Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 4, Indianapolis, Marion County, 22 June 1863 — Page 1

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r p s. IIIJGj VOL.' XXIII, NO. 4. INDIANAPOLIS, IND., MONDAY, JUNE 22, 1863. WHOLE NO. 1,250. v.

WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL, . rITCP AID rVKUSHBD avaav aomi at tut . 4EAVrSE.TIXEff. OFFICE, 50. s sorrn meridian streit. ELDER, DARKNESS, & BIXGIIAM

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A friend has sent us a speech delivered by Hon. S. S. Cox, it Newark, Ohio, on the 27th of May, addressed to his constituent. The subject-matter of ihe speech was the questions involved in the arrest of Yallasdioham, which Mr. Cox discusses not only miih eloquence, ability and fairness, but with the deep feeling which that event occasioned with every nun who desires to see the supremacy of the Constitution and the laws m lintahed during the terrible ordeal which the country is now undergoing. As we can not publish the speech entire, for want of space, we reproduce the following extracts, which the reader can not fail to admire both for the felicity with which the sentiments are expressed, and the force of tbe argumeut he uses:.. - Fllow citjzkns: In the last Congress you were mv constituents. It is proper that I should answer your call to address you; for you should know every reason for every vote I gave as jour Representative. I represented your voice truly when I warned and worked from 1656 to ItG'l against the pas sionate zealotry of North and South; when I de Bounced, in and out of Congress, the bad fallacy antl worse conduct of the secessionists; r.hen I voted to avert the impending war by every measure of adjustment, and when, after war came, by my votes for money and men, 1 aided the Administrator! in m lintaining the Federal authority over the insurgent Suites. Sustained by you, I supported every measure which was constitutional and expedient to crush rebellion. At the same time I have freely canvassed and challenged the conduct of the Administration in the ue oi tho means committed to it by a demoted people. I am to day lr to do it. 1 shall do it with decorum. . (Jen. Ilascall, ia his Order No. 38, has interdicted all such speaking as will make the Administration disreputable; and he has said that Gen. Burnside has approved of that order. I do not believe this to be true. I am sure that Gen. üuruside could not have approved of that order and theo- have told Judge Leaviit, in Iiis return to the habeas corpus in Yallandigham' case, that "if the people do not approve the policy of the Administration, they ran change the constitutional authorities of the Government, at the proper time and in the proper me'hod." What time and method? At and by the elections provided by law. To this we all agree. Jo going to j til for that. Nor is Gen. Burnside so absurd as to accord to os the privilege of flection, without the means to make up our minds as to the policy of men to be voted tor, for he goes on to say: "Let them freely discuss the policy in a proper tone." Very pood I agree to that. No bonds for me yet. If, therefore, by "a proper tone" 1 should bring the Administration into dis rcpure. Gen. Burnside will not send me to prison. I n ieed I do not think an improper tone can ever bring any one into disrepute except him who ae it. Theiefore I think Uen. Hascall h is pre sumed on hi brief authority, and has been ae Cording! v dismissed. Hut Uen. Burnside would top what he calls "license and intemperate discussion." Had such discussions been prohibited year po, this war would not have been on u now. As to the propriety of stopoing that sort of discussion by military aiTOts, even if they were lel. I should dissent from the General; but as to the btd taste and policy of such discussion I should azree. No "o!Te;ue" in myin? that, I trust. The umr thine: haa been eak: in various ways since men wrote with the stylus, or Cadmus ratle the alphabet. Indeel he weaken his cause who uses the intemperate or licentious tone. - Ia he therefore to b suppressed. Even the 2ew York Tribune has said that "our Federal and State Constitutions do not re cognize perverse opinions nor unpatriotic s peechea as grounds of infliction " We niust, to be faithful citizens, take the dross with the gold, ia the current discussions of the day. Better let the little speck of license remain upon the eve. than put out the orbs of public intelligence and live in sightless and despotic gloom. The people of this land ean not change tUeir nature iior their education. Much as they may deprecate bad sentiments, they prefer to see thtni flash like powder innocently above ground, than pent up to explode with fetrful ruin and combustion. It is in the spirit I b iv indicated of decorous. and discreet moderation that I propose to discuss the question, uppermost in your mind, connected with the arrel of Mr. Yailandigbim. It is unnecessary for me tu denounce his arrest as illegal. I come not to stimulate passion. I ask you to practice the courage of endurance, to the end that we may more speedily hare a remedy. The riietioii iuvolved in Mr. Valtanriijchani'ii arrest does not concern him alone If it- is a breach of hw i involves the fate of each and all. His arrest I a breach of the Constitution State and Federal which provides for the security of the people, in their persons., homes, pipers and effect, which forVid that auy one shall be held to answer for any rrime except by indictment; which protects life, liberty and property by the processes of law, and which declares for free - speech without abridgement. The question in that view is: Can a citizen not connected with the army of the United States, remote from the scene of its operation , and in Ohio where all the laws are yet enforced by constitutional tneaiiA, be subjected to military arrest aitd trial and imprisonment before a military commission, and punishment at its discretion, eiilw?r for oft"enes unknown to the law, or, if known, for which the law has provided a mde of trial and penalty? Io other words: In this time cf great peril, has the Federal Legislature, after two years of war, failed to provide for all its emergencies! and, if it has failed, ean the Executive act instantly and berond the limiu of the law, at his discretion? Io pursuing these questions, I hold 1. That Congress has provided for the offense alleged against Mr. VallaDdizhatn. Ia the specifications, he is charged with various expressions, "all of which opinions and sentimcoU he well knew, did aid. comfort and enconrage thot-e in arms agiinst the Government, and could but induce in his bearers a distrust of their own Government, sympathy for those in arms against it, and a disposition to resist the laws of the land." In the laws passej bv the last Congress, such an offeuae U nude pünühabfe. By an act ap

