Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 23, Number 1, Indianapolis, Marion County, 25 May 1863 — Page 2

demand at the hand of those in power the speedy j redress of grievances, and we have a right, whe"n ' the proper time shall come, , to put tlicm out of; power bj the peaceful' means of tbe bullot box, und that we intend to do. - 1 At no time before the present in the history of j oar country has it ever been questioned that'the pejple had a right to meet together in lawful and peaceful war toconsult in regaSI to theeoirnmon welfare. Now it is a fundamental principle of our Government that whenever a "majori of . tbe people so determine, tbej hare a periect right to alter and change tbeir government in euch manner as they fee proper. We have a right to canvass" the acts of tbe men who are in power," and it tbey do not conduct the affairs of the country in an acceptable manner, we hare a right to displace them. . .But we are told that we must not discuss the measures of the Administration in the conduct of . ,. the war lest we interfere with its success ia put- ,' ting down the rebellion. I tell you my friends, the truth is, tbe Administration has done nothing toward putting down the rebellion. On the contrary, tbe weapons of the South have been sharpened by the policy at Washington. It is this thtit h is welded the people of the South together . as one man; it is this that has brought about di- . vision and discord in the North. I know of no man on this earth who holds more dear that I. the sacred emblems of our great and glorious Government; who has been more disposed to worship at the feet of those noble men who framed it, or who feels a deeper interest in the preserve tion and perpetuity of our free institutions than I do myself. But if the men now in power really design the restoration of the Union and the prefer . ration of our rational liberties, all I have to say is, their policy is not calculated to carry out tbeir. designs. Look at some of the remits of this policy. . When the war commenced there, was a divided South and there was a. firmly united North. The sound of the first gun fired at tbe national flag, waving over tbe ramparts of Fort Sumter, nutted .the hearts ot the people of the entire North as the beart of one man. At the same time there waa "discord and division among the people of the South. President Lincoln himself said m his message to Congress, that in bis judgment, there was a majority of the people in favor of the Union in every Southern State with the single exception of South Carol iou. Where are those South- . ern Union men dow? Why is it that their voices are oot heard?. It is because the unjust and injudicious policy of the Administration has left them no alternative but resistance to the Government. It started out with tbe declaration that it would ,' make no terms with traitors. What wonder Is it that the Southern people should be , united? It must be either a victor's wreath or a felon's grave. . There was no hope ot peace, no possibility of reconciliation. Fellow citizens;. for one have always been in iavor of the prosecution of this war under such a line of policy and upon such principles an were adapted to render it successful in the restoration of the Union. I have desired to see it conducted on the principles of the Crittenden resolutions so as to separate the people of the South iu feeling . and in action from the 1 e iders of the Rebellion. Wisdom, as well as scieuce in war, would say to us divide your enemy if you would conquer him.. .That would .be the plain dictate of corn- ; mou sense; but on the other hand, the entire policy of the Administration has been directly the other way. When it proposed to emancipate the , slaves of the South, the Southern people needed no more to convince them that tbey had nothing to hope from tbe justice ot the Administration. That satisfied them as well as true hearted think . iugmen in the North, that while the Administration wojld unquestiouabl y put down ibis rebellion if by that they could accomplish the emancipa tion of the slaves, yet if tbey could accomplish . only oue purpose tbey would prefer to free the -. negroes and have a Southern Confederacy upon our border. They saw that thenar was not being waged for the Union, but for the negro, and tbe same cause brought about at once unity in the , South and division in the North. Fellow Citizens: In view of these facts, the great question which present itself to us to-day is, Wiitt are we to do? How are we to act? My friends, permit me to say to you that it is '-. not every unconstitutional act of legislation, nor yet every lawless usurpation of power that will , justify a great people in asserting that great Rnd . ultimate right of revolution , which is their ouly remedy when all else has failed. We hare aeen , the disposition liiat was manifested by this Republican party when they aped by their conduct the pecession acta of Jeff. Davis and his crew. fc The people of Indiana at the last October elec- . tion, by a majority of ot er tea thousand votes, decided against the policy of the Administration. They elected Democratic State officers and a decided Democratic majority in each branch of the Legislature. Now, if these Republicans had really been as much opposed to secession and revolution as they pretended tu be, they would have submitted to the will of the people and allowel the Democratic Legislature to enact such laws as they thought best. But instead oi that . this factious minority began to exact terms from the majority almost as soon nthe session was opened, and finally ten days before adjournment they left their seats and went to Madison, where . they organized a mock Legislature and spent the remainder of the session. In my judgment, they stopped too soon they ouiiht to have gone fu- - ther they belong on the other side of the Ohio river,and if the present orders that are now in . force in Indiana had been vigorously enforced in their case, every man of them would have been tent south of our lines. . What was the pretext of these Republican I bolters for this conduct? Why, they said the majority party were going to pass laws that were distasteful to them, and unless they gave them guarantees that all their demands should he met ' they were going to withdraw. Now that is just what the South did. There was not a single step in ihe progress of their secession that they did not ape tli conduct ol Jeff Davis and his crew. They said the Democrats had passed an . unconstitutional military law. Well if it was un- - constitutional there were the courts to which they might resort and by whom the unconstitutional law could have been easily set aside. ' But what were, the olijeetional features of that military - Jaw? The principal one they urged was that iü the organization ol - the militia the power to appoint the officers va taken out of the hands of tbe Governor and committed to the hands of the people. Was there anything wrong -in that? Could not the appointing power be safely con fideil to them? There was another objection. It was this: ' The arms designed for the arming of the militia of the State, which had been distributed by the Republican authority upon purely political principles, were to be recalled. It is a fact worthy of notice, that np to the present time, so far as arms have been distributed for the purpose of arming the militia, they have in all cases, with- ' out a single exception, been distributed solely to Republican organizations. ' My own opinion 5s. that in times like this, we need no armed militia " at all, but if we are to h ive them, we do not want them as armed political organizations. ' Well, the 1 Republicans of the Legislature, fearing the effect ot this law upon tbeir policy and their future h career, undertook to repudiate their obligations 1 and to secede from the performance of thne du 1 ties which they owed to the people who hud elected them. ' I do not undertake to say that tbey . have not in the nrming of the militia executed ' tbe bare letter of the law upon the statute book, ' but what I say is. that there has been all along an unjust discrimination aguint the Democrats öf the State. And it is Very easy to see why it has been so.' ' If I should get a commission to raise a ompany of volunteer militia I doiiot4tippose many Republicans would put down their names upon, my muner roll; ant I apprehend ' most of you Democrats would feel equally loth to sign a muster roll fyrsome of these Republican gentlemen.' Yet, singularlv enough, when

