all times and under all circumstances. No sophistry or argument can shake this conviction, nor will the people require its confirmation bv logical sequences and deductions. Ills a conviction deeply interwoven with the instincts, the habits and the education of our countrymen. The right to form opinions upon public measures and men, and to declare those opinions by speech or writing, with the ctnr.ot lattitude ot expres eion, the right of personal liberty unless forfeited according to the established laws, and for offenses previously defined by law, the right when sc cused of crimes to be tried where law Is administered, and punishment Is pronounced only wben the crime is legally ascertained, all these are

instantly percieved without argument or proof. No refinement of logic Can unsettle them in tbe minds of freemen; no power can annihilate them, and no force at the command of auy Chief Magistrate can compel their surrenden So far as it is possible for us to understand from your language, the mental process which has led you to the alarming conclusions indicated by your communication, it is this: The habeas cor

pus ts a remedial writ, issued by courts and magistrates to inquire into the cause of any imprison ment or restraint of liberty, on the return of which, and, upon due examination, the person imprisoned is discharged, if the restraint is unawful, or admitted to bail if he appears to have been lawfully arrested, and is held to answer a criminal accusation. Inasmuch as this orocess may be suspended in time of war, you seem to think that every remedy for a false and unlawful mprison ment is abrogated; and from this postdate vou reach, at a single bound, the conclusion that there is no liberty under tbe Constitution which does not depend ou the gracious indulgence of the Executive onlr. This great heresv once established. and by this mode of induction' there springs at once into existence a brood of ' crimes or ollenses undefined bv anv rule, and hitherto unknown to the laws of this country: and this is followed by indiscriminate arrests midnight seizures, unheard of modes of trial and punishment, and all the machinery of terror and despotism. Your language does not permit us to doubt as to your essential meaning; for you tell ns that "arrests are made not so much for what has been done as for what probably would be done " rAnd again: "The man who stands bv and says nothing when the peril of his Govern ment Is discussed cannot be misunderstood. If not hindered (of course by arrest.) he is sure to help the enemy, and much" more if he talks am biguously talks for his country with 'buta and s and ands. iou also tell us that the arrrst8 complained of have not been made "for the treason defined in the Constitution," nor "for any capital or otherwise infamous crimes, nor were the proceedings following in any constitutional or legal sense criminal prosecutions." The very ground, then, of your justification is that the Tic timsof arbitrary arrest were obedient to every law, were guiltless of any known and defined offene. and therefore were without the protection of the Constitution. The suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, instead of being intended to prevent the enlargement of arrested criminals nntil a legal trial and conviction can be had. is designed, according to your doctrine, to subject innocent men to your supreme will and pleasure. Silence itself is punishable, according to this ex t-aordinary theory, and still more so the expression of opinions, however loyal, if attended with criticism npon the noliev of the Government. We must respectfully refuse our assent to this theorv of constitutional law. We think that men may be rightfully silent if thev choose, while clamorous and needy patriots proclaim the nraise of those who wield power; and as to the "huts." the "ifs" and the "ands," these are Saxon words and belong to the vocabulary of freemen. We have nlreadv said that the intuition of a free people instantly rejects these dangerous and unheard of doctrines. It is not our purpose to enter upon an elaborate and exteuued refutation of them. We submit to you, however, one or two considerations, the earnest attention which its supreme importance demands. We say, then. we are not aware that the writ of habeas corpus is now suspended m anv ot the loval and reaceful States of the Uuion. An act of Congress approved bv you on the 3d op March, 1SC3. authorized the President to suspend it during the present rebellion That the act is a legislative and not an executive act, has been held in every ju dicial decision ever made in this country, and we think it can not be delegated to any other branch of the Government But passing over that consideration, you have not exercised the power w hich Congress attempted to confer upon you, and the writ is not suspended in any part of the country where the civil laws are in force. Now, inasmuch us your doctrine of the arbitrary arrest nml imptisoiirrj!it of ittiiocci.t raen, in admitted violation of express constitutional guarantees, is wholly derived from the su-peasion of the writ of habeas corpu, the first step to be taken i:i the ascent to absolute power, ought, to be to make it known to the people th.