proved July 17, lc62. to "suppress insurrection," lie , known as the confiscation act, it is provided (sec. 2) that if any person "shall cive aid or comfort to the rebellion or insurrection, and be convicted thereof, such person shall be punished" by fine and imprisonment and disqualification for office. In the 14th section, the Courts of the United States are given "full power" to institute all proceedings under the law. This would be sufficient as to the crime as alleged and the tribuual to try it; but Congress did not stop there. By an act approved March 3d, 166.'?, kt.own as the act relatinsr to the habeas corpus U. 8. Statutes, page 755, Slc from which I now read, the President is authorized to suspend the writ of habeas corpus "io any rase througltout the United States or any part of it." Whenever and wherever the writ is suspended no military or other officer is bound to answer the writ by the production of the body; but the Jntfge shall, on notice that the prisoner 's held on der the President's order, sufend all proceedings under the habeas corpus. By the si me law the Departments oT State and of War arc to furnish to the Judges of the districts the names of political prisoners who were arrested therein for civil trial. If the accused are not indicted the Judge is to order a discharge and the custodian is to ex ecute the order. ' In case the Departments fail to sen ! such a lis to the Judges any citizen may do it and ob'a'n the discharge of the prisoner. These laws are in force. They were made by a Republican Congress. They were made for this very exieency. This civil war was in contemplation when they were passed. It was intended by these laws to prevent arbitrary arrests and inquisitorial tribunals of military men. It was intended by them to guarantee an accusatorial trial; openly, with indictment by a jury, selected impartially, and who should teturn an absolute verdict. It will be remembered that two diys after the emancipation proclamation, to wit: September 24. 1W62, the President i.-sued another proclam tioti sutjecting all persons "to trial by courts martial and military commissions" who were found "affording aid and comfort to the Re bels." The same proclamation suspended the habeas corpus for all such per oim

If, then, vou would understand the law of March 3. 1 FG-'I. remember it was intended expressly to ignore the right of lite President to issue that proclamation without the atithoritv from Congress. The first section sulst:H)tially disavows the right of the Pre-tdent to suspend the writ without the consent of Congress thereto. The other section quoted provides civil trial for those arrested. Would you know the motive which prompted the law ot March? Read the debates of the last session. The arbitrary ni rrs's of the last summer were condemned at the l ist Till elections. In Vermont, in M tssachu.-ctts, in New York, in New Jersey, in Iowa, in Ohio every wheie, far and aloof fiom ' military ptecincts, such arrests were made. The names of the victims are familiar. The election operated, as the miracle of old did, to open the prison doors. When, on the first day of the last session, I offered a resolution denouncing these arrests, and calling on the President to stop them, it was voted down bv the Republic ns; yet many of their best men refused to Pinction such proceedings Uowan, Browning. Kellogg, and others, felt the necessity of providing for the relief of all civilians from military arrest and trial. They di?estel this pl.-tn of turning them over to the civil authorities for indictment, trial, and punishment or did cb rge. Thus was secured, by the last Republican Congress, that peral trial upon which Montes quieu thonght "that chiefly the liberty of the citizen depended." In Ohio there hail been no suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. It was therefore the duty of Judge Leavitt to see to it that Mr. Vallandiglnm had the benefit of the writ. The implication of this law I have quoted, to say nothing of the constitutional right of every one imirisoned, as of course to -have the writ required the judge to issue it. What business was it of his whether Gen. Burnside would or would not execute it? He must have known the history of this writ of freedom o this glorious result of the Ion? struggle in Englahd between law and power. He must have learned that the law had triumphed in the struggle, and that, however it may be in France, where an iron rod was the staffof justice, in America and England, at common law, individual liberty and public justice were not empty words, but practical realities, made so by the independence of the judiciary and the majesty of thedaw. So long as the writ had not been suspended in Ohio, nor martial law declared, he had no riht to refuse it, even to the meanest criminal. II id he allowed it. bow do we know but th it Get. end Burnside would hare taken counsel of the Attorney General, Mr. B ites, who, as an hone.-t officer would have advised that Gen. Burnside should either have returned the body, or have complied with the law of March 'A, lr-G-1, and have ut once notified the Judüe th.it he could not by reason of suspension of habeas corpus in Ohio; or per haps the Secretary of War might have handed in the name of Mr. Yallandigham to the Judge for "due process of law," by indictment and trial, in obedience to the law of March 3, lc63. By the failure or neglect of Mr. Stanton to comply with his p:irt of the law of March 3, 166.1, it is now impossible to comply with it provisions fince Mr. Vall tntligham is removed hy the act of our urinary outside of its lines. If Mr. Yaltand. iham's name were placed upon the list sent to Jude Lcavitt, it is now too late to afford him the civil trial provided by the Republican Congress. When snch Republican papers as the Evening Pot ail the New Yoik Tribune condemn such proceedings; wlieriacba moerate mid historic journal as the National Intelligencer protests; when the New Yoik World, nver frienllj to Vallatidiham'is peace notiona. uttera it indignant and noble remonstrances, shall we the party which h is ever been jealous of lliemcroachmenli of power, fail to Kpeakt Aa your representative t'uring the Congress which enacteti the laws referred to, I dee! re to you that the avowed object of that legislation was to save the nation from any more of the ilUgraccul scenes of tho last fiimmer, when citizens were seized without warrant, imprisonied without law, and dismissed without bearing. In Ohio, the civil machinery of the Stäte has not stopped. Every part of it was ninning" with out jr under the Constitution. The courts were ooeii, the process of the State unimpeded, not a pulley, lever, joint, wheel or cog ut of placeall evolving out of harmony, order, peace and security. Disfussion waa free; printing unrestricted; meetings public; the ballot-box and nil other elements of freedom were unimpaired, when !o! a citiy.eii is seized in his own house, in the nijrrtt time, and by military fort e taken before a military tribunal, nni by a mode of seizure nnd duress unknown to the institution of the Stte, to answer for an offense for the trial of which a law had alreadv leen passed nnd a different tribunal already designated. He is tried, and justice laughs at the mockery, He is sentenced to le thrift within the borders of a formidable rebellion, whose success he had everywhere depreca ted. What can come of it? What does it fore bode? What does it mean? Horace Greeley told the truth when he said that this banishment was the worst joke that Mr Lincoln had yet per' petrated. Precisely what Mr. Greeley means I cannot say; but if ilr. Vallindigham !cdirc. boldly