' we Democrats come up for our shute of the pub- ' lie arms they had all been distributed to the Re publicans ' ' i ' . ' . But there was another reason 'Tbey did not run away until that military law was dead and boned. ;r On the 22.1 of February ' that" hill was . lett among the 'unfinished business." The next day the great Republican Mass Meeting was held here and speeches were made, ail!iiig. In the ' most bitter terms! Democratic measures and men. ' --.' . ' The next morning the. Republican members . bolted left their aeaia never to return. . Tbe military bill, a I Slid before, a at dead already. ..It required a two-third vote to. get it through, I asd that tbe Republicans had ia their power t prevent without leaving their seats at all. Be ( sides, I think, eighty two House bills and some thirty or ,forty . Senate bill were in before it. j Therefore it ia plain ta see that they did not , run away to defeat tbe passage of aba military , -till. ., ' , I ' r . - 9 t 'What did thty raa way Jar? I will tell you. - T lie Committee of Ways and Me wis had brought in a bill making an appropriation of one hun Id red tbooinJ dollars forth purpose of taking 'care of our sick and wounded soldiers. The bill provided that that fnad should be placed under the control of the Trenaurerof State, who is himself an old soldier, who foaght iu Mexico and who -waa tb Boat oroper - person to have control of the matter.' Well, the Republicans ran away - aim ply to keep from having to face the music . 4i poo that bill. Tbey dared not vote against k, tbey would oot vote for tt becaose it was a

Democratic measure. Tbe Democrats had provided liberally for the comfort of the sick and wounded volunteers Tbe Republicans could

Dot vote agaiast the bill, but they coukl not get tbeir thoughts off that corruption fund. 1 hey : antM the appropriation maue, but tbey wanted to have the distribution of it iu their own hands and that is why they could not vote for the bill. Thev liaveaU-alötv. been busH v egKri"cTr ' culating their insidious poison into the minds of our aoldiers ever since the beginning of the war, and when we undertook to take the power to do so hereafter out ot their hands by placing this fund in tbe bands of a Democrat, and an honest man," they bolted 'They have done their work ' ami thev are gone. . It is now two years before we the people ot the United States can change this Federal dynasty at the ballot box. and it is a long tiro years. In the meantime, my countrymen, what duty devolves upon as? These temporary usurpations of dow-' er, these orders, these arbitral y arrests, galling as they may be, still leave in our hands a fearful remedy for these wrongs. It will still be in our power, when the time shall come for action, to put these men out of power at the ballot box. Until that time comes, it is your privilege to dis cuss freeiy and fully all these great and important questions of national policy, and then calmly deposit your ballots and burl these men from their places, one and all, from tbe highest to tbe low est. I always vote the Democratic ticket, it is my deliberate conviction that the poorest and most humble democrat m the Una is a better than for any office than tbe best man in any other party, and tberelore just as soon as 1 know who our men are that are in the Geld, I know just about bow I am going to vote at the uext election. The ballot box is our remedy for tbese wrongs; and as Ions; as that is left, we will use it. Free speech, a free press, and a a free ballot box, are vour inalienable rights; and as longastbev are left unimpaired, your Government is just what it should be. .The storm will puss by; and when it is gone, all will be well; but, if. on tbe other hand, you are driven to armed resistance and revolution is the only meaus of securing the re dress of your grievances; it you are compelled at last to break up this Government and make all our hills and valleys battle fields; then even if you shall succeed in vindicating your rights, all that shall remain, will be but the charred and blackened remains of whatever is good and great n the present or glorious in the past. 1 hen vou will have to commence over again, for the past is ost. Let me dissuade you then from harboring , in your minds any thought of such results. Abide by your constitutional remedies, free speech, free press and a free ballot box. In probably less than two years from to day the State Government of Indiana will be all that we can call our own. Therefore, let everv man feel that he is a conservator of tbe peace inside of his rights. But let me urge vou to turn your thoughts away from all ideas of revolution. It is a matter of the utmost importance to us and to all who shall come after us, that these difficulties and these evils shall be removed without any resort to the last remedy. But if the time ever comes when peaceful remedies will no longer avail us, and when it shall become our duty to vindicate our right by means of an armed resistance. I know the people of Indiana, I know the spirit of her Democracy, and if that time ever does come, I know you will vindicateyouraelves like men. I say to you to day maintain your rigM$. Disturbances have all end v taken place in some sections of this Suite. They may occur again, but let no Democrat be the first to engage in them. Do not allow yourselves to become enangered because they call you harsh names I do not bel eve a Kepuoncan couu possibly mike me mad bv calling me any name, no matter how insulting or undeserved. I believe in my heart that they themselves are the great source of all the troubles that have come so heavily upon U3. and they know it themselves. It Is that which makes them so spiteful Against us. Therefore, whatever epithet they may see nt to apply to von, do not you call them names in return. Call tbem by whatever name thev wish to be known, and if they call you "Copperheads' let them do it; and if they call you "Butternuts, well and good; let them do that; you can dignify any title they may give vou. But tney may select the best name that can be iuvented, and in less than six months time it will be a mark of infamy and reproach. Say to them id all fearlessness, "We are all here together." We have as much at stake as they; our rights are equal to theirs, and our rights are all we itk. Let them not trample tiieoe rights so far under foot that there can be no more for bearnnce: if they "rob us of name and pursue us with beagle, we will give "their root to tbe flames, and their flesh to the eagle." SPEECH Or BOX. THOJIAS A. HENDRICKS. Mr. Hendricks said: . My Fellow Citizen: 1 did not expect to par ticipate as one of the speakers on this occasion. W e had eipected, as you are aware, distinguubed gentlemen from other States to be present and address the convention, and of course in that event vou would not have expected to be ad dressed by one of your own fellow citizens of Indiana. But inasmuch as we have been disap pointed in this respect, 1 have thought it was perhaps mv dutv to consent to nddress you on th's occasion, which I shall do very briefly. Heretofore ever since I becatrea voter, I have thought the Democratic party was right. Within the last year, however, it has not been, as heretofore, sn opinion with me. On the'eontrary, it has ripened into a conviction, and I now know that the Democratic party is right right as tritd by the record of the past, and right in the doctrines and measures which ' it now advocates. Let me ask you to day, my friends, whether. in looking over the record of the past political history of the country, you can put vour finger upouasinzie instance oi uemocrauc poucy oi which yon are ashamed, or which you would alter if you could? Are yon not all content to-day with "the past policy of the Government so far as it has been influenced by the Democratic par ty? Then if you are prood of the glorious past; if you are sati.