Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 51, Indianapolis, Marion County, 13 May 1863 — Page 2

WEEKLY SENTINEL.

MONDAY, MAY 11. The Stole ntki Convention. ' The amngementa for the Sute Mass Convention lobe held in this city on the 20th of May, art comp'eted. All the railroads running into Indianapolis bare agreed to ran half-fare trains, be particulars in reference to which will' be announced to morrow. Nearly all the speakers ioTi ted from abroad have been heard from, and they assure the committee that they wilt be present upon an occasion which they anticipate will be second to no Convention or meeting which ever assembled in Indiana or in the West. Our advices from all parts of the State give ns the assurance that there will be an outpouring of the people oq the 20th oi May surpassing all previous demonstrations of the kind, and which will make It a memorable event in the history of the times. Governor .Ttorton on the Payment of the Interest on the State's Debt. We published on Saturday, Attorney General lloao's reply to the pretentious letter of Governor Mortox. addressed to James Wisslow, Esq.", banker of New York city, upon the payment of the interest on the State debt, for which the Leg islature, on account of the secession of the Republican members, failed to provide or direct. The question at issue is, whether the State officers, under the acU of 1859 and 1561, establishing a treasury system, and providing penalties for the violation thereof, have the right to withdraw moneys from the pnbHc treasury, without Legislative direction or appropriation. The Governor argue they have, and seeks to establish his view of the question bv a specious appeal to the public. The Journal, in alluding to the Governor's points, says that his "connecting reasoning builds them massive and enduring as granite. The Court organ seems to be deeply impressed with the massive proportions of His Excellency. It is stated npon excellent authority that "The race is not always to the swift nor the battle to the strong." "We have read of one Goluh who, by his single prowess threatened to demolish the whole tribe of Israel. Encased in his armor he thought himself impenetrable, but one David, a slight and youthful stripling, met the presumptuous giant, and with onlj a ling and a smooth stone felled him to the earth. We think the Attorney General, whom the Journal and His Excellency regard as a "weak man in a high office," by using ouly the "smallest pistol bullet," has completely disabled the "enormous battery" which the Court organ says His Excellency "planted and discharged" at bim. A very slight puncture has taken nil the wind out of the Governor's labored argument, and leaves it as shapeless and empty as a shirt upon a bean pole. His Excellency starts out with the proposition that, "If it is the intention that money should be taken from the Treasury for a particular purpose, then such intention is the law, and is an appropriation." Upon this basis, and by a misrepresentation of facts, he endeavors to show that the State officers have a right to withdraw money from the treasury in direct violation of law. His premises being wrong, his conclusions are equally invalid. The Governor, in his communication, avoids all allusion to his own responsibility in the mat ter. An eminent financier in New York, who partially represents the financial interests of the Federal Government in that city, stated lately that, in his opinion, the State officers should not take the responsibility of paying the Interest, if they bad any reasonable doubt as to their authority to do so. On being informed that the Governor was empowered by the Constitution to convene the Legislature in special yes sion whenever he thousbtthe public interests demanded it, he expressed the opinion that the Governor should not hesitate to report to thin constitutional letnedj rather than have the State dishonored by failing to fuISll its plighted faithWhen told that the Governor declined to call the Legislature together on account of political or party considerations, he said that such reasons should not weih a feather in the present condition of the country and to prevent the evils that failure on the part of Indiana to fulfill her obligations would cause. Nothing could be more unfortunate for the Governor's future prospects than to lose tiie confidence of the financial interests of the country; and nothing wilt be clearer to them and the people generally, if the interest is not paid that the responsibility will rest with tbe officer who having the power to cause the necessary legislative appropriation to be made for that purpose, failed to do so. The 20th of yiuy .Tla Convention. From all parts of the State the information comes that there will bean immense outpouring of the people at the Mass Convention to be held in thi city on Wednesday, the 20th of May. A fearful crisis is upon the country, and it is eminently fitting that at such a time the people should assemble to exrres their sentiments npon the condition of public affairs, and to "petition for a redres of grievances." Tbe importance of the meeting cannot be over estimated. A free press, free speech and free ballot mark a free people. To maintain those rights should be the first and highest object of every man who desires to preserve the blessings of civil liberty and a free Government. Upon tbe Democracy, upon the conservative citizens of Indiana, much now depends. Intense interest is felt all over the country in the action of the 20th of May Convention. We trust every conservative citizen of the State will make, if necessary, sacrifices, to come jp to the Convention and make it a demonstration so imposing in numbers and in character, that it will exercise a powerful influence for good npon the destinies of the country. It ia not a meeting to subserve the personal interest of any man, but to preserve constitutional liberty, the Government, the Constitution and the institutibns frame! and handed down to us by the Patriots of the Revolution. Is it necessary to appeal to the people to assemble for the furtherance of such objects? . A It will be noticed elsewhere, arrangements have been made with all the roads leading iuto Indianapolis to run half fare trains. Most of the speakers invited to be present have signified their intention to attend, if their engagements will possibly per mi:. It is not the speakers, however, that will give character to the convention. It is the voice of the people themselves that will make the i a pre ion upon the country, and let it be heard in numbers and Uli a determination that will be potential for good , J 'Democratic 7lu .vieeting; at Cina port. There will be a large gathering of the people at Gosport. Owen county, on Thursday the 14th iost. Tbe meeting wiil be addressed by Hon. S. S- Cox acd Hou. Giorek H. Pai)LiTO.f ,of Ohio, and- Hon. D. W. Voorhel. Extra trains will be run during the day of the meeting, on the New Albany and Silein Railroad, to accommo date all who may desire to attend. Tbe following are the arrangement: One train will leave Lafayette at 5 A. M. and arrive at Gosport at 10.1?). One train will leave Mitchell at 5' A. M. and arrive at Gosport at 9 A.' M. Returning, both trains will leave Oospcrt abou'. ü P. M. Passengers will be carried to and from Gosport at half fare on all trains on tbe L., N. A. k C. R. R., on the 1 1th. ' CoTrisrtxo. Theeaaeof Gen. Jeff. C Davis, for shooting and killing Oen. Nelson, has tern continued until the next term of the Louisville Circuit Gjurt. Tbe Indictment charges Gen. D.