In the South, as he has n the North, against the independence of their section and the infernal atrocity of their war aptinst our Government, this exiie will be a comedy of errors. If Mr. Yallandigham should, through what he may conceive Io be the injustice of the North or the blandishments of the South, show the least sympathy with the rebellion and Its oljei;, I shall be "mistaken in Ms character. His Demo craMc friends will be the first to ntisthematize'such recreancy. Time, to which he has appealed, will solve the wisdom or the unwisdom, the serious ness or joeoseness of this peculiar punishment.' It is on record that on some most material questions my votes ami speeches were not in accordance with VallandighatnV ; I differed with him then, and yet differ, as you know, as to his peace policy; but upon that occasion I said very little that would not be obnoxious to the saute punishment, if, indeed, his speech there was obnoxious Yet my speech was reported as "harmless;" his as "dangerous." I think I am right In assuming that Vallandighim's policy was the real cause of his arrest. This again enlarges the discussion. Had he a right to indulge in unwise and unpatriotic speeches? Supposing that he is wrong and others right, still there remains an important question, something more momentous than the arrest of one man. It is the right of free speech. It Is the right always exercised In time of war by soma one In favor of peace; a right indispensable to the attainment of the very

object of war, which is peace. Thii right has been always usexi in time of war, as well in Enalind as in America. To vindicate that right before you would be superfluous. As well reargue the principle of gravitation, the circulation ot the blood, or the existence of light. Tbe time was when John Milton wrote his scholarly defense ot unlicensed printing, and proved the thesis uf Euripides, fixed in immortal Greek at the head of his chapter, that "This Is true liberty, when freeborn men, ' Having to adrise the public, may speak free.' What he thought then, at the dawn of English popular freedom, tho courts of England afterward applied to both religion and politics. On the 24th of July. 17D7, Thomas Williams was tried before Lord Kt-nvou for printing Paine's attack on Christianity.. The great Lord Erskine defended him. While he reprobated the object of the Infi lei in bis "Age of Reason," he viudicat ed with angelic eloquence, which has made his speech the verdict of millions, the most unbound ed freedom of discussion, even to the challenging of error in the Constitution itself, especially in its administration. ., Uner such a large-minded philosophy, we could tolerate a Wendell Phillips, so long as there is left Reason to combat his heresies of hate But. il we are otily to have freedom of speech from the Phillipses and other ranters "against our system of government, while those are throttled who, to preserve that system, would correct its administration, then indeed is Liberty manacled, and Reason in irons. These old discussions I had thought would never have !ee:i revived except to honor the heroism of the eir'y martyrs who. like Algernon Sydney, died for free.lom of thought, or to admire their graceful style of expression through which the soul of heroism shown. We had already gemmed upon the lorehead of our time the resplendent corroiial of free thought and free printing mtd free speech. . They were the crown je wels of popul.ir sovereignty. They have not been shut up in caskets, like the jewels of princes, but set in our fundamental law not for a life only, btit for a nation's life, to hiiie with their silent tap ibMities of light for an immorHlitj! With hat a glorious fervor Dmiel Webster vindicated this right, you have- reco;:iiixed by adopting his sentiment as one of your resolutions to day. His comprehensive mind saw in free de bate, the scholar's stimulus, the philosopher's stone, the statesman's policy, the citizens protection and the religionist's faith! He saw in it the rod for error, the plummet of truth, and the car of advancement. Especially did he find in its guarantee, a nation's capacity and repose, a people's liberty and happiness. He saw that reason would lose her great office; the pen its pungency and power, and eloquence its lervor andjorce, if jou hamper and circumsciihe freedom of thought and speech. What Webster saw and expressed with the plow of a great heart, Thomas Jefferson has handed down in his inaugural message, wherein he has impeirled forever the principles of Democratic liberty ; a jealous care of the rieht of elec lion; the supremacy ol the civil over the military authority ; the diffusion of information, and the arraignment ol all abuses at the bar of public reasou; freedom of the press and freedom of person under the protection of habeas corpus and trial by juries impattiallv selecied. These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps tlitouh an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages, the blood of our heroes has been devoted to their attainment. They should be the creod ofourpolitic.il .aith, the text of civil instruction, and the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trut; and, should we wander from them in moments of error ard alarm, let ns hasten ta retrace our steps and to regain the road which leads to peace, liberty and safety. Mr. C ix, after discussing other question-, con eluded his speech, which was nearly two hours in its delivery, by urging Democrats to walk warily in these times of trial; to walk slow, with short steps nd firm steps, and ever in the path of duty to ttie Government. Fmro the Columbia Cily (Ind.) Kews, Jane 2. Grand Itrrrplion uf nntor Alexander J. flout; Ii., ty Iiis) Democratic Constituents, on Itis Arrival ut the Depot here from Hie .Hiliturjr Ilastile n tbe Ucon City. The reception given Io the Hon Alexander J. Douglas, State Senator from the Huntington and Whitlev district; by his DsirvMrtie constituents of Whitlev county, on his arrival here at the depot on Friday afternoon last, was one of the most iuiKsin impromptu demonstrations ever given to a public man. The gathering was ex cetlinlv l irse. considering tint no jirevious no-ti-e being given, and cou'd not huve numbered less than one tlioiM.ui I persons. The day was beautiful, and everything portended a glorious termination. Lonj; hcfoi e the '2:'.W train was due, tie Democracy formed into processio in front of the Court House, nnd ftoin thence, headed by Columbia City Brass Band in their magnificent band wagon, drawn by four horses, marched to the railroad depot under the direction of Marshal J. B Edwards, amid the firing of cannoua and the shouting of freemen, in carriages and wagons, on horseback and on foot, forming one grand cavalcvle, to welcome back into our midst Senator A. J. Douglas, from his " military campaign," in the Lincoln, Bastile near Cuiciunati. Arrive! at the depot, every eye was strained in the direction from whence the train was approaching;. When it hove in sight the air reverberated with the shouts of freemen, the cannon thundered . forth its salute of welcome, and the brass bind commenced playing an appropriate lne. When Senator Alexander J Douglass descended Irom the cars he waa