-fied with the policy which guided the destinies of this country for the sixty years that elapsed between the election of the Immortal Jefferson; and that of Abraham Lincoln, why should you now think of turning your backs upon the Democratic party? Men have the assurance to stand np and tell us that it is our duty to abandon this organization. I tell you, gentlemen, as I love my country and would wish well to her interests, I would stand by the Democratic party Tbe history of the country admonishes us to stand firmly ' by the Democratic party. Could I look backward over the past and see but a solitary instance in which the operation of Democratic ideas had broughtdtshonor or misfortune upon my country, I would not advocate its existence for another hour But if, on the ether hand, the past history of the country sustains the principles and measures adhered to by that grand old Trty, then I have another suggestion to make: What principle or doctrine of the Democratic party should yon now abandon in order that you may become a better citizen or a truer friend to your country? Upon this subject of slavery the doctrine of the Democracy has uniformly been, "No intervention." We have always held that Congress had ut right to interfere with it in any manner, but that it should be left to the people of every State to regulate it according to their own pleasure. If the people of a State or Ten itory wish to have slavery, the Democracy said their will was sov ereign in regard to that-matter, and that their will was final and conclusive. That has always been the doctrine of the Democratic party; and I tell you, my friends, that if that principle had been recognized In Congress and in the several States, our flag would to day have been unsullied and untorn, our national banner ornamented with thirty four glittering stars, and peace and har mony would have reigned over every portion of our country. 1 here would be no blood discolor ine our streamlets we would bean un'ted and happy people.' Now gome of these Republican icentlemen wilt tell vou that all this is urtrue. yet in their heart of hearts thev know it is triie thev know that if we had all stood firmly bv this great principle it wOnld have preserved the Union f these States, and .the peace, prosperity and bap piness of this whole people. k " It is said bv some that we should not do any thing except what tends to put down th rebel lion. Nay more they say, we should scarcely dream except for the purpose of putting down the rebellion, i am willing for one, to be mea sured by that standard, but 1 want to put these Republican gentlemen to the same test. During the continuance of this war, Trom Its commence ment tothe present time, my heart has continu ally yearned for the restoration of the'Union. This Union doea not belonr to the Republican party; It does not blotig to Mr. Lincoln; it is your Unionf it is my Union; it Is the glorious inheritance that came down to us from our fathers, and no man or act of men may claim It; it is the Union which gave t a flag, representing on it ar.ure sky a sparkling star for every State. This Union belongs to us alt. and I want to see it restored, so that after all the simple question at Issue between myself as an Individual, and I have no hesitaney in saying, between tbe Democratic Dtrty and ' tbe opposite party is Aeic can tht Unit rrttored? - V J I claim that the Democratic party has always

been atrongly in favor cf the restoration of the Union and in favor of that policy which was alone likely to bring it about; whilst at the same time, the opposite party if not in fact opposed to the accomplishment of that object, have at least followed. a course of policy not likely to bring it about. How much I would give to see this in-" famous rebellion put down, I cannot express. I bXiver would cheerluITy "give up"klt that I possess on earth, and what little of hope I have for the future uay, more, 1 r-elieve I would be willing to give my life itself, if I might only have the privilege of seeing my country where it once was. And now. I want to ask the gentlemen of the opposite school, those who tell us that we should do and say nothing that does not tend to put down this rebellion. 'how the measures adopted by the present Administration at Washington and ' by Congress have helped to put down the rebellion? Aud in the first place, I would like to know how it' helps' to put down the rebellion, 'to set the negroes Iree In the District of Columbia and compel you and me to pay taxes for that purpose. When the plan is fully carried out the negroes all set at liberty and sent forth to become worthless vagabonds in our midst I then would kuow bow that has helped to put down the rebellion. Another thing: The Republican Congress of the United States saw proper in its wisdom to pass a law, recognizing tbe Republics of Hayti and Liberia as independent Governments, equal in dignity to the American Government, aud equally entitled to the respect of all nations. They provided Ministers to reside at the courts of Hayti and Liberia, and . made arrangements also to receive, with becoming respect, the Ministers who should be seut from those Governments to represent them in the court at Washington. All this costs tis a great many thousand dollars, (an important item one might think, in time likes tbese. but small indeed compared with what contractors make now and then) aud when it is all done when we have sent some of tbese Abolition gentlemen to represent tbe soveieignty of tbe American people in tbe sable courts of Hayti and Liberia, aud received in return some good looking regroes to represent them iu our capital, and for our officers of Government to hold social, friendly intercourse with when all this is done I want to know bow that helps to put down tbe rebellion? . Another thing. They passed a law that the Southern people should not be allowed to go iu-, to the Territories with their glave property. I do not believe in that law and tthall be in lavor of its repeal; for I believe that in tbe acquisi tiou of that territory the Southern people had the same rights tbe Northern people bad. You recollect how our national Territories were acquired. They were acquired by the common blood and treasure of both sections. The South as well as tbe North furnished men and means for the accomplishment of that object. The blood of the Northern boy and of the Southern boy mingled together ou the sands of Mexico, they slept beneath tbe same tent, fought shoulder to shoulder upon the battle field and when the conflict was over they were buried side by side in the same grave. Aud in view of all this, when at tbe close of the war tbe North said, we will take all this territory for ourselves and tbe South shall have none of it. I said that it was the act of the highwayman, anduot of thebouest, Cbristain, patriotic man. Let me try to bring this matter home to your minds by means of a simple illustration. Three of my neighbors buy a piece of land costing each of them a hundred dollars. Tbey go to work to improve the place and prepare it for cultivation. They clear away the timber, build lences aud erect buildings upon tbe land, and after three or four years have been employed in this way, two of the men begin to find fault with the third; say they do not like the kind of hands he employs to work ou the farm, aud tbey will take the whole thing entirely out of his hands and manage it themselves. Wrhat then would happen? This third man who has been thus summarily aud unlawfully dispossessed of his rights would come into the Temple of Justice and would there make his pie- to a jury compiled of twelve of you honest men, and he would say to you: "I helped to clear that f irm I helped to build the feuces and to roll the logs aud to prepare the lajd for cultivation;" and if you twelve jurors did not bring in a verdict restoring that roan his just and lawful rights, you would go out of that court bouse twelve perjured, damned souls. 5o, gentlemen, if that is your verdict iu a case like that, why, cpoii the highest principles of honor and conscience, would it uot be the same in regard to the righu of the thirty four great Slates of this Republic, all equal and sov