Charge of Judge Davie, of the Super lor Court L'nited State, to ttae Urand Jury. I.vdiaxapolis, Indiana, May 6th, 1SG3. lion. Da cid Queis, J uJye Superior Court, L'nited S tatet: Sir: The Grand Jurv erhpanneled in the Circuit and District Court for ludiana, at the present term, by a unanimous vote taken at their first assembling in their room, appointed the undersigned a committee to recuet of you, for publication, a copy of the very able charge to the Grand Jury, delivered by you this day. We feel assured that its publication at this time, will be productive of great public good, and therefore cheerfully perform the duty assigned us, and request such copy. Respectfully yours, L. Skxtox. Jamis Blake. Tbos. N. Stillwell. Committee.

U. S. District Court Room Indianapolis, May 6, lc63 Messrs. Sexton, Blake and Stillteell, Committee: Gextlkmex: The address to the Grand Jury was hastily written, and is very imperfect. If it shall conduce in any degree to the formation of a proper public sentiment, I shall be abundantly satisfied. I transmit you two copies. Will you be kind enough to give a copy to each of the morning papers. Respectfully, D. Davis. The Charge. Gestlemes or the GbandJirt: We meet in a ti me of great national peril ; in the midst of a war unexampled for iu wickedness and magnitude, in the history of the human race The ex isting state of things imposes upon all new dnties, which must be discharged fearlessly, in view of our responsibility to God, and the Government which has protected us. Laws will be canvassed the necessity for them and the right to make them but until they are declared invalid by com petent judicial authority, every good citizen and lover of his country is -Inder the highest obliga tion to obevthem. and to do whatever he can, to give them force and vitality. Obedience to law has always characterized us as a people, and in a juncture like thin, when the very existence of the na tion is at stake, that obedience should not be re luctantly, but freely rendered. We owe allegiance to the Government for the privileges en joyed, and when, for the first time in our history, that allegiance has thrown any burdens upon us. shall we not bear them cheerfully, and show ourselves worthy of the sacrifices made lor us, and the priceless inheritance bequeathed to us? Our own honor; "tie blood that has been shed; the treasure that has been spent; the memories of the past, aod the hopes of the future, demand that this rebellion shall be crushed, the union of these State restored, and the authority of law recognized. In order to save this Government, it is absolutely necessary that the laws, which the wisdom of Congress deems right and proper for the crisis, should be faithfully observed. Obe dience to law means more than a mere determination not to make open resistance. A hearty arquiesceuce in the law until it is repealed, or judicially declared of no effect; a cheerful recog nition of its binding obligation; and a willingness to aid in enforcing it. is required alike by a common patriotism and common interests. We seek to establish the supremacy of the Government, and to compel the unqualified submission of the Rebels to the laws. How can we ask them to submit, if we do not ourselves render a willing obedience? We may. aud will differ in any great war, on the right manner ol conducting it, and the wisdom of the policy pursued, but no man who is not a traitor at heart, will ever suffer that difference to le id him. by speech or writing, to counsel resistance to law. "Government must compel the obedience of individuals, otherwise, who shall seek its protection or fear its vengeance " A government that does not, or cannot enforce the execution of its laws, ceases to fu'fill its high function, and will receive the contempt of mankind. Misguided men who oppose the authority of law, must be punished. Their punishment is due as an example to dettr others. Not to punish them, argues great weakness, and is really a crime against society-and jrood order. He, who at this period resists the law himself, or induces others to do so, is a dangerous enemy to his country. If law cannot be enforced, the despotism of the mob follows, and any tyranny is preferable to that. Congress, in order to increase and strengthen the armies of the United States, has passed an act for enrolling and calling out the national forces. The law is a severe one, as all laws of the kind are. The law was not made wantonly, but in a great crisis, to meet a great peril. The Country is entitled to the services of all her citizens, when needed, and if not voluntarily given, compulsory means must be used to obta;.i them. Our highest civil duty is to serve our country when in danper, and severe laws, when necessary, will be cheerfully obeyed, by a patriotic people struggling to preserve the rich blessings of a free government. This rebellion can only be ended by the strong arm of military power; and if the armies already in the field are not enough, they must be added to, and, if necessary, the power of the conscript law invokod. Desertion is a great crime, and if suffered to continue, will utterly ruin our armies in the field. It would be come infrequent, and soon cease altogether, if bad men did not aid and encourage it. It 'S the manifest duty of every person who knows that a soldier in the service of the United States has deserted, and where be is, to give information to the nearest military post. And if any one, in disregard of his duty and in -violation of law, aids, advises, or encourages a soldier to desert; or, knowingly harbors, conceals, assists to carry him away, or employs him. after he has deserted, he should be punished. A few examples would produce the most salutary effects.. And when a draft is ordered, if any person shall he so abandoned as to resist it, or counsel, or aid any person to resist it; or shall assault or obstruct any offi cer in the performance of any service connected with it, or shall counsel any one to assault or oppose such officer: or shall advise drafted men not to 20; or shall wilfully dissuade them from the performance of their military duty under the law, such person is subject tobe heavily fined and imprisoned. Conspiracies or combinations of" tnen.to obstruct the execution of the law, are mischievous in pro portion to the numbers engaged. They are generally concealed, for those enlisted in them are aware that.their undertaking is unlawful, and will not bearexpesure Such combinations are dangerous to civil liberty in a time of profound peace, and pre eminently so in a terrible war, when the Government needs the sympathy, kind offices, and co-operation of all her citizens. It is charged that there are secret organizations, in some of the States of this Union, with "grips, signs and passwords," having for their objects resistance to law, and the overthrow of the Government. It is hard to conceive of so great depravity and wickedness, but if such organizations do exist they should be speedily overthrown, if we would avoid future trouble and calamity. If any where in this State bad men have combined together lor such wicked purposes, I pray you, bring them to lisht.and let them receive the punishment due to their crimes. The heart of the patriot is sickened and hu ' miliated at the discovery of the frauds and pecu lations which have been perpetrated upon the Government It is a matter of the proloundest grief, that there are living among us, those who are base enough to cheat the Government, when tbe homes of our people are darkened by the horrors of civil war, and our blood and treasure are freely tiven to save the life of the nation. The loathing and scorn which they deservedly re ccive will not stop the evil. The only effectual way to do it, is to enforce the laws. II men will cheat and defraud in a time like this, they should feel the pressure of the law, and be made if possi ble to disgorge their ill gotten gains. If subject to the rules and