-it the writ is in fact suspended, to the end that they may know what is their condition. You have not yet exercised this power, and therefore, according to yourown constitutional thesis, your conclusion falls to the ground. It is one ol" the provision? of the Constitution, and of the very highest value, thaf no ex post fado law shall be pas-sed, the meaning of which is, that no act which is not against the law when committed can be made criminal by subsequent legislstion. But your claim is, that when the writ of habeas corpus is suspended, you may lawfully imprison and punish for the crimes of silence, of speech, and of opinion. But as these are not offenses against the known and establishep l iw of the land, the constitutional principle to which we now refer, plainly requires that you should, before taking cognizance of such offenses, make known the rule ot action, in order that the people may be advised in due season, so as not to become liable to its penalties. Let us turn your attention to the most glaring and indefensible of all the assaults upon constitutional liberty which have niaiked the history of your administratiou. No one has ever pretended that the writ of habeas corpus was susDendedJn the State of Ohio, where the arrest ot a ri'izeu at midnight, already referred to, was nude, and he placed before a court-martial for trial and sewncc, upon charges and specifications which admitted his innocence according 10 the existing laws of the country. Upon your own doctrine, then, can you hesitate to redress that monstrous wrong? Iut. sir, we cannot acquiesce in your dogmas that arrests mid imprisonment, without warrant or criminal accusation, in their nature lawless and arbitrary, opposed to the very letter of conBtitwioniil guata'iiees. can become in anv sense rightful, by reason of a susnension of the writ of habeas corpus. We denv that the suspension of a single and peculiar remedy for such wrongs brings into existence new and unknown classes of offenses, or new causes for depriving men of their liberty. It is one of the most material purposes of that writ to enlarge upon bail persons who. non probable i-au-e, are duly and legally charged with some known crime, and a suspension of the writ was never nsked for in England or this country except to prevent such enlarge ment wen the supposed offense was against the safety of the Govern ment. In the year 18(17, at the time f Bunr' alleved conspiracy, a bill was passed in the Senate of the United Stares sus' pending the w rit of habeas corpus for a limited time in all rae where persons were charged on oath with treason or other high crime or misdemeanor, endangering the peace or safety of the Government. Rnt your doctrine undi-guisedly is, that a suspensi"!! of this writ justifies arrests without warrant without oath, and even without suspicion ot treason or other crime. Your doctrine tlcnie the freedom of speech and of the press. It invade the sacred domain of opinion and discussion It denounces the ifs" and the "buts" of the English language, and even the refuge of silence is insecure. We repeat, a suspension of the writ of hahea eorpus merely dispenses with a single and peculiar remedy against an unlawful imprisonment; hut if that remedy had never existed, the right to liberty would be the same, ntid every invasion of that right would be condemned not only by the Constitution, but by principles of far greater an tiquity than the writ itself. Our common law is not at all indebted to this writ for its action of false imprisonment, and the action would remain to the citizen, if the writ were abolished forever. Again, every man, when his life or liberty threatened without the warrant of law, may lawfully resist, and if necessary in self defense, may take the life of the aggressor. Moreover, the peonlb of this country may demand the impeach ment of the President himself for the exercise of arbitrary power. And when ail these remedies shall prove inadequate for the protection of free institutions, there remains, in the last resort, the supteme right of revolution. You once announce! this right with a latitude of expression which may well be considered dangerous in the present crisis of our national history. You said: "Anv people, anywhere,- being inclined and har ing the power, have the right to rise up and shake off the existing Government, and form a new one that suits them better. Nor is this right confined to cases where the people of aa existing Government may chose to exercise it. Any portion of such people that can may revolutionize aud make their own of so much of the territory as they in habit. More than this, a majority of any portion of such people may revolutionize, putting down a minority intermingled with or near about them, who may oppose their movements."