ereign? You know it would. I do not believe. therefore, in the justice of that law which pro hibits any portion of the people f rom going iuto the Territories and taking their properly along with them. Hat waiving all that, after that law is passed, how iu the name of reason and common sense does that help to put down the rebellion? e, as Democrats, are willing to be tried bv the standard tbe Republicans have fret up, but we wish to put them to the same lest and see if ev erything that they have done has helped "to put down the rebellion." The plain truth is that these unjust laws of which I have been speak in ir, this one sided poli cy of the Administration has helped to strengthen the rebellion. Mr. Lincoln, in his first regular message to Congress, said that in his opinion, iu all the Southern Slates except South Carolina there was a Union majority Now if that was so, was it not plainly the duty of the Admini.-wu in to endeavor to strengthen the bunds of the Union men iu the South, and thus enable them to bring the erring Slates back iuto the Union a"ainl 1 he Administration, now ever, in its r isdom, saw fit to adopt a contrary line of poli cy, ana what lias been the resuitr 1 wo years ago if the Union roan of lue south and the hotblooded secessionist had happened to meet, they . would in all probability have had a lively dispute if not a serious controversy on tbe subject of the Union, and tue Union mau would have bad the chances of success largely jn his favor. But now let tbe same argument come up be tween the same two men and tbe weapon in the hands of the Secessionist would be,; Why, dun't you see that this Ad ministration has done all it possibly could do to take away our rights of property ?' Two years ago, at the call of the f resident, five huuore! thousand men leaped np as suddenly as did the clad warriors ou the Scottish . bills, as sung by tbe immortal poet, and taking the'r lives in their hands went to the South to fight, a they supposed, un der the Crittenden resolution. At that time Jefferson Davis commanded an army not exceeding, at the utmost, three hundred thousaiid rutn, and be had done his best. Our nrmv went on ward toward the South, and penetrated to tbe ' very centre of come ot the cottou Mates, and how were thev received? They, themselve, tell us that at almost every other house they were' met bv a ftieud and treited iu the kindest possi ble manner. Wby was this? It was because at that time almost everv other man in the South was a Union man. Now all is changed. The Administration adopted a policy that united tbe South. And, to day , instead of an army of three hundred thousand, at every step we take we are confronted by Jeff. Davis, with an army of more then six hundred thousand men. bat do you think of this policy? I do not like it. I find fault with it because it weakens tbe arm of mv Government. " . Now if there is any man in this asembly who thinks the Democratic party is not right, heshould not go with that party; but it there is any mau who thinks that the policy of the Democracy is the policy best adapted to restore the Union, then we say it is his duty as an American citizen and an honest man to labor for the success of Democratic principles and measures, ua matter what his former political associations may have been. What means roust we make use of in order to secure the success of these principles? We must have a tree ballot box; and, if we are allowed to have that, then we must have iu addition a free press and freedom of speech in order to make it effective; aud )f we can only have these, 1 can tell you what you may expect to see. You may expect to t,ee ere long the return of all those men who really love their country, to tbe ranks of tbe Democratic party. ' We shall see a Democrat ju the Presidential chair, a Democratic Congress in Washington and a Democratic Legislature in Indiana. .... How soon we may hope to gain such a victory, we do liot propose to discuss" at Ibis time- ,VSe hopeit will not be long. In the meantime, let us be true and firm , True to the Constitution, cheerfully obedient to all laws made in pursuance of it, a,iid give the Administration n cordial support in all its acts that really teud to the maintenance of the Constitution; but when your rights are invaded by public sj-eeches and by your ballots, send up a voice hith the Administration I cannot choose but hear. The Cora mi ue on Resolutions, ty their Chair man, reported as follows: ' , .' ' . ,aX80LlT10NS. . , i j WstiCAs, It was declared by our fathers, that to secure certain unalienable rights, among hich are "life; liberty and thi pursuit of happiness," "Governments are instituted among tuen, deriving vheir just powers from the consent of tbe governed;" and, - . W Hit ias,' In obedience to this principle In the Constitution of the United States, "to establish justice and armrt the blessings of liberty to eur-

selves and our posterity," they divided the powers of the Government into three departments. Legislative, Executive and Judicial, aud declared that all legislative power therein granted should be vested iu a Congress of tbe United States; and, I ., Whereas, Legislation is "law making" power, and law is a rule of action by which men ball be gov erned;" and, " TT. : - , Where as. The people of Indiana in their Constitution reaffirmed such division of governmental power, and "to tbe end that justice be estab Iished, public order maintaiued, and liberty perpetuated," they declare that "all power ia inherent in the people." and "tbe military shall be kept in strict subordination to the civil power;" and, ' " Whereas.' The Constitution of the United States provides that "Congress shall make no law abridging the f reedom of speech, or of the press, or tbe right of tbe people peaceably to assemble and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances;" and, W berkas, Iu accordance with this declared right and long-established usage, we bave ibis day assembled respectfully and earnestly, as becomes freemen to present our views to those in authority; therefore, 1. Resolved, That the people are the source of all political power; that officers provided by the fundamental and statute law, are their servants to carry out their will as expressed in those laws; and that when any one of said servants assumes to act without the previous sanction of such authority, he ceases to be the servant of the people and is striving to become their master, by making hia mere bebest ajaw unto them. 2. That it is the duty oi every good citizen to obey the Constitution of the United States and of this State, and laws passed iu accordance therewith whilst they remain in force; bnt it is their right not a mere privilege but a right, to temperately, candidly and freely discuss, do; only the I iws, but the mctt of those of their servants who may have passed, or may be in the administration of thus laws. 3. This is the necessary result of the fact that tbe people are tbe source of all power. They must freely discuss, that they may properly determine whether a law is a bad one and ought to be changed, or whether it is right .but wrested from its meaning and wrongfully administered by those in authority, and therefore such unfaithful servants should be legally set aside. 4. Whilst constitutional guarantees among others the right of free discussion; of appeal to the Courts, as against unconstitutional laws and illegal acts; of resort to the legislative power to abrogatebadlaws;ofremva)ofobnoxiousofficial8 through an untrammelled, un corrupted ballot box, remain inviolate, it is the duty of the citizen to aid those who are rightfully in authority in all lawful proceedings; but, if these rights are set at naught by their official servants, the people may assert their inherent sovereignty, and resume the powers thus being abused. 5. To uphold these great and inalienable principles of liberty, one geueral rule should govern those who frame laws, those who are intrusted with their administration, and - the great body of the people, being those upon whom they operate: namely, the golden rule of bight. 6. The violation of this rule by disobedience to properly enacted laws, should be punished; its disregard by tbe flagrant assumption of unauthor ized power and performance of unjustifiable acts by the servants of the people, should meet with their stern rebake. 7. In view of these great truths, we hereby proclaim our fixed and irrevocable condemnation of every attempt to make laws by executive au thority alone; or by mere orders of those repte sen ting the military, the subordinate arm of the