articles of war they should be shot; if in civil life tbe seveiet penalties of the law should be their portion. Treason is the highest crime of a civil nature that can be committed. It strikes directly at the lifeof the Government, and destroys all the safeguards that the law has ordained for the welfare of society. Although it is difficult to believe that any citizen of Indiana, has been guilty of such aii atrocious crime, yet a few general remarks on the subject roav not be inappropriate. The framers of the Constitution have seen fit, in the exercise of that wisdom and forecaste which is exhibited in all their works, to declare what shall constitute treason, and by what testimony it shall be proved. "Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or In adherinir to their enemies, giving hem aid and comfort." In only two ways, there fore, can treason be committed. At an early day, a judicial interpretation was given to the words "levying war." In lfc07 Bollrnan and Swartwout were brought before the Supreme Court of the United States, on a writ of habeas corpus, seeking to be relieved from a commit roent for treason. Chief Justice Marshall, in delivering the opinion of the Court, 4 Crancb 75 said that "to constitute that specific crime for which tbe prisoners now before the Court have been committed, war mast be actually levied against the United States. However flagitious may be the crime of conspiring to subvert by force the Government of our country, such con gpiracy is not treason. To conspire to levy war, and actually to lev? war, are distinct offenses. "It is not the intention of the

Court to say, that no individual can be guilty of this crime, who has not appeared in arms against bis country. Ou the contrary, if war be actually levied that is, if a body of men be vtually assembled for the purpose of effecting by force, treasonable purpose 11 those who perform any part, however minute, or however remote from the scene of action, and who are actually leagued in the general conspiracy, are to be considered as traitors. Bat there must be an actual assembling of men for the treasonable purpose to constitute a levying of war." "Adhering tb their enemies, giving them aid and comfort," has an obvious meaning, although no settled judicial construction has been given to It by our courts. When war exists, to furnish our enemies with provi sions, or military supplies; to send them arms, money, or ammunition; to enlist men for them; to give tlem information of the number and position of our forces, or plan of campaign; or to do any other act, the intent and effect of which is to enable the enemies of tbe United States to prevail against them, is treason. In order to convict of treason, unlike the proof in other crimes, two witnesses are essential who testify to the same overt act. or confessiou must be made in open court. Any one who is familiar with the trials for treason iu other countries, and the weak and inconclusive character of the testimony on which convictions are had. can appreciate the importance of this constitutional provision. Bearing in mind that there are two uecessary elemeuts in this offense, the treasonable intention and the overt act. you will, I fust, have no difficulty in arriving at a correct conclusion should any case involving the crime of treason come before you. Misprison for treason "is the bare knowledge and concealment of treason without assenting to it." Whoever knows that treason has been committed, and does not disclose the fact to the executive or judicial authorities of the State or Nation, is punishable by fine aud imprison men t. The offense is a serious one, and if it exists in this State, should receive your consideration. In all cases you will apply the law as you find it. without any discussion as to its necessity or policy realizing that the rights of person and property are only permanently preserved, by adhereing to all the requirements of law. Having indicated to vou the general principles applicable to certain crimes, I respectfully refer you to th District Attornev, for whatever may be wanting in

detail. In times of great political danger, we are apt to overlook offenses which ordinarily arrest the attention. It is just as necessary now, as it ever was, that you should Hiligentlv inquire into all criminal violations of United Stateshws, if committed in this State. Ordinary criminals do not cease their depredations because a slate of war exists. The oath, gentlemen, which you have just ta- . ken, is broad and comprehensive in its character, and indicates clearly the judicial impartiality aud independence which should govern you, and I feel sure, that your investigations will be conducted, so as to detect and punish crime, and preserve the majesty of the law. Do not seek to redress private injuries in the Grand Jury room, and present no one for trial, unless you are satisfied that the evidence upon which you base your presentment is true, and if true, that unanswered, it is enough to convict. Bear in mind, that the certainty of punishment deters from the commission of crime, more than all other agencies combined. Do not let your compassion for individuals, lessen your abhorrence of the crime. Justice to socieiv re quires, that whoever has wilfully violated the law shall be punished. Mercy is misplaced when it screens the wilfully guilty. At the same time, you should be careful to indict no one, on suspicion, through prejudice, or hastily. Patience is a virtue much needed in a Grand Jury room. Many witnesses are brought before you unwillingly, and te-tify reluctantly. Instruct them, as to their duty and your power, and by a patient ex-. animation, you will ultimately reach the truth. Do not disclose to any one, while vou are in session, or after you adjourn, what has transpired in the jury room. It is sometimes done, and the practice is a pernicious one. You perform, gentlemen, an important part in the administration of public justice, for without your aid and co-operation, crime can not be punished. I feel confident that you will discharge the important trust confided to you, so as to satisfy yourselves, the public mind, and the Court. From Washington. Hooker's Arjit ix Motiox at Last Part or Lee's Army in Hooklr's Rear Death or Capt. Alexander Gonpox, of Wisconsin Plots Against General Grant Treascrt Notes Cootrbfeited in E.nulaxd. Special Correspond nee of the Chicago Times. Washington, May 3. General Joe. Hooker has gone and done it at last. He has taken his entire army across the Rapabannock, aim is now between that stream and the Matapony. In accordance with what I have intimated in previous letters, the crossing of the river was attended by no serious opposition on the part of Gen. Lee. It is evidently Gen. Lee's design to draw Hooker's army to some point on the Matapony that he has chosen for that purpose, and there to give him battle on ground of Lee's selection; attacking him. too, no doubt, both in front and rear. The crossing of the Rappahaanock by Hooker's army was comrceneed on the 27th ult., and was not completed until the 1st inst. Four whole days and nights were thus occupied in that movement alone. The crossing was effected at two points widely separated, namely: at Port Royal, filteen miles below Frederieksburg, and at Kelly's Ford, twenty miles above Fredericks burg. Thus, at the commencement, Hooker has committed the great blunder of dividing his forces, bis two columns having been set in motion thirty miles apart, and moving with that distance between them. The troops that Tussed at Kelly's ford were the 2d army corps. General Gouth; the 3d corps, Gen. Mead; the 11th c rps. Gen. Howard, and the 12th corps. Gen. Slocum. The troops that crossed at Port Royal were the 1st corps, Gen. Reynolds; the 3d corps, General Sickles, and the Cth corps. Gen. Sedgwick. The cavalry of the army constituted a separate coips, tinder Gen. Stoneman. They nlso crossed at Kellv's Ford. The whole force, as the