surrounded ly bis fiiends and borne away to a carriage in waitiug for him. The procession then formed into line and marched brk into the city, and, after parading through pome of the principal streets, baited in front of the Cotirt-lioKse. where speaking- ms announced. Hon. John S Cotton, in a brief but pithy Speech, welcomed Senator Alexander Jackson Douglas h.H-k Among" his friends. His denunciation of the arbitrary minions commanding these arrests w.ie Rcithiutr and well deserved, and was received with thunders of applaue by the audi euce. His speech was admirably adapted to the occasion, b id tbe riiij: of the true metal, and was delivered in an impressive and forcible style. Senator I)oulies' response was an eloquent effort, ne gave a complete history of his impri sonment, from the day he was ruthlessly torn away from his children, until he was discharged. He was unsparing in his condemnation of the dastardly wretches who attempt to stifle the freedom of debate He devoted particular attention to the infamous nd tretsonablo Union Leagues, and contended that these midnizht orft nidations were instrumental in causing the suppression of Detii'MTrttio newspapers nd the arrest of Demo cratic speakers. He denounced the ' Republican in unnie-isured term, and poate-l tbe editor there of for iiliffin him during his imprisonment, as "a pusillanimous coward and a Ii ir " He ed ministered a severe cisiietion to the reverend gentleman who. when he hfird of bis arrest, was overjoved at the dast irdly deed and expressed bimaclf in a lat3'aze unbecotniiii; his station. The speaker fairly burned with indignation when he alluded to these things. The speech was un questionably the . grandest efTos-t he ever made, and perfectly electrilie-l the assemblage, whiib, now and then, would burst out. in thunders of applause. He was attentively listened to throughout, and, when be had concluded, three hearty cheers were giveu with a good will for the speaker. , When silence was once more restored, Mr. S. H. Wunderüth reported a series of resolutions, expressive of the sense of the meeting on the suppression of Democratic newspapers and the arbitrary arrest of Democratic politicians, which were unanimously adopted, as follows: Whereas. By the Constitution of the United States the citizen is guaranteed the right of free dorn of speech and ol the press, and to assemble peaceably and petition the Government for a redress of grievances. Wh r.Ra as. These God given, as well as constitutional rights, lutve been ' infringed and violated in the persons of two of our townsmen and fellow citiaens, and in an effort to suppress the publication of' tbe Colombia City News, it becomes us, as a community, to give free expression to onr opinion In relation to this blow at the Constitution and the right of personal liberty ; therefor, be it . Rrtnlnrd, I. That we, will protect and maintain those rights guaranteed to us by the Constitution and the laws made in accordance therewith: first, by a resort to the civil law to maintain and preserve our liberties by those means, we will have them at all hazards by some other means. 2. That he who peeks to abridge or destroy these rights is a traitor to' law and to lib

erty, and we will hold all who infringe upon our rights as citizens, responsible for any loss of life or property that may oossibly follow. . - 3. That the true test of loyalty is obedience to law, and that those who violate law upon the plea of necessity, or pretend to be governed by a higher law than the Constitution, are enemies to liberty and free institutions, and should be condemned arid discountenanced as such by all loyal and law abiding men. ' 4. That the military power is, and must remain, subordinate to the civil power; and that while we will obey the law and seek redress for wrievaneea through the forms ef law and tribunals of justice, we demand and insist upon a like obedience by all men, whether in office or out of office, military or civil. 5 That Alexander J. Douglas, Senator from Huntington and Whitlev counties, nnd Engelbert Zimmerman, editor of the Columbia City News, the persons who have suffered personal inconvenience and loss by this unwarranted violation and disregard of law, are entitled to and have the thanks and sympathies of nil conservative men of Whitley county, for their firm and manly-adherence to principle and right under the trying and perilous circumstances in which they have been placed. 6. That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the Columbia, Cit''News. frndtht the Democratic papers throughout the State, and the Chicago Times, be requested to copy the same. After the reading of the resolutions the meeting adjourned, and Senator Douglas was escorted home to his family by the brasa band and a goodly number of citizens. From tbe London Times, May 30. Iturnside, Hooker and vicClellan. Several months have elapsed fince the ex treme Atolitioiiists of the Federal Congress urged Mr. Lincoln to "reconstruct" his ministry by dismissing Mr. Seward and some of his les iufluentisl colleagues. The President declined to adopt any such measure, not feeling assured that a change of men would necessarily produce any improvement in the state of affairs. He sawclearly enough that this could only be brought about by a change of events. What the Government required was a few successes in the field, a series of victories instead o( defeats, and be did not see how this was to be secure! even if the malcontents '.'ould provide him wiih "a Cabinet of Angels." As the leaders of tbe agitation could recommend no one superior to themselves, and had oot impressed Mr. Lincoln with any be lief in their superhuman ability, he retained Mr. Seward and the other ministers whom the Republican vote had selected. But the rxtrrme "wing" of the party teas sat i 'led by one c.oner$ion Gen. McCleUnn teat removed from the command of the army. His political opinions were nvdcrate, and his military lalcnts considerable. The army has since sustained repeated and disastrous defeats under Generals of more decided political convict'ons. The result, therefore, of the change of commanders In the field has rather justified the President in his doubts of the advantage of reconstructing his Administration. But the reverses of the last campaign have again excited discon tent. There is a revival of censure and rcmon'ranee, and the tide of opposition is now run nitig strongly both against the Cabinet and Gen. Hooker. The old difficulty, created by the want of "success," has returned iu an aggravated form, for now the Ministry itself appears to be all but broken np by internal dissensions. The fatal consequences of the incapacity of Burnside and Hooker have created a reaction of opinion in favor of McClellan, whose caution and clear estimate of his opponent's strength now appear gifts in a commander that ought not to have been despised. He certainly would tnot have fought the last two battles before Fredericksburg under the circumstances that have linked the names of his successors with such crushing reverses. Something like repentance for the injustice that has been done him is visible in the proposal to reinstate him in command, which ia supported by three members of the Cabinet. It is on this