Government. And we indignantly denounce tbe result of such flagrant usurpations, as the act of military tyranny, to-wit: the arrest of citizens of Indiana and our sister Suites that are in obedi ence to the Constitution. 8. That Ihe day has arrived when our official servants are setting themselves up nlwve their employers the people, and have two wars upon their r." nds one against the rebels of the South the oilier against the Constitution, and tiioi-e who attempt to uphold it in the North. In the first named, the Democracy have poured out their blood and treasure at the call of the Administration; in tbe second, they are upon the side of the Constitution, and are being persecuted by illegal arrests and imprisonment tor opinion's sake even "unto strange cities'' and loathsome bastile. 9. Martial law is no law but the will of the military officer proclaiming it, within the limits iu which he has a sufficient force to maintain abso lute power. In a State or district of country where the public enemy has no footing, the people are not in rebellion, nor an armed insurrection prevailing, there is no legal authority in any military officer, high or law, to substitute his will for the civil laws mid the operations of the three coordinate departments of the Government. II). I hat the attempt to suspend civil rights arooni; them the right to make inquiry as to the cause of arrests and imprisonments, by tbe writ of habeas corpus in territory loyal to tbe Govern ment, is such an act of usurpation as demands and receives our merited condemnation. 11. That the Democratic party of Indiana are now, as they ever have beeu, attached to the Constituiion and the Union, and are willing to m ike almost any sacrifice to maintain the Cornier and to preserve the latter. We hold that there can be no treason in submission to the Constitution and laws made pursuant thereunto, until thev are constitutionally repealed or judicially declared void; and a people who do this and can not or dare not maintain and exercise the right of advocating the repeal of bad laws and the change of a policy which they believe to be wrong, are slaves, aud if the idea of treason and slavery is rijiht. we are resolved neither to be traitort or flares. We will submit to every law passed pursuant to the Constitution, as long as all constitutional means of redress are left open to our free exercise, including free ballots, free speech, tree press, and hi, untrammeled judiciary; and we pronounce every effort to take away from the people these means of redress, by military orders and arrest, or otherwise, a flagrant outrage gaint the rights of a free people. 12 We denounce the members of the Legislature who. by the abandonment of their seats and failure to discharge the plain duties imposed upon them, were guilty of a violation ol their oaths, and we fear will bring discredit upon the State; and we declare that the Governor can cle-ir liiinself from complicity in that crime, only by taking steps to prevent repudiation. ' 13. That tue arrest of Hon. Clement L. Vallandigham, of Ohio, tor no other reason but for the exercise of bis riuht of free discussion, has been received by the Democracy of Indiana with feelings of just disapprobation, as another evidence that the first and most sacred right of the citizen has been stricken down in his person; and we send to that gallant tribune of the people the sympathy of Iiis Democratic friends iu Indiana, who. though assailed at home by kindred op pression, nre yet prepared to stand firm by bim in his defense of the sacred right of constitutional freedom. 14. That we hereby reaffirm and indorse the resolution adopted by tbe Democratic State Convention Iii h assembled iu this city on the 30th day ol July, 1862. From the Albany Argua. Proteste Affalnat military leptiam. Thk Great Meeting at Albaüt Speeches or Jidge Parser asd Hox. Fracis Kernax The Re6oiltio.n8 Call Upon thi Prlsidot ' to Rkversk the Actio op tue Military Court Thk DtMossmiio: at Straciss Jcdob CoxsToca'a AiDaEsa Got. Seymour's . Important Letter, c.,c, c. . One of tbe largest and most respectable meetinss ever neiu at me capital, cuuveueu ui me . i . -i -.-I i : . L - Park ou Saturday evening, lor tne purpose oi protecting against ttie arrest, üv order ol ueu. . . i T -II I 1 1 1 Butiipide.ot tion. Giemenii. v aiianuigimm. uy eight o'clock the broad walk leading to the steps of the Capitol, aud the adjacent grounds, were densely packed with citizens, aud aoou after the meeting was called to order by Henry S. Crandall.on whose nomination Hon. Eraatus Corning was chosen President. . , Mr. Corning was vociferously cheered on taking the chair. Here follow tbe names of fifty Vice Presidents, sixteen Secretariesand a committee of thirty on resolutions, the first citizens of Albauy. . extracts rao t udci am asa j. r abxea's address. Mr. Vallsndigham was torn from his home at night; his doors were broken in, aiid he was snatched from his family and hurried off to .Cincinnati, a here he was tried by a military tribunal. Tried for what? Simply for exercising tbe rights sctjmly and forever guaranteed to every American citizen tbe right of discussing the acta of the Administration. That was still Yet that right has been denied bim, and for exercising it he was frat upon trial before a tribunal selected by the nstigator of his arrest, and unknown to the civil law. - He was denied a Jury, and sentenced to banishment at the Dry Tortugas. ; Our Gorert ment Is worth nothing unless it se cures to us protection In ourpersoDS and property. This the Constitution guarantees trial by Jury

and exemption from search, seizure or imprisonment, except by due process of Ijw. All this has been denied Vallaudigham, and it is for the pur pose of protesting against this assumption of despotic powei, that we are assembled. We have nothing to do w ith the question whether Vallandigham was right or wrong in Iiis political principles. We know that hi arrest and detention Is unwarranled,and it ia with" these that we have to deal. The writ of habeas corpus was applied for and argued before a Judge, on which occasion Burnside claimed tbe right of governing the people of Ohio by an iron military rule. He (Judge P.) called upon his hearers to remember that what has happened to Vallandigham may happen to any of them, unless the usurpation is promptly checked by the voice of the people. This was not the first illegal and unconstitutional arrest that had occurred. Within the past two years peaceable and loyal citizens of our own State bave been arrested without charge and imprisoned without indictment or trial, and in palpable violation of that Constitution which the men who are responsible for those arrests have sworn to observe and maiutain. Tbe arrests of Judge Flanders and his brother, and of Rev. Mr. Benedict were here particularly alluded to. He asked them whether our flag was worth all the great sacrifices that we have made in its behalf, and which we are willing and ready to continue to tbe end, if those in charge of the Government fail to secure to us the rights which make us freemen, and for which our fathers fought? Unless these are saved to us, it will be worthless, and all our efforts to put down this rebellion will have been in vain. We may as well live under the Czar of Russia under the most despotic Government iu the world, as to live here without protection in these respects. Is there any reason to hope that these usurpations are to close? Looking at this vast assemblage, he felt that there was hope for be saw in their faces a calm, firm determination to maiutain the Constitution and tbe laws. It is evident that here, at least, no military or civil despot can rule. We stand upon the Constitution and tbe laws, and shall insist upon their observance by those n power, whether high or low, as well as by the poorest aud humblest private citizen. .This ia our position; and unless we had taken this manlv stand to nigbt we would soon find l-. ,... .i: i -i

biicccutivav,iiujciiuBtcHiiii ftiuug uiuiiwe were under a monarchy, or still worse, a dictatorship. Alluding to tbe key of tbe bastile. which Lafayette had presented to v ashington after that prison bad been destroyed by the French populace, the speaker said that none would have believed the day would ever arrive when an American fortress, named after that French General who had fought with our fathers, to secure to us the Übet ties of freemen, would be converted into a similar prison. We are the friends of law and order. We insist that the laws shall be enforced. If any man is guilty of an offense against the Government, known to the laws, indict him, try bim, hang him, if his crime calls for the extreme penalty. This is all we ask. The long and tedious imprisonments which so many truly loyal citizens have undergone, without charge of crime, without opportunity of defense or trial, without the privilege of the habeas corpus it is n repetition of the French bastile system, when men were seized without causa or warrant, and were forced to languish for years in prisonwithout knowing of what they w'ete accused or who were their accusers; it is a repeti tion of the despotism in Naples, under Bomba. But I tell you it will not be tolerated here. It is no answer to suy this in time of war and rebellion. These rights belong to