enemy have been obligingly informed by the officials here, amounts to 140,000 men. after deducting thirty four regiments of veterans, whose time now expires. This would give an average of 10,0011 men to each of the seven corps, and allow Stoneman 14.000 cavalry. Intelligence was received here yesterday to the effect that a large portion of Gen. Lee's army had made their appearance in Hooker's immediate rear, and between his army and tho Rappahannock. As he committed the imprudence of des troying the pontoon bridges, a!'ter he bad crossed the Rappahannock, there is nothing for him to do but to riht hard. It looks very much as if he had walked into a trap, but ou this point the telegraph will have informed you before this reaches you. Although there was no serious opposition made to the passage of the Rappahannock, tbeie was some sharp skirmishing all along the linejust sufficient to keep our troops on the alert, and let them know that the enemy knew what we were about. In the-e skirmishes, we lost between one hundred and two hundred men in killed and wounded. Your readers in Wisconsin will be pained and greatly shocked to learn that among the killed was Opt. Alexander Gordon of the Tili Wisconsin renimetit one id the bravest and most valuable officers in the service. It has been observed that the enemies of Gen. Grant have been importuning the President to remove him, for some days past. These men are all radicals of the most intense degree, and some of them are the same ones who were engineering for the removal of Admiral Dupont, a week or ten days ago. Thus far, in tbe case of General Grant, no success has attended their application. The President says he is satisfied that Gen. Grant has done all that was in his power to do toward the reduction of Viikburg, and that he can certainly do more toward the accomplish ment of that object than -any other General w ho iniuht be sent there to take bis place. But the radicals are complaining that he has been com pletely out generated by Gen. Johnson, and that, as long as he remains in command, no results cun be looked for. You may be assured that, notwithstanding all the reports to the contrary, the President has as yet givei no heed to these representations. What he will do under increased pressure," no one can tell; and it is possible that (Jen. Giant, ere many weeks, will be sent to join company with Gen. McClellan, Gen. Porter, Gen. Franklin aud others who have refused to bow the knee to Baal. Measures have been instituted by the Treasury Department here, in order to find out to what extent the U. S. Treasury notes, vulgarly called "greenbacks," have been counterfeited in England and put iuto circulation here. A special agent of the Department has been sent over to England for that purpose, and five more are at present in New York, Philadelphia and Boston, hunting up evidence. All that is known at pres cut, is that the entire resources of one of the largest engraving houses in England have for a long lime beeu employed in the business, on the same principle that the engravers in this country

are allowed to engrave quantities or Confederate notes. Vast quantities of the latter trash were carried down into Virginia by Pope's army, in August last, and passed off on the unsuspecting people there. If we allow our people to do this, why should we complain wbeti the Euglish play th sam ir.m on ust There is, no doubt, a

large quantity of the foreign counterfeit stuff in circulation, and so admirably is the work done that none but an expert can detect tne cneat. ' j From the London Time, April 13. A Drltlah View of llie uonomon o the American Government. The old curse of America is once more upon her; the evil spirit has returned with seven other T 1 I L.I spirits to his old haunt. flir. iincoiu ua ueiu the Presidency of the United States for two miserable and disastrous years. It is unnecessary to dilate cpon the results of his administration. It has destroyed a vast mass of prosperity and happiness, and scattered to the winds tbe best hopes of the Americaa people. Of how many States mav it be said with truth that Mr. Lincoln has fouud'them a garden and left them a desert; of how manv flourishing institutions that he found them a reality, and has made them but a name; of how many families that be found them united and prosperous, while they are now decimated by war and divided bv faction? The exchequer of America was full, and is empty; her credit was high, and is all but extinct; and the evil of to day is regarded by those who can foresee and calculate the future as altogether light and endurable as compared with the disasters that aic looked for from to-morrow. In little more than eighteen months from this time the people of the North, or of whatever portion of the United States may still be under the Federal Government, will be called upon to elect another President. It is a long while to look forward to. especially in the present state 'of things, but the stake to be played for ia vast, aud no means of securing it must be neglected. The Republican majority in Congress have before separating done everything in their power to secure to theirownpartv another quadrennial period ot office. Thee reckless men deserve a foremost place among thoserepresentatives of the people who from time to time have made themselves notorious iu the history of the world by huricndering the liberties of their country info the. ha nds of a dictator or tyrant. There is" hardly a ri:ht secured by the Constitution to States or to individuals which the late Congress of the United States have notinvaded, a principle of freedom which they have not overthrown, a franchise which they have not trampled under foot. The office of President, plain and republican as it came from the hands of the founders of federation, is hardly recognizable beneath the mass of powers with which it is overlaid The first citizen of the Republic, the servant of the people, the head of mi executive, exercising certain few and clearly defined powers, has become, by the treason of a Legislature cxercisinsi functions which law bad limited with equal care to that with which it limited its own, the most absolute autocrat on earth. et it is feared that all this power and nil this violence may be unable to perpetrate itself, and time has been found, in the midst of a civil war, to get up an organization evidently created for electioneering purposes. The word has been passed to say little about the abortive proclamation of the President for the emancipation of the negroes, and to get up meetings everywhere in favorof loyalty aud of the preservation of the Union. This movement does not appear to have been crowned with any particularly brilliant succes, and now it is succeeded by a measure so desperate and so dangerous that we. who have never expected much from Mr' Lincoln, confess that we stand aghast at his recklessness nud hardi hood. The last resource of Mr Lincoln has been to turn the messrooin of every regiment into a debating society, and ;ts soldiers Into mmiiure constituencies. The papers from America are full of addresses agreed to by meetings of rei ments presided over by their Colonel with a Captain and a Chiplian for Secretaries. The regiments from Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Connecticut, have taken the lead in these political in in:festations. Their addresses hav e a suspicious likeness to each other. They are all manifestations of Republican opinion. They assert views favorable to the continuance of the war and denounce, not as mistaken friends, but as enemies much more detested than the South erners themselves, those among their fellowcitizens who have presumed to think, or talk of peace. These military logicians will tolerate no difference of opinion. He that is not with them, is against them; and be that is against them, is (to use their own language) hellish, diabolical, and worthv of death. Such language deserves attention when it is