- Vol. 19, Congressional Globe,' p.' 94 Such were your opinions, and you had a constitutional right to declare them.' , If a citiaen now should utter sentiments far less dangerous hi their tendency, your nearest military commander would consign him to a dungeon or to the tender mercies of a court martial, and you would approve the proceeding. r In our deliberate judgment the Constitution is not open to the new interpretation suggested by your communication now before us. We think every part of that instrument is harmonious and consistent. The possible suspension of the writ of habet's corpus Is consistent with freedom of sneech and of tho press. . The suspension of that remedial process may prevent the enlargement Of the accused traitor or conspirator until be shall be legal! tried and convicted or acquitted; but

in this we find no justification for arrest and im prisonment without warrant, without cause, without the accusation Or suspicion of crime It seems to us, moreover, too pW.'.i for argument that the sacred right of trial by jury, and in courts where the lawnf the land is the rule of; decision, is alight which is never dormant, never suspended, in peaceful and loyal communities and States. Will you, Mr. President, maintain that because the writ of habeas corpus may te in suspense, you can substitute soldiers and bayonets for the peaceful operation of the laws, mil itary commissions and inquisitorial modes of trial for the courts and juries prescribed by the Constitution "itself? Atid If yon 'cannot maintain this, then let us ask where i the justification for the monstrous proceeding in the case of a citizen nf Ohio to which we have called your attention? We know that . a recreant Judge! whose name has already descended to merited contempt, found the apology on the outside of the supreme and fundamental law of the Constitution But this Is not the foundation on which your superstructure of power is built. We have mentioned the act ol the last Congress professing to authorize a, suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. ' This set now demands your special attention, because if we are not greatly in error, its terms and plain intention are directly opposed to all the arguments and conclusions of your commun'cation. That act, besides providing that the habeas corpus may be suspended, expressly

commands that the names of all persons hereto fore or hereafter arrested bv authority of the resilient, or his Cabinet Ministers, being citi zens of States in which the administration of the ws has continued unimpaired, shal. be returned to the courts of the United States lor the districts in which such persons resile. or in which their supposed offenses were committed; and such return being made, if the next Grand Jury attending the courts does not indict the alleged of fenders, then the Judges are commanded to issue an order for their immediate discharge from im prsonment Now, we cannot help asking hether you have overlooked this law, which most ussu redly vou are bound to observe, or whether it be vour intention to disregard it? Its meaning Certainly cannot be mistaken. By it the National Legislature has said that the Pri dent may suspend the accustomed writ of habeas corpus, hut at the same time it has commanded that all arrests under his authoritv shall be promptly made known to the courts of justice, and that the accused parties shall be liberated. unless presented by a Grand Jury according to the Constitntion, and tried by a jury in the ancient and accustomed mode. The President mav pos sibly, so far as Congress can give the right, arrest without legal cause or warrant. We certainly deny that Congress can confer this right, beciuse it is forbidden by the higher law of the Consti tutiou. But, waiving that consideration, this statute, by its very terms, promptly removes the proceeding in everv case iato the courts where tbe safeguards of lihertv are observed, and where persons detained are to be discharged, unless indicted for criminal offenses against the estabÜMied and ascertained laws of the countrv. Upon what foundation, then, permit us to ask. do you rest the pretention, that men who are not accused of crime may be seize! ami imprisoned or banished at the will and pleamre of the President or any of Us subordinates in civil and mili tary positions? w here is the warrant for invad ng the freedom of speech and of the press? Where the justification for pla cing the citizen on trial without the presentment of a grand jurv and militarv commissions? I here is no power in this country which can dispense with its laws. The President is as much bound bv them as the hum lest individual. We pray you to bear in mind, n order that you may dulv estimate