the poorest as well as to the richest and most powerful. Although a rebellion exists that taxes all our energies to suppress, it i no excuse for arbitrary arrests here, where all th? courts are open where the machinery of the law is ample. When they can seize men as Vallaudigham was seized, there can be no question as to guilt or innocence. ffr there is no constitutional way left open by which it can be determined. Judge Parker expressed gratification at the fact that the prominent Administration papers joined with the Democratic organs, and Democratic party, in condemning these arbitrary ar rests. He appealed to his audience to stand' firm and united in condemnation of these usurpations; to stand firm for the Ire lorn of speech and the freedom of the press, and the sac-redness of tbe person from arrest without due process of law; for if these rights be lost, all that is worth living for under our form ot government will be gone. Is the Government unsaie or imperriled because the people discuss the pdicv of those who ad minister it? Certainly not. Nor should the Government forget where the remedy lies. It is in the ballot box, whereby we can peacably and con stitutionaliy revolutionize the country. In closing, Judge P. counselled respect for all in authority, a careful obsei vanee of the laws, forbearance, submission, if need le. for a time; but also a watchful, jealous Miard against en croachments upon the rights of the citizen. He siuceiely trusted that the voice of the people, on thoe questions, would be heard and heeded at Washington; for if it is, it will arrest those roadmen who seek to and our liberties. ter from us our rights EXTRACTS FROM HOX. FRANCIS XtRXAX S SPEECH. The question for us to decide, is, whether we are aorthy ot our lathers, and whether we will secure to our children the blessings which we have enjoyed through their efforts and sacrifices. We will hest evince our worthiness of these Mess ing bv that calm tu.d manly bearing, in these times of excitement, which shows that we are ca pable of governing oui6elves and our country. If there is a man here who hopes to see the land restored to peace if he hopes to see our free in stitutions maintained if he hopes that Iiis children may enjoy them, I ask him to becalm, cool and determined now; nothing less can save them. Let us prove our worthiness of these blessings by evincing that noble and manly American spirit which invites, rather than shirks from a calm and frank discussion of questions at issue each one respectfully, listening to the other, and the will of the tuajoritv to be the law of all. It we give way to passion and violence nil will be lost. I will give more for the calm, patient voice of the people, than for all the violence of which the most vicious are capable. The people of Ohio met as you meet to nigbt. There a citizen was expressing his views upon public affairs, s he had a right to do; and for this he has been arrested and denied the dearest rights guaranteed him under the Constitution. There was no insurrection there; no rebellion; na military occutwtion; and if he' offended against the laws the court were open, to deter mine Ida offense ami administer punishment. Hence there is noen ti-e for the wrong done him. All we ask is tint all men shall Hand by the law. I will ever stand by the courts in the enforcement of the la w, and I know that my hearers here to-night a ill do the same. But in this instance no law was violated. We are not here either to defend or attack the principles of Valhndigham, but to discuss whether in States where there is no insurrection or rebellion, but where all are peaceably pursuing their ordinary avocations, the citizen has no protection against such arbitrary arrests as this. If he has none, then it was in vain that our fathers fought to secure to us the rights of freemen and protect our liberties. Let us not forget our rights in tbe madness of these dangerous times. Is it true that in our land there is no protection against dangers such as those? If it is done in Ohio, it can hedonehere . Cries of No, liO J . ' If, in Ohio, a man guilty of no crime, can be taken from his family, condemned and banished, it can oe done here too. We should ward off tbe danger bv invoking, not bloodshed or violence, but that voice which is far more terrible and potentthat voice wbicb gives and van secure to us laws, order nod constitutional rights. - He asked all meu. irrespective of party ties, for thesake of our co id mon country and for the maintenance of our common rights, to gather together and condemn this act, first, because it tramples upon tbe rights of every citizen; second, because it brings the country into disrespect at home and abroad. Then the people will be saved, and we shall be enabled to bring back our land to peace ful happiness and univerral kindness nd brotherhood. We have h common destiny. Is theie a man here who thinks such an exercise of power right, I care not how guilty the victim of it may be? - Shall he oot be openly accused and fairly tried? Our Constitution says that Congress shall make no laws interfering witb the freedom ot speech, or abridging the rights of tbe people in discussion. It assumes that the people shall be forever secure in their property and persons against unreasonable search, seizure or arrest. With these sacred guarantees, is it not our right to discuss tbis violation of them, and insist that there shall bevno more unwarrantable arrests? That instrument says that no person shall he deprived or life, liberty, or property, without due process of law. What is "due process of law?" Is it military seizure? No.no No.bot afairtrial.bynnimpartial jury in the district where the accused is known, and where the offense was committed. Of every one of these rights has Mr. Vallsndigham been deprived! Does not every man see and under stand that the exercise of such arbitrary power Is almost as destructive to us, as a pevle.aa is the courseof the Rebels? " It brings the Government into disrepute; tt Is calculated to lead to anarchy and violence, to that social disorder out of which comes the strong military dictatorship, aid" liberty Is heard of no. more. He, Mr. K., protested against It, because

iu tendency is to set brother against brother, and because there can be nothing but violence aud tyranny when the hopes of lilerty are bt ried. These institutions sheltered our fathers and our mothers when theytlei from the tyranny of the old governments. Thee institutions are tow endangered, and I and you and afi of us have too much at stake to allow them to le overthrown. He called upon the people, then, to save the Constitution from lein trampled on by those in' authority. We will allow none to lead us into violence; but by our firmness and calm determination to stand by our rights, we will force ouropponeuts into respect for them. We have one remedy in the ballot box. If those in authority do not observe our rights, we can turn them out through the ballot box. We have another remedy, if we believe the laws or our law makers un constitutional, in the courts; and we have still another, which is quite as pood and efficacious, and that is in the voice of the people uttered from assemblages such as this where we are discussin? our rights peacefully but mnfully a voice terrible to those who are elinquent in their trusts. He rejoiced to find oui'tlitk-al opponents condemning this order of Burnside condemning it with us; and as meeting after meeting such as this will be held by the people, there need be no fear as to their being heard. We will have no more arbitrary arrest, but authority constitutionally enforced throughout the land. We will have one land, held together by fraternal feeling, such as should exist amone the sons of men who fought the battles of the revolution. Set your faces against bloodshed rally around the civil authority uphold the majesty of the law. A mass of men such as are gathered here to night, will awe into respect all opponents, and are sure to obtain their rights. Let us pledge ourselves now, nod at all times, to stand up boldly, and as becomes free Americsn and lawabiding citizens, for the Constitution and the laws, and for the observance of the governing power as well as by the governed, and our country, with our liberties, will be sound. Our children can then meet here at the capital, as we meet to-night, with the same glorious flag, restored to its primitive condition, floating over them, and with a country the hope and admiration of tbe world.