held by men who may at any moment become the executioners of their own sentence. Henceforth there is but "ne opinion in America, and no distinction is to be observed between the man who counsels peace and the man who actively carries on war The dungeons of the State and the sword of the army are equaliy ready for both. From the Cincinnati Price Current, May 6th. Financial and Commercial Summarr for the l'ast Week. The credit of the Government baa steadily improved during the week, and six per cent., cou pons are now up to 108. and 7 3 10 Treasury notes, interest payable in February and August, to 1011. The amount of the lesal tender notes which has been funded in the 5 20 bonds reached a ficure wholly unexpected, and the amount of temporary deposits at 5 per cent, authorized by Congress has been reached, and the public officers ordered to take no more on deposit. This is cer tainly a singularly gratifying state of the public finances and contrary to what h id been hoped for by even the most sanguine. Money is abundant and easy, and but little profitable use for it. First rlass business paper is sought for at 6 to P per cent , and the demand quite light. Exchange has ruled firm, with a pupply about equal to the demand. There has been some uneasiness expe rienced by those who have been hoarding cold, and the offerings have been larger than for some time. The reason is. if Gen. Hooker is success ful in defeating the Rebel army under Lee. that gold will go down permanently, and there being, to say the least, a probability of this, the opinion leans to the policy of selling. Yesterday there was less disposition to sell, under the news. The quotations for all, last evening, were as follows : BUYING. SELLING. yew Ycrk par. prem. (idia 4f-IR prem. Silver 30.335 prent. Demand notes,... 43.46 prent. Orders on Washington, ol1 'one offering. Kentncfcv bank notes.. .4 sl 3 prent. Indiana State ntt. 2 prem. Oliio Stte notes par.. Ord?r op Washington, new i di. CenficNte di. Qu arte rmat-r' Vouch rs, c'tv 23,' dis. Quar'ermasic' Voucher. country. . ... ü dis. There is no local demmd for gold or silver, and anv quotations we milit trie. would be, therefor, nominal. There are hardl v anv -lernand note Ottering, and our quotations for them are little belter than nominal. The news from the Government armies since our last, has been of the most absorbing interest, especially from the army of the Potomac under Gen. Hooker, who had outflanke! the Rebels and compelled them to come out of their intrenchments and attack him, which they diJ ou Saturday and Sunday resulting in a terrific battle, which was fiercely contested on both sides; but the latest accounts which had come to hand when we put our paper to press last night were favorable to the cause of the Government. Hut still the state of the case was such that it was impossible to form any estimate as regards what would be ihe final result. Both forces are in such position that a complete victory or a most disastrous, defeat awaits one or the other. It cannot be a drawn battle even in part. This critical state of affairs kept the public mind in ihe greatest suspense since Saturday, and last even ing this suspense had become positively painful. On Monday and yesterday the New York market for gold and public recurities was greatly agita'ed, and prices advanced and declined from hour to hour. In the wholesale market, there is a continued general dullness, and not much demand lor any article. , A, feeling of uncertainty as regards even the immediate future, pervades the minds of tbe whole business community, aiid therefore the en tire absence of desire to operate in any article of produce. The immeuse supply of pork adds to this unwillingness to do anything in that line. In our market review, we give the few changes in prices which have taken place, and the general spirit of the market, us well as we can do it, and in addition to this, there is little to be said of interest. 2TLife must be pretty fast in Chicago, if we are to judge by the following item from a cotemporary: "Vie feel bouudtodeny that one of our law yers put on his door: 'Gone to bury my wife; be back in half an hour.' But candor compels us say that one of our lumbering merchants, the last sickness of his wife accuring In tbe busiest season, was only able to get in time for the second prayer at her funeral." ...

Payment or tne Interest on tne State Debt Kepljr of the Attorney General to Ciorernor .Tlorton's letter to Jaraca Winalow, Kaq. Attorxht General's OrritE. ( Indianapolis, Ind., ilay o, lb63. Joseph J. Bingham, Esq : Sir: On the 3d ult., the Auditor of State requested my official opinion as to whether there existed the necessary legislation to authorize him to draw his warrant upon the State. Treasury, for the amouut required to pay the July interest upon the funded debt of the Sute. On the 6th ult. I answered the inquiry, expressing the opinion that no such authority existed, and, gave my reasons for the conclusion arrived at. The note of the Auditor and my an. swer were published in the Seutiuel of the 8ih ult. In the Journal of the 4th inst., was published a letter from bis Excellency, Oliver P. Morton, dated the 23d ult., addressed to James Winslow, Esq , of the City of New York, uuon the same subject, which has been published, with some preiatory remarks, in pamphlet form, and is being distributed as a political document. His Excellency has seen tit to indulge in some reflections of a character that cannotbe regarded aj complimentary to tbe Democratic party, generally, and myself particularly, which furnish my excuse for troubling you with this communication. The foundation of His Excellency's argument is that the Acts of 1846 and 1847 constitute an appropriation, for all coming time, of the money necessary to pay the interest upon the funded debt; not because they appropriate money for that purpose, or because they profess to appropriate money, or because they are appropriation bills, according to the definition of His Excellency; but because the acceptance .of the propositions

made by the State to her creditors, and the form of tbe bonds issued, constitute a contract on the part of the State to pay the interest at a certain time and place; that the honor and good faith of the State require that this obligation should be complied with; therefore, these acts constitute an appropri alion, and no further legislation 13 necessary. He sums up the argument thus: "Is it possible that further legislation is roquireJ to authorize the State to pay the interest on this obligation? The State makes her written promise to pay, at particular times, and delivers it to her creditors, which, upon presentation to the proper officer, is a direct and sufficient authority lor payment. If it is not, then the promi-e of the State carries with it no obligation, and the authority to pay must be derived solely from subsequent legislation " The question presented is this: Does a contract on the part of the State to pay money, amount to an appropriation od furnish authority justifying the State officers to . take money from U13 State Treasury to pay the indebtedness? An agreement tin the part of the State to pay money is one thing, and a legislative direction to the State oßicers to take money lrom the Treasury to pay the indebtedness is another. A few illustration will show t.ite difference. The United States.by ccutractwith the officers nnd soldiers composing the army, agrees to pay them a stirulatcd price per month for their services. This contract is the contract Of the Government and is made by virtue of authority conferred by Acts of Congress. The honor of the Government is pledged to a faithful compliance with the contract, and its breach would be a lasting stain upon the nation: al character; but I have always understood, not withstanding this, that not a cent could be paid the nrinv without an appropriation bill If His Excellency is correct in his assumption that :t contract to pay money is hp appropriation of ti e money necessary to pay it, then the Fed eral authorities have no power to enlist a soldier for a longer period than two years; for it is expressly provided in the Constitution, as a limitation upon the right to rUe and support armies, "that 110 appropriation to that use, shall be for a longer term than two years." The Government has. however, always acted upon a diffcient principl- has understood that a contract to pay, was not an approDrialion and therefore enlists soldiers for a longer period than two years The Federal Government has the power to m.