point the di visions have arisen. The President, it is said, is disoosetl to retain Hooker, still impressed, probably, by his jld disblief in the efficiency of any ch nge of men while the run of events is so adverse under all selections. Another contingency is that Gen. Halleck will take the actual comra ind of the army in the field, and try his skill or fortune where so many have been wrecked, and that Mr. Seward and Mr. Sunton will be superseded in the Ministry by Gen. Butler and Mr. Sumner. The political con test is between Ihe moderates and the "uitras," and only the decision of the President an turu the scale. . The military tribunal lor an expression of opinion, the sentence confirmed by the General commanding, and the secret committal to a fortress for a term undefined, is the rule of Poland, transferred to tho last country on the face of the earth where it would have seemed possible to enforce such unqualified despotism. The best hopo of those who think liberty worth preserving, is in the fact that the Federal Government is lese likely to produce terror by such extraordinary measure than irritation. It is in the minority now, and the majority against it is increasing like a rising tide. In any country, where the political existence of a government is not guaranteed to it in advance, whether it proves bad or good, detested or popular, such a ministry would be swept awav in a weelr, and another installed which would represent the feeling of the time. The Federal C ihinet represents opinions that prevailed three years ago. An age, measured by events. Ins since p issed away, and all ia changed. But to displace the government would require a po'itical revolution, perhaps . a second war, and the North cannot fight with itself and the South at the same time. . . ,

I,oanport Tfasw .tleetintf Great t"prising of the People Total Annllii. I li n f ! I'ninn l,enfties 0O00 Itrmorrals tn t'suncll I ruin Caaaa atna Adjoining Count leu. Editor Sixtmii: Ex Senator Graham N. Fitch takes strong ground lor Democratic policy. He denounces in unmeasured terms Burnside, Hascali and ihe War Dejmrtment generally. Senator Turnte, in his peeuliar stvle. flays the Abolitionists alive and proclaims the arrest of 11 tndigham ft worse crime than the secession of South Carolina. Tbe great Voorhees more than met the expectations of the people, more than ever shone forth the dignified statesman and true patriot that he is. These headings will give you but a faint idea of the largest meeting that has ever been held in the State outside of this city. The three railroads centering there, all run half fur excursion trains, which came loaded with Democrats "shcm'.ina the battle cry" of Yallandigham and Yoorhees, and, echoing back from the thronged highways came the response of "Hurrah lor VallsHtiisham and "Three cheers for Dan Voor bees." The Union Leagues paled before the honest, earnest masses "peeking redress of grievances from usurpers, fanatics and madmen. The vast multitude collected at 1 o'clock P. M , on the military grounds, just north of Elk river. Col. Fitch, in organizing the Convention, was received with great applause; and in truth when he again came forward, the champion of of his old party and his tree principles, it was like an electric shock He counseled moderation, unity of action and obed'ence to law. Turpie and Voorhees delivered very able speeches, occupying four hours, during which time the vast crowd stood, although the weather waa hot and sultry. It is not proper for me to speak of the evening meeting, for that portion of it which I did not participate in I did remain a spectator to. Indeed thia waa a glorious day for the con servative Union-loving people of that section of the State, and will lon? be remembered. And, let me add, that the attentions of Messrs. Hall, Taylor. Fitch. Judge Stewart, Walton. Chutny and others to those in attendance from a distance will also be long remembered as among the most pleasing instances of social life. - Yours, t" Se.vato TauMBuix Comivo Round. Heretofore Senator Trumbull of Illinois, has been classed, and not without reason, among the most radical of the Republican radicals. But be ia coming round. Ilia recent speech in Chicago in justification of Presideut Lincoln's revocation of the edict of Gen. Burnside agairt the Chicago Times, was a seasonable and sensible speech..: It deserves to be classed with the late sound constitutional, out-and out conservative speech of Gerrit Smith at Utica. When such men abandon the bloody instructions of the abolition ultras we may feel assured that the day of their power for demoralization and mis:hief is drawing to a close. N.Y. Herald. ,

From the London Times, May IS. Yallandlchamand the Lincoln Cabl ' wet. ' If we would conceive the earnest longing of the Northern people after th;ir lost Union, we must consider the- outrages ami indignities to which thev will submit from these who promise to restore it. Although the government of Mr. Lincoln confessedly has the respect of no body of men In the country; thbugh he himself is a person of neither ability nor dignity; though some among his chief advisers are known to have misbehaved themselves in a manner which any other country would punish bT expulsion not only from office, but also from society; though the military commanders are incapable, and the war languishes, and the men desert through want of confidence in their leaders, yet the majority at the North shrinks so much from the prospect of a divided Republic, that it wi!l allow people w hom it looks upon and talks about as -imbeciles and jobbers and braggarts to commit any act of tyranny under the pretense of maintaining the Union. ' It does not believe in them; it would be glad to get rid of them and replace them by better men; but they are in power; they stand as the representatives, however anworthy, of the United States, and, hoping against hope, the people of the North obey them became opposi'.ion might seem like an abandonment of- a cherished design.. We do not think that in the days of England's fiercest struggle with the French Republic the Government of Pitt would have ventured on such an act as the trial by court martial of a private -person for making a speech against the war, and recommending his hearers to agitate constitutionally for the overthrow of the Ministry. Yet it was for an offene precisely similar that Mr. Vallandigham, one of the most prominent politicians of Ihe West, has been sentenced to two years' banishment to a mise-able little islet a sentence graciously commuted bv the President into ex