THE BtSOLVTlOSS IXTR0DI CID BT THE HOX. J.V.L. i 1 V y R PRCTX ASD f.NASIMOlSLY ADOPTED. Resolved, That as Democrats we are deter mined to maintain this patriotic attitude, and. despite oT adverse and disheartening circum stances, to devote all our energies to sustain the cause of the Union, to secure peace through victory, and to tiring about the restoration of all the States under the safeguards of the Con stitution. aJ Resolved, That while we will not consent to beT misrepresented upon these points, we are determined not to e misunderstood in regard toothers not less essential. We demand that tbe Administration shall tie true to the Constitution, shall recognize and maintain the rights of the States and the liberties of the citizen, shall everywhere outside of the lines of necessary military occupation nod the scenes of insurrection, exert all its powers to maintain the supremacy of tbe civil and military law. Resolved, That in view of these principles we denounce the recent assumption' of a military commander to seize and try a citizen of Ohio. C. L. Vtllandigham. for no other reason than words addressed to a public meeting, in criticism of the course of the Administration, and in condemnation of the military orders of that General. Resolved, That this assumption of power by a military tribunal; if successfully asserted, rot only abrogates the right of the people to assemble and discuss the affairs of Government, the liberty of speech and of the ptess. tbe right of trial by jury, the law of evidence, and the privi lege of habeas corpus, but it strikes a fatal blow at the supremacy of the law, and the authority of th State and Federal Cotis-titutions. Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States the Supreme Law of tbe Land has defined the crime of treason against the United States to conist "only in levving war against them, or adherinc to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort;' and has provided th it "no person Shall be convicted of treason, unless rn the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confusion in open court.'" And it further provides that '"no person .hall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury; except in cases arising in the bind and naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger," and further, that, "In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right of a speedy and pahlic trial. by an impartial jury of the State and District wherein the crime was committed." Resolved, That these safeguards of the rights of the citizen against tbe pretensions of arbitrary power, were intended more especially for bis protection in times of civil commotion. They were secured substantially to the English people, after years of protracted civil war, aud were adopted into our Constitution at the close of the revolu tion. Thev have stood the test of seventy-six years of trial, under our republican system ; under circustances which show that wh-le tbey consti tute the foundation of all free governmeut, they are the elements of the enduring stability of the Republic. Resolved, That in adopting the language of Daniel Webster, we declare "It is the ancient and undoubted prerogative ot this people to canvass public measures and the merits of public men. It is a home bred right.' a fireside privilege. It had been enjoyed in every bouse, cottage and cabin in tbe nation. It is as undoubted as the riuht of breathing the air or walking ou the earth. Belonging to a private life as a right, it belongs to public life as a duty, and it is the last duty which those whose representatives we are, shall find us to abandon Aiming at all times to be courteous and fmperate in its use, except when the right itself is questioned, we shall plac our selves on the extreme boundary of our own right and bid debmceto any arm that would move us from our ground. " This high constitutional privilege we shall defend and exercise in all places; in time of peace, in time of war. at all times. Living we shall as cert it; and should we leave to other inheritance to our children, by the blessing of God we will leave them the inherit nice of free principles and tbe examnle of a inai.l v. independent and constitutional defense ot them." Resolved, That in the election of Governor Seymour the people of this State by an emphatic majority declared their condemnation ot the system of arbitrary arrests aud their determination to 6taud by the Constitution. That the revival of this lawless system can have but one result: to divide and distract the North and destroy its confidence in the purposes of the Administration. That we deprecate it as an element of confusion at home, of weakness to our armies in the field, and as calculated to lower the estimate of American character and magnify the apparent peril of our pause abroad. Ami that, regarding the blow struck at a citizen of Ohio as aimed at tbe rights of every citizen of the North, we denonnce it as against the spirit of our Uws and Constitution, and most earnestly call upon the President of the United Slates to reverse the action of the military tribunal which has passed a "cruel and unusual punishment" upon the party arrested, prohibited in terms by the Constitution; and to restore him to the liberty of which he has been deprived. Resolved, That the President, Vice Piesidenta and Secretary of this meeting be requested to transmit a copy of tbese resolutions to His Excellency tbe President of the United States with the assurance from this mem'ng of their hearty ey-i earnest desire to support the Government in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the existing rebellion. . ooviaxoa setm oca's ietteä. Peter Cagger, Eq ,' stated that among the distinguished gentlemen invited to address the meeting, was His Excellency Gov. Seymour Unfortunately, His Excellency could not attend; but he had sent a letter which be (Mr. Cagger) would read. The following is the letter, which, during its reading, was frequently applauded in tbe heartiebt macner: Executive Detaetmsxt, May 16. I cannot attend tbe meeting at the Capitol tbis evening, but I wih to state my opinion in regard to the artest of Mr. Vallsndigham. It is an act which has brought dishonor upon our country. It is full of danger to our persons and our homes. It bears upon its front a Continus violation of law and justice. Acting upon the evidence of detailed informers, shrinking from the light of day, in the darkness of night, armed men violated tbe house of an American citizen and furtively bore bjm away to military trial, conducted without those safeguards known to the proceedings of our judicial tribunals. The transaction involved aseriesol offenses againstour most sacred rights. It interfered w ith the freedom of speech; it molested our rights to be secure In our homes against unreasonable searches and seizures; it pronounced sentence without trial, save one, which was a mockery, which insulted as well as wronged. The perpetrators now seek to impose punishment, not for an offense against law, but for the disregard or an invalid order, put forth in the utter disregard of the principles of civil liberty. If this proceeding is approved by tbe Govem ment. and sustained by tbe people, it is rot merely a step toward revolution It is revolution; it will sot only lead to military despouam t ea