-'ke treaties, and may ton tract in them to pay money, fixing the time and place of payment; and may solemnly pledge the laiih of the nation for a compliance with the obligation; yet it has always been regarded necessary that Con gi ess should appiopriatc the money necessary to satisfy the obligation thus assumed. Some light is shed upon this subject bv a discussion in Conuresson the 19h day ol January, 1D6, with relerein-e to appropriations to sustain the mint, and the debate took quite a wide ranee Mr. Theodore Sedgwick, of Massachusetts, as sumed the poi-iiion that when the Government had assumed obligations, or made leal establishments, it was the duty of Congress to make the necessary appropriations to provide for them, and that Congress had not the right to refuse the appropriations, or discu s their propriety. Mr. Sedgw ick did not, hon ever, take the high ground occupied by His Excellency, that an obligation on the pirt of the Government, was itself an appropriation that rendered further action by Congre-a unnecessary. Mr. Albert Gallatin differed from Mr. Sedgwick and expressed his alarm at the position assumed. He thought that notwithstanding the obligation to pay existed, still the appropriation to meet it was for Congress, and iliai the subject of appropriation was a solemn and important one, placed in the hands of the Legislature as a check upon the other branches of the Government; that Congress in each case had the right, and it was their duty, to "determine the necessity and propriety of making an appropriation. He referred, by way of illustration, to the fact that the military establishment was made up by enlistments for three or more years, while it was usual to make annual appropriations for its sup port; and Congress w.is expressly prohibited, by tne ionsiiruiion. irom voting appropriations tor more than two years for the support of an armed force. At the time of this debale, the Government was largely in debt, had outstanding bonds and promises to pay the interest, thereon. According to His Excellency'stheoiy, these obligations const i -ted an appropriation of the money necessary to meet the interest, without further legislation. Mr. Gallatin in speaking of the riijht of the legislative branch of the Government to control appropriations, aaid; "Theie was one instance in which this House had thought it proper to abandon the right In order to s'rengtheu the public credit, they had consented that the payment of interest on the debt should not depend on their sole will; and they had rendered tbe appropriation for that object, not yearly, but a permanent one." Mr. Gallatin did not think a mere promise to pay interest, rendered a subsequent legislative appropriation unnecessary, hut says that Congre.ss has made a permanent appropriation for that purpose. I make the following extract from the act of Congress referred to bv him, p.tssed Aupust 4, 1790 found in 1 U. S.Statutesat Large, 139: section 1, be it enacted, "That reserving out of the moneys which have arisen since the last da v ol' December last past, und which shall hereafter arise. front the duties on goods, wares and merchandise imported into the United States, and ou the tunnnce of ships or vessels, the yearly sum of six hundred thousand dollars, or so much thereof us may be appropriated from time time, toward the defense of the Government of the United States, and their otnmon defense, the residue of the said moneys, or so much thereof as may be necessary, as the same shall be received in each year, next after the sum reserved as aforesaid, shall be, aud is hereby appropriated to the payment of the interest which shall from time to time become due on the loans heretofore made by the United States iu foreign countries ; and also, the payment of interest on such further loans as may be obtained for discharging the arrears of interest thereupon, and tbe whole or any part of the pr ncipal thereof; to continue so appropriated until the said loans, as ell those already made as those which may be made in virtue ot this act, shall be fully satisfied, pursuant to the contracts relating to the same, any law to the contrary notwithstanding." It is very evident that Mr. Gallatin and the Congress that passed the act of 1790, did not regard the promise of the Government to pay the interest as sufficient for that purpose without an appropriation bill. His Excellency entertains a different opinion. 1 prefer to agree with them and differ from His Excellency. His Excellency argues that a construction hs lias been placed upon the acts of 1S46 aud 14? by the uniform action of the State officers, that under them and without further appropriation bills the interest was paid until the fall of 1858. I admit that if it were a matter of doubt whether the terms used in the acts of 1846 and 18-17 constituted an appropriation, usage would be entitled to great consideration, but when it is perfectly clear that there ia no language used in those acts whicb can possibly be tortured iuto an appropriation, I am unable to see how a payment of interest without law, no matter bow long it Is continued, cad create the authority cecesariy to its payment.

But it is not true that the payment of interest as uuiibrmlv made up to 1858 without ap

propriation, His Excellency knew such to have been the fact,' and anticipate its suggestion and tries to break its force. He eats : 'It will be t-een that these provisions are in substance tbe same. The successive Legislatures of 1847, '4?. '49 and '50 accepted the section quoted from the acts of 1846 and '47, as an appropriation to pay interest within' the meaning of the Constitution, apd made no other except in three special acts iu lc49, 185(1 and 1851, an thonzing the borrowing ot money ud directing the money thus borrowed to be paid on the in terest on the public debt, which direction was nothing more ihau a ttatercent of the purpose for winch the money was borrowed. I will not say that His Excellencv dodees, for tuat would be treating tl.e bish office he fills whhawantof respect; but it is evident he has not read with sufficient care the following acts: Acts 1848, page 70; Acts 1849, page 6; Acts 1850, page 97; aud Acts 1851, page 132 These acts authorize the borrowing of certain sums of money, and in terms appropriate them to the payment of the interest on the public debt. His Excellency says they are not appropriation bills, but a mere statement of the purpose for which the money was borrowed, and a direction of the disposition that shall be made of it; but that the acts of 1846 and 1847, are, in effect, appropriation bills. Comment, I think, is unneces Bar v. His Excellency thinks my definition of the word appropriation, inaccurate. Upon that subject I said as loliows: "The word appropriation, as used in the Conti Union, I suppose to mean, an act of the General Assembly setting aside money to be applied to a derinite purpose, with authority to take it from the Tieasurr for application to that purpose. I do not supjajse it necessary that any 6et form of phraseology should be used, or that there should be a specific appropriation nt each session of the General Assembly; but it should clearly appear to the Auditor and Treasurer of State that the General Assembly has made the appropria tion authorizing thepayraentof the money sought t be taken lrom the State I reasury. The Suirreme