the feeling of the people on this subject, that for the crime of dispensing with the laws and statutes of Great Britain, nur ancestors brought one monarch to the scaffold, and expelled another from his throne. This power which vou have erected in thoory is of vast and illimitable proportions. If we may trust you to exercise it mercifully and leniently, vour successor, whether immediate or more re mote, may wield it with the euergv of a Cesar or Napoleon, and with the will of a despot and a tyrant It is a power without boundary or limit, because it proceeds ou a total suspension off all the legal and political safeguards which protect the rights of the citizen. It is a power not inapt ly described in the language of one of your Ree retarte. Said ilr. Seward to the British .Minister ill Washington: "I can touch a bell on my right hand and order the arrest of a citizen in Ohio. I cau touch the bell again and order tbe imprisonment of a citizen in New York, and no power on earth but that of the President can re lease them. Can the Queen of England, in her dominions, do so much?" This is the very language of a perfect despotism, and we learn from you, with protound emotion, that this is no idle boast. It is a despotism unlimited in principle, because the same arbitrary and unrestrained will or discretion, which can place men under illegal restraint or banish them, can applv the rack or the thumb screw, cau put to torture or to death. Not thus have the people of this countrv under stood their Constitution. No argumentcan com mend to their judgment such interpretations of the great charter of their liberties. Quick as the lightning's flash the intuitive sense of freemen percieves the sophistry, and rejects the conclusion. .. Some other matters which your Excellency ha. presented demand our notice. In justification ol vour course as to Jlr. alInndigham. vou have referred to the arrest of JuJge liall, a. New Orleans, by order of Gen. Jackson; but that case differs widely from the cage of Mr. Yallandigham. New Orleau waa then, aa vou truly state, nnder "martial or mili tary law." This was not so in Ohio, where Mr. Vallandigbam was arrested. The administration of the civil law hail not been disturbed in that Commonwealth. The courts were open, and justice was dispensed with its accustomed prompt itude. In the case ot Judge Hall, Hen. Jackson in a few davs sent him outside the line of bis en campments and set him at liberty; but you have undertaken to banish Mr. V allandigham from his home. You seem aLo to have forgotten that Gen. Jackson submitted implicitly to the judg ment of the court which imposed the fine upon him; that be promptly paid it; that he enjoined his friends to assent, "as he most freely did, to the decision which had just been pronounced against him " Mote than this, you overlook the fact that the then Administration (in the language of a welb known author) mildly but decidedly rebuked the proceedings of Gen. Jackson," and that the President viewed the subject with "surprise and solicitude." Uilike President Madison, you, iti a case much more unwarranted, approve the proceedings of your subordinate officer, and, in addition, justify your course by a carefully considered argument in its support. It is true tha', alter some thirty years. Congress, in consideration of the devoted and patri otic services of General Jackson, refunded the amount of the fine lie had paid! But the long delay in doing this ptoved how reluctant the American people were to do anvthiag which could be considered as in anv wav approving the disregard shown to the majesty of the law, even by one who so eminently enjoyed their confidence and regard. One subject more, and we shall conclude. You express your regret that our meeting spoke "as Democrats." and vou say that "in this time of national peril you would have pre I erred to meet us upon a level, one step nigner than any party platform." You thus compel us to allude to matters which we should have preferred to pass by. But we cannot omit to notice vour cnti cihtn. as it casts, at leat, au implied renroi;cb upon our motive and our proceedings. We beg to remind yon that when the hour of our country 't peril had come, when it was evident that a most uiuantic enort was to re maae to suoveti our institutions and to overthrow the Govern ment. when it was vitallv important that partv feeling should be laid aside, and that all should be called upon to unite most cordially and vigor ously to maintain the.Cnon; at the time you were sworn into office aa President of the United States, wben you should have urged your fellow citizens in the roost emphatic manner to overlook all paet differences and to rally in defense of their country and its institutions, when you should have enjoined respect for the laws and the Constitb tion. so clearly disregarded by the South, you chose, for the first time under like circumstances in the