es rnu.urv -e- ji-Tm. In Ihi tvm. t must be accepted or Us aspect rejected. is upheld, our IlberJe a overthrown, the saj of our r-erx.Ls. seosruv of our propertv. r' nereaiter oojena upu 0 the arbitrary will cf sat military ruleis as m ri.- . ... i: , t i.vcu ui n hp. will. ii our cocstittKional 'unarantees will be brokerA mar n Vrrt wtnaar etu. . . ' ""v- -a uovernors and Uourts ff some of ti;e great w extern States have sur.k iut in. ; -m k. . -I 1 "tr.urr me oespotic rowers Claim and exercised by military men who bave be eein uivo iqi ir isir;ers. It is a fearful th'ns: O increase the dacge r whirl now overhi eids, by treating the law, tbejuriic?, ary and tbe Stab; autrorities with contempt Th people of this J.untry now wait witb the deepes anxiety tbe d Uion of tbe Administration unor these acts. Havicg given it a generous suppri in the conduct of the war. we raus in c kJ kind of goretrment it is for which we are asV to pour on, our blood and our treasure. Tri cnon oi me An ministration will determine i! the minds of more tln one-half of the people c wie ,K?mi ciaic wnetniT this war is waged to rv down rebellion at the So stitutions tt the North. We look lor its" decisi( with most solemn solicitude. HORATIO SlTMOtR. The resolutions adopted point to the devotio snown rr the Democrats during two years of iv.J "... im cAvirct oetermination to sustaii me Lmon; denounce the assumption of militar power ii the arrest of Mr. Vallsndigham; asser ire rieht of free riisrn.vmn n. ...,k.. : - J l- lila IU the ele-tion of Mr. Seymour the people codemned the system of arbitrarv arrests, and c J uron tbe President to restore ilr. Vallandighar w .. . i , . . ;.rj inreri a copy ot U)e regoiutC ro oe-ser t to the rresnlent. with the assurance . , me oesire or the meeting to support the Govern .u... ... r,r, T lUTisinuiiouai auu uwiui measure to suppress tbe reoellion. THK STRACUK MEETING. The meeting at Syracuse on Saturday evenir ' was a large outpouring of the masses of tl I c entral Uity. Market Hall wss thronged. The1! flavor of tbe city. Hon. D. Bookstaver, prer-idee anu me names ot tne other oBicers embrace tb most influential citizens. speeches were made by the Mavor, Jod v '.iii-nn. ik , Ai. uncr, xr. VI nite, Ol Jiemezuraa, ana others, and resolutions of if similar import to those of the Albany meeting were adopted. I We have room for only a few extracts frotA J uage Uonisu es s speech : extract iroji ths f-nu n or jvvgx comstoce.I Tl LATE Of THE COTBT OT APPEALS Fellow Cjtizlns: You have assembled toe i'irs your emimeni upon a recent event ) threatening import to the rights and liberties oi the peop.e of this country. I scarcely need t say that you have a right thus to assemble art declare your opinions. This right is the corr7 stone ol American institution. It is older thall our Constitutions. Our ancesters wrested several hundred years ago from a despotic thro j ana secured it iiy magna thsrta. It is tbe Hen descended franc, ise f every citizen of this In Cheers It is moreovfr guaranteed in spirit and bv the verv letter of the Cinstiint 1 of the United States, and the Constitution of ii) State; mu I uuu.k God that New York hs - f. E-xecuuve uo nas pie-ieo nimseil to mal tain, sf every hazard, the dijinitv of the StJ and the libc-tio of the people. Loud continued cheering. . It is impossible to think without IriiignatiJ and difficult toppeak w ith calmness, of the recf-l bold and daring outrage upon constitution rights and guarantees, which more than an vothi has start. ed and aroused the pf!lic attenii The circumstam-es are iiiese that a diM enislied citizen of a sister State, the Hon C. T- II ! .... v aiianaiiiam, not oniy not guiitv. hut not e i accused of any offense against tLe laws or Con sütutiou of his country, has been arrested without legal process, in the midst of a peaceful con .iu rity, where he resided, in his own house, at the hour of midnight, torn from his familv. bur ifi' away to a distant city, placed on trial before aej irresponsible military commission, and condemnfto an infamoct punishment by a military ch rf who had no more authority over his person thai You or I have. Iu vain did the victim of tl ij outrage utter hia manly protest against a procee. J injj so tyrannical. In vain did he appeal to t' PHcred jitttmiteeii of the Constitution, to the fti fundamental liw l the land, which aisavoni alike his alleged oiTense, and the authority of ' tribunal before which he was brought. Adr head court martial convened without the shaVi or pretense of legal power, proceeded to his su ' marv conviction for no other crime than frei uttering his opinion in a public meeting, cone j uig the policy of tbe Government. Iiis righ canvass, criticise ami comiemn public meu measures, was as plain as yours or mine, and and I know that our right to breathe tbe aii heaven is no plainer. fCheers. I should be false to the obligations and duties 1 of tbe hononhle profession to which I belon a profession hieb was and ever ought to be the guardian and conservator of libprty and law if I did not denouuee this lawless proceeding; nd I do denounce it. calmly and dispassionately outJ with all the emphasis and energy suitable to the occasion. The danger must be met at tbe thresh' old-. There cannot be. with safety, one mooient of ac-j ouiescence on tbe part of the people. Their instantaneous protest ought to be uttered ithl calmness and dignity, but with unalterable firm ness. - The inquiries which arie out of this occasion, fail to arrest the attention of every man wr , ja not fit for servitude. r Cheers Was Mr. M landigham gniiiv of any crime known to the law of this country? Not only was he intiw ent, bur he was not even accused of crime. I have lead the proceedings against him, so far as tbey bavt been allowed to ee tbe light. Ke was only charged, betöre his military judges, with tbe ut-j terance of words in a public assembly, lawfully, convened in the S'ate of Ohio, as this as-embly' is now lawfully held in the Slate of New Yrk( Iu the sreecb delivered bv him be saw fit to nounce, in strong language, certain leading m sures of the Rational AdraiuiMration. I ci demn them also a ith all he sincerity of calm I deliberate conviction Had he a right thus I to speak to bis fellow citizens, and have I a ri; thus to speak to thi as-emm vT I sav this right admiu of no argument or cr ' troversv. We must not argue in favor of rigbj fjiaill, Tl C UMf". "I" U". .USUI J , out an argument. And If I may Iawlull'; dress a public assemblv, there is no authors r tbis land which can prescribe to me the words r phrases which I mav use. fCheers I pref' l.r. an. V ith the mnilaYxt inn that hnO' . me, but when I bud occasion to declare the cf victions of my own mind concerning a pufc noliev which has suberted the Constitution aix brought the nation to tbe verge of ruin, 1 sbal select mv own language. lUlnrers.i toromtj ry chief or snhaltern shall teach me what opiniorN 1 mar utter, or bow I may utter them. And tb . riebt of opinion ami debate, a right clear as tr sun at noonday so clear that tbe demonstratio and proof sie useiess. ii not imposeibie. is try s. is tbl rallacl verv right for the exercise of which Wr. dighatn was torn from hi home at midnight, horj ried before a court martial, tried and sentence to a felon's punishment. . I have said that Vallandigham was not eve( charged by his accusers with any ofTense orcrimt recognized by the laws of tbis country. Suppost this were otherwise. Suppjse that some ground or pretense exited for a criminal accusation against him. We demand then to know the ar-' thority of that tribunal before which he was trie' and condemned. I appeal to the letter of tl Constitution: "No person shall beheld to answer for a car tal or otherwise infamous crime unless ou prrsef. ment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except cases arisinjr in the land and naval force, or the militia when in actual service in time of W: or public danger: n"r snan any perron oeoepriT - of life, liberty or property, without due process law." . t' And again: f "In all criminal prof ecutions, tbe accused h: enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by t Impartial jury of tbe State and District where' the crime shall have been committed, wbicb Di, trict shall have been previouf 'y ascertained b lawNow the victim of this monstrous wrong w, never in the military or naval service of tbe Vi ted States. He was simply a citizen remote froa the scene of conflict berween the contending armies. If be was gnilty of spy offense, it was ar offense against the civil laws of tbe countrv, an j be could be rightfully tried only by the ritil ti j bunals. His rieht to trial by an impartial jury -hig State and District, and before the Judges iy. pointed to administer the laws, is too clear to a mit of question or doubi; and there ia no on w does question or doubt it. Now, tbis riebt is k so high and sacred a nature, that without it Üben, is but a shadow and a name. Cheers 1 1 p-er sons whose sentiment on public questions roy tx obnoxious to others, can be accused in a mer. unknown to tbe laws of tbe land, kidLspped bj soldiers in the nigbt time and hurried before tuil itary commissioners for condemnation and sentence, theo all that is left of our institutions i not worth preserving. There is no further downward step to be taken. We have already sutk u

tablish