pulsion from his home and from the limits of the Northern States. The expressions were proved, and, indeed, were for the most part not denied bv the speaker. But he brought evidence to show that his whole speech contemplated simply Constitution! opposition to the Government, and that, moreover, he had previously declared in favor of maintaining the Union in all events. All resistance to Mr. Lincoln was to be made "in the courts and by the ballot box." In short, any one who reads Jhe trial must admit that Mr. Yallandigham, whether right or wrong, only osed such legitimate "strong language" as has been used by AngloSaxon politicians on both sides of the ocean at any time for a century past. To call such a speech seditions and a comfort to the enemy is to say that under no circumstances is a national war to be opposed at all. The chiefs of the Whig party sixty years ago, and the reace Society during the Russian war might have been seized and transported with just as much justice as Mr. Yallandigham In spite of an able protest, in which the accused declared that not being in the military service of the United States, a court martial could have no jurisdiction over him, he was condemned to two years imprisonment at Dry Tortugas a sentence so sea odalously severe as to show the spirit of the court which tried him. He has . appealed to the United S'.ates Court at Cincinnati; but this tribunal hesitated to grant a writ of habeas corpus, and Gen. Burnside attempts to forbid it to act. In the meantime, though it is said that the press condemns the conduct of the General, there is so much apathy that we cannot doubt that Mr. Lincoln may banish or imprison bis critic at his pleasure. A Government with such power ought to do something great; yet it appears every day more plain that the Cabinet of Washington is formidable to its own helpless citizens. Fur the State Sentinel. . itlaliome dnn Example Editor Sentinel: Aboubekre, upon whom, at tbe death of Mahomet, the mantle of the deescrd prophet fell, after fitting out his armies. in obedience to the wj! of Mahomet, to invade Syria for the subjugation of that people to the worship of the true God, and to compel the abandonment of their idolatrous practice. Upon the departure of his army, he thus addressed it: "Warriors of Islam, attend a moment, and listen w ell to the piecepts w hich I am about to promulgate to you for observation in time of war. Fight with bravery and loyalty. Never use artifice and perfidy toward your enemies; do not mutilate the fallen; do not slay the aged, nor the children, nor the women; do -not destroy the palm tree; do nt burn the crops; do not cut the fruit-trees; do not slaughter the animals, except what will be necessary for your nourishment. You will find upon your route men living in solitude, in meditation, in the adoration of God; do them no injury give them no offense." Lamartine says: "This order of the day, by a Chief, reputed barbarous, of a horde of Bedouins of the desert, contrasts as yet Jo the present day for its toleration an j humanity with the war manifestoes of the Generals of a religion more fraternal and of a civiiiz ttion more advanced." ' Oucama, the General of the army of the Representative of Mahomet, went forth for the propagation and establishment of the religion of Mahomet to compel the idolatrous Syrians to an abandonment of their idols, and to yield their ad oration to the true God. Oucama carried wjih him, and strictly obeyed the commamb of Aboubekre. He invaded the country of the Syrians success attended his arms, and under the tienign influence of the teachings of the devout Representative of Mahomet, that people were induced to abandon their idolatrous practices and yield acknowledgement to, and tender their worship to the only true God. Are not "our ears pained and our souls sick of every days aad report" detailed in the journals at home and abroad, of burned houses, towns and Tillages; of cities sacked, of piain burned, field deaolated. fruit trees cut, and wo an en and children and aged men (if not murdered) bereft of home and all the necearies of life. In the teachings of - these barbarians and the success of their arms might we not he taugb valuable lessons, fucli as would enable us to avoid the defeats and disasters which unfortunately too often grate upon our ears. Weald President Lincoln abandon his idolatrous adontioti to that doctrine which teaches a higher law than the Constitution, nnd respect the mantle which has descended to him through a long; train of eminmt predecessor, and give to the Generals and soldiers of our armies the Constitution of the United States, and of the respective States, with the powers of each, and the rights of the citizens thereof, as expounded by the properly consli'uted tribunal established by the people, and also the orders given to our armies fcr its government npon the invasion of Mexico, advisinjr them that these constituted the ark of our political safety; might we not then hope that defeat and disaster would cease; that soon the lamentation of the widow, the wail of the orphan, the anguish of the sick and wounded would soon be heard no more in our land. Political infidelity to all we hold dear would oon depart the land, and those wayward, sinning brethren now in arms, would be found leturning, shouting hozannas to peace, union and fraternity, A nation, like individuals, to sustain a decent respect before just men and the world, must do right before demanding a right from others; must do equity before demanding it of another. Should we not well consider our policy and learn that we have clean hands, lest in the end we be censuted; remembering, too, that the race is not to the swift nor tbe battle to the strong. Justice. . Sc en is ox tbk ItarrAH a NN-ocx. The Rebet pickets taunt oor men with delay in capturbg Vicksburg. They suggest that we si, 11 have a ."sweet job of it." A party from each side, lately, while bathing, swam toward each other, shook hands with a "how are vou, old fellow," in the middle of the ri .'er, and agreed to change positions for the time being. Our men, therefore, swam to the Rebel shore, while their antagonists continued to this side. The latter then person ated Yankees, shouting, "how are you, seceshf with many expletives not calculated for cars polite, atd were answered by "how are you, pork and molasses? When are you going to pitch into ua again?" etc After a friendly talk with those nearby, both parties rerrottsed. This may seem odd among men engaged in killing each other; but private and professional life are two very different matters. It is a demoniac rifle ball one day, and a friendly hand shaking the next. t7 A. retreshing breeze, yesterday, somewhat modified the intense heat. The sun blazed with as great power, as it did the day before, but life was endurable from the fact that the air had recovered from in lethargy.

Wherein we are Guilty ef Affording "Aid and Comfort to the Enenajr." The New York Tribune of Thursday, tbe 11th of this present mouth of June, says: ". "The Springfield Journal (Illinois,) has the following: M 'A RcJtoa. It is rumored that the editor of Chicago Times will probably be called on to answer through the courts for their notorious disloyal course Such action is called for by loyal men of all parties, as shall effectually protect the people from the consequences of seditious and treasonable utterances, giving "aid and comfort" to the enemies of the country.' "Without at all presuming to anticipate the verdict in case such a prosecution were attempted, we do not see why this matter should be left to 'rumor. It is widely charged and believed that the Chicago Times is conducted in the interest of the slaveholders' rebellion that it constantly affords 'aid and com lor l' to that most atrocious conspiracy against the ife of our country and tbe rights of human nature and that it is doing more to insure the success of that gigantic crime than any regiment in Jeff. Davis armies. If such be the truth why should not tbe sheet be indicted and convicted? If such offenses as it is charged with are not punishable, w hat is the use of baring courts ana paying taxes? "If any journal commits or abets treason, we urge that Its conductors b indicted, tried and, punished According to law. Military edicts are for cases that the laws do not reach, and are another sort of thing altogether. We confess to some trepidation in this matter. We confess there are some grounds of proceeding against us in the courts. We confess that we have, on several occasions, printed in these columns that which was calculated to "afford 'aid and comfort' to the slaveholders rebellion""that most atrocious conspiracy against the life