history ot our countrv, to set tip a party platform, called tbe "Chicago platform," as your creed; to advance h oeyonu me cousin utiou, an to speak disparagingly of that great conservative tribunal of our country, so uihly respected oy all thinking men who have inquired into our in stitutions THI Sl'PKEMK COIRT OF THE UxiTID States. . t . Your administration has been true to the prin ciples you then laid down. Notwithstanding the fact that several hundred thousand Democrats in the 1ovI States cheerfully responded to tbe call of the'ir country, filled the ranks of ita armies. and bv their "strong hands Rnd willing arms aided to maintain vour Exce'lency and the offi cers of the Government in the possession of our national capital; notwithstanding that the great bodv of the Democrats of the country hare. In the most patriotic spirit, gi'en their best efforts, their treasure, their brothers and their sons, to sustain the Government and to put down tbe re bellion, you, choosing to overlook all this, have made your appointments to civil law, from your Cabinet omcers ana loreign minister uown to tue

persons of lowest official grade among the tens of

thousands engaged iu collecting the revenues of tbe country, exclusively from your political associates. Under such circumstances, virtually prescribed by vour administration, and while most of the leading journals which supported it approved tbe sentetice pronounced against Mr. Vallandigbam, it was our irne course our honest course to meet as " Democrats." that neither Tour Excel lency nor the country might mistake our antece dents or our position, , - In closing this communication, we desire to reaffirm our determination, and, we doubt not. that of every one who attended the meeting which adopted the resolutions, to devote "all our. energies to sustain the cause of the Unon." Permit us, then. 111 this spirit, to ask your hxcellencv to re-examine the grave subjects we bsve considered, to the end that on your retire-" ment from the high position you occupy, you mav leave behind von no doctrines and no further precedents of despotic power to present you and vour posterity Irotn enjoying that constitutional ' liberty which is the inheritance of us all, and to the end, also, -that history may speak of your administration with indulgence, if it can not with approval. ; 1 - , From tbe Cincinnati Price Current, Joly 8. Financial and Commercial Summary far the rait tVrtk. Financial and commercial matters bare been attended to but partially during the week, owing to the general anxiety "and excitement growing out of the great battles fought In Pennsylvania last Wednesday, Thursday and Friday, and finally by the surrender f Vicksburg.on the 4th, -: Saturday, and which was made known throughout tha lovl States yesterday, causing the greatest joy. We say business wag abandoned to a great extent io all the leadiug markets; bene tbere is but little to be said regarding the commerce of the week. ' ' The defeat of Lee caused gold to decline 12 per cent., and as soon as it is known in New York that Vicksbnrg has fallen an additional decline of 10 per cent, will no doubt take place. At the close last eveuing the market for gold was very unsettled, and our quotations must be regarded nominal. Exchange has ruled firm at our quotations, with a light supply. Kentucky and Indiana currency is 1 per cent, lower. We quote: BITING. Xew Tork p,r. fol 30.$ 33 prem. Silver S3A.23 prem. SEL1LSG)prem. prrm. prrm. pn-m. "emand notes,.... 313?X prem. Kanturky bank notes. !Ä2.'t prrm. Indiana Mate nolrs Orders oc W aohiiigton. Certificate. ............. Quartermasters Vouchers, city -äs.1 prrm. JU-S-li . 3 ö. 4 (lis. Quar'rrmaxien Vouchers, countrv nasale. We have but little to say aliout the general markets. Flour has been dull, without much change. Wheat has been dealt in to a moderate extent at steady rate. Whisky firm. The fall of Vicksburg produced some speculative feeling iu pork and bacon, hut nothing of particular interest had taken place up to the close of last evening. Holders now feel as usual that there will be a Southern trade, as soon as the Mississippi is open, which is virtually the case now, and others imagine that there will be a speculative demand, and consequently an advance in prices, and thoughts of buying on the one hand, and of withdrawing from the market on the other, were agitating the minds of a few last evening. Whether the Southern demand come or not, it is quite likely that there will he some speculative demand, and that prices will advance, because the one would be a necessary consequence of the other. Last evening neither pork nor bacon could have been bought as cheap as they could on Monday, and as it is the market must be considered as closing unsettled, with a buoyancy as regards prices. J he wheat and barley harvest is about over in all this section, and the quality generally good Barley is in good order