Court, in the case of Lance vs. Stover, (13 Ind., p. 175.) held that- 'The statutes on the suhjeel of wamp lands, (I. 0. k H., p. 597. et. teg ,) make full appropriation of the swamp land fund to the payment of the legiti mate claims against that fund, aud no further ap propriation is necessary to authorize the Auditor 01 atate to oraw nia warrant 111 a proper case, up on those funds. The act in question creates a Swamp Land r und, provides lor a system of labor and con trading, and authorizes ttie Auditor of State, upon the presentation tohim of a certificateshowing the labor performed by a contractor, to issue a warrant on the Treasurer of State for the amonut named in the certificate, payable out of the Swamp Land Fund. This case illustrates the correctness of the definition of the word 'appropriation,' which I have adopted." The definition contains two elements. First, a setting aside of money for a particular purpose; second, authority to take money from the Treas ury and apply it to that purpose. His Excellency,! think, will have great difficulty in conceiv ir.g of mi appropriation bill that does not necessarily fall within this definition. There must be some means of fixing the amouut appropriated. It may be fixed by existing legislation, or some svstem of auditing aud ascertaining it, otherwise it will be impossible to tell how much is to be taken from the Treasury. There must also be direction that the amount of money thus ascertained shall he taken from the Treasury and applied as directed by the Legi.siatuie. As stated in my letter to the Auditor of Mate, I do not suppose that anv set form of language should be used, but the Legislative intention should clearly appear. His Excellencv proceeds to define accurately. the word appmpriatiou. He says: "An appro pr'atiou may be accurately defined as a direction civen to pay money ou. of the Treasury for a particular purpose." I will have controversv with His Excellency about bis definition, and merely ask thequesfion: How bis definition applies to the acts of 1845 and 1847; hov it is that a promise to pay monev by the State is a Legislative direction to the Slate officers to pay itH His Excellency thinks section mne ot article ten of the Constitution, a sufficient appropriation to authorize the payment ot the interest, and answers an oojection ne savs 1 made to its hav ing that effect, that it would also be an appropri ation for all the ordinary expenses of the State Government. He says I nm incorrect, because the ordinary expenses of the State Government lye not liquidated and ascertained, aud can only be ascertained and determined from time to time by Legish tion. His Excellency is mistaken. I made no such point as to this section f the Constitution. I never supposed the constitutional provision anything more than a direction to the General Assembly to be carried out by it in appropriate Legiidation. The third section of an act entitled "'An act in relation to applying certain funds therein named to the payment of the public debt." approved January 18, 1852. is as follows: "That all the revenues derived from the sale of any of the public works belonging to the Suite, and the net an nual income thereof, and any surplus that may remain iu the treasury derived from taxation lor general purpose, alter paying the ordinary ex penses of government and interest on the state stocks, other than the original bonds not surrendered, and the State Lank bonds, be applied towards paying the principal of the State debt, as hereinafter provioed." (1 G. & H., p 503.) It was upon this section the point was made. His Excellency's explanation does not strengthen his position. The money in the tieasury is first to be applied to paying the ordinary expenses of the Government; next to the interest on the State stocks, and the remainder to the principal of the State debt. The section fixes no certain amount as set apart to defray the ordinary expenses of the State Gov. ein 111 en t, so as to show what, if any, surplus is left in the Stale treasury to be applied to the in terest and principal of the State debt. His Excellency savs: "The amount required for the ordinary expenses of the State Government cannot be ascertained except by legislation from time .U' time." He knows that the last Legislature did not pass the usual appropriation bills, consequently it is impossible to tell how much money would have been appropriated by the General Assembly, and what, if any, surplus would have been left in the treasury. His Excellency may tuppose that there would have been a surplus if the ordinary appropriation bills had been passed, but as they were not passed, the law does not leave the question of the surplus to depend upon His Excellency's suppositions. If there is no way to ascertain the amount required for the ordinary expenses of the State Government, in consequence of the failure of the appropriations, bow is it that the Auditor and Treasurer of State can determine that the surplus contemplated by this section exists? His Excellency's defiuiiiou of the word appropriation was manufactured with particular reference to the lGih Miction of the Treasury bill, (1 G. k II., 650.) which is as follows: "At some convenient period, prior to the falling due of- the interest on the foreign debt of the State, payable atJTew York, the Treasurer shall, without making any discrimination, draw on the bank notes in the Treasury an amount of specie sufficient to pay said interet, which he shall transmit to "ewYoik by express, or otherwise, as may be deemed most Safe; but any bauk or banks on whose notes specie is thus demanded, may redeem such notes to the extent of such dividends, by draft on New York, payable fifteen days preceding the day of payment of said iu;erest, aud without any premium ot exchange, and giving ample security to the Treasurer for the prompt payment thereof." I will not repeat at length the reasons given in my letter to the Auditor of State for arriving at the conclusion that this section was rot an appropriation bill, but will state them brieflyJ The section is found in an act providing a general pystera for the regulation ol the treasury, to which a specific continuing appropriation would be inappropriate. That prior to the passage of this section there was nol w regulating the manner of transmitting the interest 011 the Slate debt to the city of New York when it is payable. - That the Iiistöry of the section shows that it was not so designed by the Legislature. To all this His Excellency answers by pressing his definition, and concludes: "The command is plain, direct, unconditional, and roust be obeyed. If before, technical objections could be raised of the want of a formal appropriation, tbev were completely removed. Will th Treasurer perform this most plain and im portant duty? 1 believe he will. I believe be is .n honest man. and will not permit any Influence to Htnnd between him aud the discharge of a duty ao vital to the uood name and welfare of the State." He substitutes for sound reasoning a dogmatic statement of what he understands the taw to be, accompanied by sn equivocal compliment to tbe integrity of the 1 reasurer 01 otave, mauc tonuufflr nnnn the Treasurer paying the interest. His Excellency is of the opinion that a Democrat

may be honest upon a contingency. The Democracy generally will appreciate at a bich rate His Excellency's great macnanimitv. His Ex