of our country and tbe rights of human nature. We confess this. We plead guilty. And all that we can say in extenuation of this conduct, is, that we did not ourselves design to "afford 'aid and comfort to the slaveholders rebellion," but to show that mhets the authors of the objection able matter which we were is-ititing were afTml ing 'aid and Mmlori to the slaveholders rebellion " This only can we say in extenuation, and whether it will leave os harmless, or not, remains to be seen. What is it that we have printed "in the interest of the alawholders rebellion?" For what shall we be convicted, if convicted at all? Let us see. We have, on several occasions during the war, reproduced the following from the New Yoik Tribune of November 9. IhCD; "If the cotton States shall Income satisfied that they ran do letter out of the Union than iu it.ve insist on letting them go in peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it exists nevertheless We must ever resist the ritht of any State to remain in the Union and nullify or defy the laws thereof. To withdraw from the t'nion is quite another matter; and whenever a considerable section of our Union shall deliberately resolve to go out, we shall re sit all coercive measures designed to keep it in. We hope never to live, in a republic whereof one section is pinned to another by bayonets." And also the following from the N. Y. Tribune of December 17, lcCi); "If it (the Declaration of Independence) jus tified the secession from the British Empire of three millions of Colonists in 1776, we do not see why it would not justify the secession of five millions of Southrons from the Union in 161. If we are mistaken on this point, whv does not some one attempt to show wherein and why? For our own part, whijc we deny the right of slaveholders to hold slaves against the will of the latter, we cannot see how twenty millions of people can rightfully hold ten, or even five, in a detested Union with them by military force. I I f seven or eight contiguous States shall precüt themselves authentically at Washington, saying, 'We hate the Federal Union; we have withdrawn from it; we give you the choice between acquiescing in onr cecession and arranging amicably all incidental questions on the one hand, and attempting to subdue us on the other we could not stand up for coercion, for stdjugatioti, for we do not think it would be just. We hold the right. cT self-government 6acred, even when invoked in behalf of those who deny it to others. "If ever 'seven or eight States' se;d agents to Washington to say, 'We want to get out of the Union, we shall feel constrained, by our devotion to human liberty, to sar, let them go! And we do not see how we could take any other side without coming in direct conflict with those rights of man which we hold paramount to all political arrangements, however convenient and advantageous." And likewise the lollowing from the New York Tribune of an earlier date: TIIE AMERICAS FLAG. Ml hail the tlanntiiin 1 Je! The sar grow pale and dtio; The strii are bloody fcans A I ie tl.e v.uiitin? huin. It shii-M a pirate's drk. It hind a man in chains. It y ke the captive's neck. Anil wipes tbe bloody Mains. Tesr down the flaunting- Lie! - Half-mast tbe Marry Saft! In tilt du sunny sky With hate's polluted raj! Destroy It ye wb can' Deep sink it in the wavt-sl It bears a fellow-man To rroaa with fellow slaves. Fori , furl t be boasted Lie! TilPfreesl in lives again. To rule once more In truth Anionic antra mm led tnea. Holl up the sarry sbeeji, Concral its bloody Mains; , . For in Its fi.l1 are xeu The stamp of TOMltnp rhatn. Atd w e have, uu several occasions-reproduced an article faout the N ew York Tribune of k date as late as February last, a hich pronosed that if. during the f iij-uing ninei y days, the Kcbels should not be whipixjJ. the Feilet a I fiovernraent should make with llicut "the lei aiiaiiuLU- peace." And we have, on several occasions, reproduced the following from the Chicago Tribune, printed in that paper of October last: "The Uniou as it was will never bles the v'wion of ny pro plavcrv fsnutic, or recession ivm pithizer, and it never ought to. It is a thing of the past, bated of every patriot, and Destined never to curse an honest people, or Wot the pages of history ngaiu." . And we have, on several occasions, reproduced the following passage from a speech of Thaddens Steven?, the Abolition leader in the laft House: "The Union shall never, with my consent, be restored under the Constitution as it is, with slavery to be protected by it." And the following from a speech delivered hj Cassius M Clay while the President waa pursuing a conservative policy: Better lecognize the Southern Confederacy at once, and etof ibis effusion of blood, than to continue in this ruinous policy, or have even a re.slorr.tiou of the Union as it was " And the following from a speech delivered by Mr Conway, the Abolition Congressman from Kansas, while the Presideut was pursuing a conservative policy: "For one, 1 shall not rote another dollar or man for the war until it assumes a different standing, and tends directly to an antl slavery result. Millions for freedom, but not oue cent for slavery!" We have, we sav, during the progress of the war, reproduced tfiese and numerous other extracts fro iu Abolition newspapers and from speeches of Abolition orators, all of whichin our opinion, "afford 'aid and comfort' to the slaveholders' rebellion." If in 'his we are guilty of having "afforded 'aid and comfort' to the slaveholders' rebellion," we hall bow to any punishment that, therefor, may be put upon us Chicago Times. . I tu tn erase Peaiecratle Uaraaw. Jvleetlnar att Yesterday the sturdy Democrats of Koeciu6co conntyjield a meeting at Warsaw, which is conceded to have been the largest ever held in that place, by either political party, not less than fire thousand persons being present. The meeting was addressed in a strain of matchless eloquence and bold advocacy of Democratic principles, by Hon. D. W. Yoorhees. He waa followed bv If. Ii. Dodd of Indianapolis, who also made a telling speech. The greatest enthusiasm prevailed, but we are gratified to learn that the utmost good order was observed. Kosciusko has been hith er to been obscured by the dark fog of abolition im; but we are in hopes that a brighter day is in store, and that the Cimmerian darkness will soon be dispelled by the bright and cheering sunshine of Democracy. Fort Wayne Sentinel.