and an excellent color. Linseed oil ins advanced to $1 35. Red oil is worth ft9c per ponud. Profession v. Practice While Governor Morton was in New York last week, he was treated to n steamboat ride with the et ceteras, by some of the bankers and capitalists of that fast city. We infer they had a good time, aud that our Governor enjoyed the hospitalities considerably. In a sech be made, after testing the quality of the leliethmetits proTided, he said: Since the commencement of the war he had knowu no party. The appointments he made wou'd attest the truth of what he said. If an office was selected by any man, be did not ask hat were his politics but, is he for his country? Is he for the Union and the Constitution? Is be tor the suppression of the rebellion at anv and all hazards? If the answer was in the affirmative. he at once took the applicant by the hand." Applause this is certaiDlv very good doctni e, and if true, is highly creditable to Governor Morton. Jsut unfortunately nobodr here can be made to believe it. The general impression is, that bis course in making appointments was exactly the reverse of what he told his Hofham friends; and thnt adherence to the Aixtlitiou party, raiher than to the Constitution 1. country, was the test of n applicant's fitness for office, and was neces sary to secure His Excellency taking him by the hand. We scarcely think Governor Morton would renture to make such assertions in Indiana; nor would he probably have done t-o in New York before partaking nf the refreshment tendered him. The old adage says, when wiue is in. wit is out." Fort Wayne Sentinel. From the Paoli Eagle. Letter f rom lion. 1. w. Voorbeee In Iteffiird to me Conacript Law. It has been currently reported that the Hon. D. W. Voorhees advised resistance to the con -hcription law, iic. We addressed a letter to him on the subject, and the subjoined letter is his reply : Tihre liAi Tt. June 'JO. 1663. II. Comingoril, Eq. Dear Sir: I am just borne alter an absenre of three weeks, and find your favor of the 31st ull. , The report that I have advised resistance to the conscription act by force is utterly untrue. Ou tbe contrary, I have taken the position in every speech I have made since its passage that the ballot box and the judicial tribunals were the proper means by which to obtain relief against oppressive and unconstitutional laws. 1 o sub mit to the conscript ion. Ism aware, is truly regarded bv the people as a great calamity; but civil war all over our State is by far a greater one. Patriotic forbearance and Christian patience under an evil administration is better than bloody strife at our own homes. I fully recog nize the right of revolution against tyranny, but in my judgment that hour has not come, and I trust it uever may Truly yours. D. W. Yookbecs. From the llrribunr Telegraph, 2d inrt. The ICebelalnn Cumberland Csanty Paper .Hill. Among the localities visited by th Bebels, and among the manufacturers who suffered most. In Cumberland county, wns Mount Holly and its paper mills. Mount Holly is about six miles southeast of Carlisle. It is principally noted for its paper mills, and on these the Rebels made large drafts. The firm of Kempton k Mullin was rebeved of over $4,000 worth of superior cap, letter and tioe paper. After tbe stock had been takei possession of. the Rebels gave tbe firm a receipt for the stock taken, enjoining on them also not to allow a single ream of any other paper to be removed from the mill, without an order from Geti. Ewell. Other mills were treated in like manner, receipts being given for the stock Uken. and injunctions laid on the proprietor! to cive no paper to any one without an order from Ewell. The Rebels told the paper manufacturers that tbe stock they bad contributed to the Rebel Government was the most desirable article yet captured. It was greatly needed in the department at Richmond, and would be welcomed with more satisfaction by President Davis than a dozen captured Uuion sundarda. The Wheat Crop. From all tbe information we can gather, it is conceded that the wheat crop is better this season than it has been for the past twenty years. We took a ride up Deer Creek as far as the Burlington and Logansport plank road on last Wednesday, which offered us an pportuuity of seeing many of the fine farms in that section, and we are gratified to be able to sUte that we never saw so fine prospects for an abundant yield for almost everything vegetable as will be this season. Corn is small, but has a bealthy appearance, and farmers will have enough time after wheat harvest to give it auother plowing. Farmers will be through with theii wheat harvest by tbe last of next week. Delphi Times. 3f The "Birthplace" of Daniel Webster, in Franklin. N. H., hag passed out of the Webster name. It was owned by the widow of the late Colonel Fletcher Webster, by whom it has been recently sold to Mr. L. D. Colly, of Franklin.