cellency devotes a considerable portion of bis letter to convincing ATr. Winslow, tbat I have not maintained a consistent position upon the subject of appropriations tbat I have given tbe Auditor ot stateopinions favorable to tbe issaice of warrants when, had I tdhered to the principles slated in mv interest opinion, tbe decWiott would have been otherwise. As I have not tbe distinguished honor if Mr. Yinslow'$ acquaintance. 1 am unable to sar whether the labor of His Excellencv will be a source of pleasure or distress to him, and I am unable to see ho His Excellency's charge, if it was even true, would weaken my argument on the interest question. If I was right then, a waDt of consistency would not make it wrore: il I was wrong, consistency w ould not have made ft right. The concluding paragraph of His Excellency's letter has a strange look iu a communication addressed to a citizen ol the State of New York upon a purely legal question. His Excellency says: "The law is plain; the money is in the Treasury, and if the interest is not paid, the retponmbilily will rest with those officers upon whom the law has devolved the duty of making the payment.'Responsibility to whom? the creditors of the State, or to some other party? The question with Mr. Winslow. is. will the interest be paid? With His Excellencv, it is a question of ßeial responsibility a question of whose shoulders shall bear the burden he and his party friends voluntarily assumed. Had His Excelleucy been as sensitive upon tbe subject of official responsibility at the time the appropriation bill should have been passed, the legal question discussed by him would never have beer; presented. He and his friends assumed the responsibility of defeating the appropriation bill, and have no right to ask the Auditor and Treasurer of State to violate the law and subject themselves to the penalties prescribed in the embezzlement bill, to relieve them of its consequences. It is manifest that this part of His Excellency's letter was designed for political rather thao financial circles; for Indiana rather than Jtew York consumption. His Excellency sbts I gave the opinion that the interest could not be paid because there was no specific annual appropriation for tbat purpose, and then practically dissented from the doctrine by drawing my own .alary. His Excellency is mistaken. I gave 110 nich opinion. I expressly stated that an appropriation misht be spe cific, for a single ear, or that it might be continuing, and showed that no Appropriation bill of either class existed authorizing the payment of the interest. His Excellency whs also aware, and forgot to mention, that section 2 of Acts of 18G1, page 14, contains the following provi.-ion: "Such Attorney General shall receive for his compensation the sum of one thousand dollars per annum, to be audited and paid quarterly out of the State Treasury " His Excellency also forgot to inform Mr. Winslow that the Salary Act of 1859, (1 G. k ti., 539,) under which the salaries of the various State officers are being paid, contains the following provision: "Section 1. That there shall be allowed to the several officers of Govern moi t, and persons hereinafter meutioned. the following aunual salaries, to be paid quarterly out f any moneys in the Treasury belonging to the general fund, and not specially otherwise appropriated by law,"ic. Do not these acts set aside money for particular purposes, ami authorize it to be taken from the Treasury for application to thoe purpose? Perhaps Hi Excellency can see no difference between these sections, and the acts of 1846 and 1847, and this may explain his omission to set them out. His Excellency dwells with particular emphasis upon the opinion given as to the 32d section of the act of March 2, 1855 ( 1 G. & H., 333). The section authorizes the State t-fhees to furnish, nt the expense of the Slate, the necessary record books and office rent and stationary for certain offices. I think that a legislative direction to certain officers who have the money of the State in their hands to furnish, at the expense of the State certain articles for the public t-ervice, amounts to an appropriation bill, and presents a very different case from that made by His Excellency. There are other points in His Excellency'a letter to which I would like to call attention, but this communication is already of greater length than I designed it sheuld be and I bring it to a close. The State officers are determined to perform their duties according tr their understanding of the law. They regret that differences as to official duties should exist between His Excellency and themselves, but will not iu consequence of this want of agreement vary from tbe line of conduct they have marked out, which is to adhere strictly to the legal rules regulating their duties. Respectfully, Ose a a B. Hoao. Joking a I aual.' Agate, the Washington correspondent of the Cincinnati Garette, gets off the following- in one of his late letters: M&. USCOLN IN AX OLD UtiBT. The town ha tecii laughing over a new story about the President. A worthy and very pious ininis'er, it i-eerus. had rei-etitly. by ttieana unknown, escaped from the confine ol the Cotifederacv. Though very much disgusted with it temporal, he had high respect for i's spiritual condition. 1 heir rulers were praying men. be said; Jen. Davis himself was an earnest Christian, and was constantly in the habit of asking the Divine blest-ing ou all bis undertakings. "I tell you." he exclaimed, "God always answers sincere and fervent prayer ; and it is becau-e Mr. D ivi-.xiid so many of bis people, have so humbly bowed before the throne of Divine grace, that he lias vouchsafe ! them so many mercies and so signally prospered their cause." "But," intenupted the practical preacher with whom he was conversing, "don't you see that they pray on this side for success just as earnestly as the Rebels do? Mr. Lincoln is a man of strong religious convictions, and doubtle.s prays constantly to God for success to crown our arms. Doh't vou believe God will hear bim just as quick as he would Mr. Davis?" "Well, yes, I suppose he would." very simply and sincerely responded the first minier; "only, no matter how tnut h Mr. Lincoln prayed, God would be sure to think he was only joking as usual." Alas, for a people iu the midst of a great revolution, when their ruler is a joker! Pli ckt Ladies Last week the iadiea of tbe Methodist congregation at bluffton, Ind., went out to solicit aid for their minister. A stingt old cuss offered to pive tlit-ni a barrel of flour provided they would wheel it from his mill to tbe minister's house, a distance of four miles, not for a moment supposing that tbey would accept his proposition. The ladies were game, however, and were bound to make all they could out of "old stingy." as he is called, inasmuch as this was the first offer of charity he had ever been known to make. They accordingly took a wheelbarrow, went to the mill, got the barrel of flour, and wheeled it on the bartow tbe four miles to their minister, Brother Jackson Tbe citizens of Dlufftou treated the Ldies to a fine supper, and the loss ol the barrel of flour is likely to crack the gizzard of the old rapscallion who was thus compelled to "come down with the dust" of the cereal. To the ."le ruber of he Indiana. Sta! .Tied teal Socletr I-DiA!AroLis, May 7, 1863. The following railroads bave consented to pass members at half fare to the annual meeting of the State Medical Society, which convenes in this city on Tuesday. May 19, 1S63. Tbe members will pay full fare in coming to the meeting and be returned free, upon the certificate of the officers of the society. - Indiana Central, Peru and Indianapolis, Terra Haute and Richmond (if ten are passed over tbe road.) and Jeffersonville aud Indianapolis. The other roads centering here have been written to, aud it is probable they will also give favorable answers. F. S. Xevcomu, Chairman Executive Committee. Country papers please copy " dlw&wlt Th Accvact or thk Bkkciix 0oaw. It is singular we take that back it is er singular since the story of the three black crows was circulated that the further from home a story get the more it ia magnified. The Brown county, Indiana, difficulties are thus referred to by Beechrv's Independent: "The Indiana Copperheads are armed and resisting the draft by violence, but not yet with any extensive concert of action." It will be newa to tbe country, that the draft conscription is being enforced any where. Cincinnati Enquirer. ,