The President en the Arreat of Vallandlghnui. We are indebted to the courtesy of the President of the United States for a pamphlet copy of his reply to the resolution adopted at a cneeliDg held at Albany, New York, condemnatory of tbe arrest oi Yallandigham. Mr. Lincoln labors ingeniously to make the worse appear the letter reason in an attempt to justify the arrest and banishment of a citizen whose only crime is the sincere conviction that the policy of the Administration is not calculated to restore the Union and rniinuin the Government as it came from its founders The Cincinnati Enquirer thus reviews the fal-c positions of tbe President; In this ejistlethe President informs us that Mr. Yallandigham was not arrested for reason of words addresxs-d ta a public meeting in criticism of the course of the Administration and in cor demnation of the military orders of tbe General. Tie aavs. if there was- no other reason for the arrest, then I (the President) concede that tlie arrest was wrong It seems, therefore, that the President very graciously allows people to criticise bis Administration and condemn the orders of his Generals; but, adds the President, the -arreat sjpae made fo- different reasons. Mr Yallandigham, Says the President, avows his hosülity to the war on the part of. the Union, and his arrest was made because be was lalwriug, with some effect, to prevent the raising of troop;'to encoursge desertions from thearmy, and to leave the rebellion without an adequate force to cup press it. Mr. Yallandigham did not say one word that the President charges him with uttering, except that he was ia favor of stopping the war. Does the President deny the right of the people to we- . semble together and consult whether they will or will not at the neit election choose persons for office who are in favor of putting an end to the war? Have they not a right to bear debate on the momentous suhject upon which they are to vote? How can they vote aricht unless they are well-informed? It is a new doctrine that if the people engage in war they have not a tight to meet and tliscus ihe question whether it is to be stopped or goon? Did not President Lincoln himself oppose the Mexican war? Did be not vote even against supplies to carry it on in Congress? If the people have not the right, !f they pleise, to talk and vote for peace, then a war once ergaped in would lie eternal would never end. It is, indeed, singular that if the people, through their public servants, commence a war, they have not the right to elect other public ser vants to end itl The people are the source of power in this country they are the sovereigns, and Mr. Lincoln and his agents are but their agents; being sovereigns, the people can meet and discuss all questions appertaining to sovereignty. . , The President says he doej not know whether he should have ordered the arrest of Mr. Yallandigham. This, considering what he has done, is rather, in our judgment, a gratuitous and ungenerous fling at the General commanding in this Department, for Mr. Lincoln certainly adopted the arrt-st as his own. In regard to the point thai such arrests are unpopular, and will have the ef- . feet to divide and disturb tbe people, tbe President says he regards that as a "fair appeal," and that it w ill afford him great pleasure to discharge him as soon as he can by any means believe that the public safety will not suffer by it. When tbe President takes into consideration the manifestations of public sentiment in the West, we presume he will be satisfied upon that point immediately, and allow the patriotic exile to return home. Mr. Lincoln claims generally that if he can make arrests, through his agents, in localities , where rebellion actually exists, and where the civil courts are suspende!, he can make military arrests id places remote from the insurrection, where there is no rebellion, and where the courts are open and undisturbed. He claims that be can arrest any and everybody he chooses by bis arbitrary will and pleasure; and the only reason to be assigned for it is, he believes that it is demanded by Ihe "public safety.", This is a power greater than is possesed by any Kiog, or Emperor,' upon this earth. Under it, Mr. Lincoln could, if he saw fit, order every person in Cincinnati, men, women and children, to 1 arrested and shot; and it would be a sufficient justification for him to sav that it was demanded by the "public safety!" The people, under this doctrine, have no liberties; but hold them and their lives simply at the pleasure of Mr. Lincoln 1 The Constitution is utterly swept away and annihilated. We sunposed we had a limited Government, but, under Mr. Lincoln's theory, there are no restrictions. He cau do anything he pleases, and the only check upon him is his ideas of public safety and of necessity. This is no check at all, and the doctrine would transform the President inu an Emperor. It is no excuse to say that thia absolute power would not be abused by Mr. Lincoln. This we do not know. There is no guarantee, except in confining the President to the exercise of powers clearly granted him by the Constitution. His ideas of necessities must be guided by what Is in that instrument. The people, if they desire to preserve their liberties, must, at the elections, vote down ail who cherish such monstrous' and revolutionary doctrines. Let every candidate be asked whether he thinks the President can, in time of war, do anything he choose to regard as necessity, without any other limita

tion. A Free Talker General O. U. Wilcox, of Michigan, who has been appointed to command the District of Indians and Michigan, "is n West Point graduate, and was taken prisoner at Bull Kuu with Corcoran and others. On bis release be came to Washing, ton and met with a reception, at which be spoke, saying among other things: . - Without casting rtrfiection upon any tnilitary mcn, it appeared to him that Utu hat been m fcrataU$t war! 'That's so.' and laughter The means of the country have tx-ew wasted iu iolatffl places. Contractors hare carried on tbe war. The blood of our men, the groans of the wounded, the tears of the orphan and the wails of the widow bave been coined into money. Men without patriotism and wbdom bave urred military plans, which have not accomplished any thing. Expeditions bave been gotten wp to wipe the outside of the platter on the coast, while there are places that could be struck to ripidly terminate the rebellion." General Wilcox commanded a corps at Antietam, and was afterward sent to Kentucky, where he was up to being ordered to Indiana and Michigan. We jwdge from the above from the ex- ' ample that he has set that General. Wilcox baa no objection to the severest criticista upon the war and its prosecution. Cincinnati EnquirerThe Uaekixu 0rict or the Aekt. Some time since General Butler made a demand upon the War Department to b declared tbe ranking officer of the army of the United States, regular and volunteer. This demand it was determined to refer for decision to a Board of officers, and Generals Fremont and McClellan were invited to submit any remarks tbej might see fit to make on the subject. In obedience to this invitation. Gen. Fretnoot has addressed a letter to Secretary Stanten, claiming that both himself and Ger. McCIeilan rank Gen Butler. Gen McClellan has thus far bad nothing to My upon the Subject, and probably will not have. Chicago Post. fj It is reported that a young man who was at work as a carpenter on the Dew building of Mr.' Kusch, on Delaware street, was seised on Monday by party of home guards from Hendricka county, charged with uttering disloyal sentiments, and taken away from the city. These home guards are getting" to be a great Institution. They are compose.!, we are told, chiefly of loafers around the small county towns and village. New lixoiMESTs roa the Wa. There are now organizing in this State no leas than tweutyfive new regiments. As a liberal bounty ia offered for enlistme.it, there can be very little doubt that they will soou be all filled up. Many Of the rctnrned soldiers, men who have served two years, or nine mouths, aid will make the very best material, w.'U joiu them. . New York has already furnished a little more than her quota of men under previous calls. The new regiments will be ready to meet the conscription, should it be called for, bv placing 2S.0D0 men in tbe field t once 1 N. Y. Herald. a. - It is stated that Genet als Grant and Pember ton were, some years ago, both Lieutenants in the regular army, belonged to tbe same regireent, and were staiioaed at Detroit.