Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 42, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 March 1863 — Page 2

WEEKLY SENTINEL MONDAY, MARCH 9.' . The Itecord of the Journal.' The Republican central organ busies itself frdm day to day in misrepresenting, maliciously and knowingly, the motives and purposes of the Democratic members of the Legislature. It charges them with shaping legislation to aid disunion schemes and to assist in establishing a Confederacy of the Northwestern States." All such insinuations bare as little foundation as the baseless fabric of a dream. Such charges come with ill grace from a paper which persistently advocated a separation of the Slates as the true policy of the North. In fact the Journal invited, aided and abetted the secession movement which has brought upon the countir the terrible cnlamities and evils of civil war. We call the attention of all who place any confidence in the present declarations of the Journal to a brief review of its record in favor of a peaceful separation of the States. After South Carolina had passed its ordinance of secession and it was expected that five other States would follow her lead, the Indianapolis Journal said: They know very well that if they are determined to leave the Uuian, an Republican trill cart to have them stay. A Union preserved only "by intimidation and force is a mockery, and it it better broken than whole. If South Carolina and her associates in follv really want to leave the

Union, they can go without & word of objection from any man north ot M ison and Dixon's line. We dot believe in resisting an? secession movement in the least. In an article a few days afterwards, Nov. 19, 1560, the Journal pronounced secession revolution, and it thus graphically described the evils of civil war a calamity tar greater than the attempt to preserve the Union by coercion, or the value of an Union held together by links of bayonets and bullets: There are higher considerations than the integrity of the Constitution, and they enter into the case when we are called upon to decide upon compelling a State to submit to it by t rve. Secession it revolution, and the first acte fit lifts the whole case above all questions of forms and laws. We are to decide, then, not "What is legal and constitutional?" but What is best?" It majr be best to follow the Constitution to the last, and enforce it at all hazards. But it may also happen that this will not be best. In the present cae it seems clear to us that if the enforcement of the Constitution leads to civil war, we shall be better off" to let the Constitution be broken, and save bloodshed All history Droves that no war is so relentless and cruel as a war of relatives. And a war between relatives so irritable, high spirited and courageous as the Americans, will certainly be the most cruel ever known. England never fought the French so murderous as she fought the English when Cromwell en countered Prince Hubert. And Americans never fought Englishmen with the ferocity with whicii they will fight e ich other when Gen. Scott shall encounter Jeff. D vis. We can imagine no evil equal toan American civil war. The separation of the whole confederacy into independent nations would be harmless beside it. We cannot endure the thought of it. The main ques'ion, therefore, is not the constitutionality of recession, but the blood and horror of coercion. Will coercion produce civil war? To our mind, it is beyond question. But this is not the on.y reason why secession, if it is resolved upon, should not be checked by force. If coercion meats anything it means to pieserve the Union. Of what value will an Union be that needs links of bayonets and bullets to hold it together? What better off shall we be with South Carolina ih the Union than out of it, if she is to fester with the wounds inflicted by our hands, chafe with the memory of defeat and degradation, and seek the first opportunity of revenge? Is a family better off with a member in it who Las to be watched perpetually to keep him from firing the house? We say no. Common sense and humanity my no. If any State will go from us, let it go. The price of retaining it, if it is to be paid in blood, is far greater than the worth of it when we have got it. V e are, therefore, clearly of the ooinion that any attempt to resist by force the secession of any State, or combination of States, from the Union, would be unwise and calamitous in the last degree. It is better to preserve lives, and all of Iriendliness we can with seceding relations, than to preserve the Constitution at cost of war. It not only discussed the folly of attempting subjugation, but it elaborately argued the advantages of separation. In an article upon the subject. Dee. 21, 1860, we extract the following arguments in favor of separation: Those who talk so glibly of "coercion, do not atop to think of its evils or its uselessness. If, then, the dissatisfied sections teilt not agree to rem tin together, they should agree to part peaceably, to arrange such treaties tor the continuance of trado between them as exist between other nations, and divide the national property and debts lairly. This is not only practicable, but it is far easier than any other course. And if it is done, the interest of neither section will suffer greatly. Cotton will be sold North, and the grain, meat and goods sold South, as before, simply because they can be sold in each case to a beuer advantage thin elsewhere. We of the North will have only our due share of the national debt to pay, and will have a fair share of the national property. Business will soon follow into the changed channels, and go on as pros perously as ever. It is at iea.-t as easy to keep up a profitable business with the South as with England, if we are willing to tike the mine steps i' do it. But if we are not, mid insist on ' preserving the Union by force, we shall de-lroy all trade. North mid South, utterly. We. as the remainder of the Union, w ill be saddled with the whole national debt, and with a diminished revenuj, and worse than all, with a debt fifty times as large to keep up the war with the South. When all is done, both .sections ruined in trade, one fall of rebellious slaves, the other full of starving workmen, and both loaded with war de'it. the Union is just as utterly divided a it Od before the tear began. For all our exoene, bloodshed, ill lee'.ing and ruin, we have got what? Hothing. Think of it, ye coercion advoettes and profound statesmen, who deem force the wiset power of this nineteenth century! You have had your war, and you have got its evil lor pay, and you have got nothing else. Your Union is a thou sind times more hopelessly divided than ever. D sunion, then, can do no harm however wisely met, but it will ruin both sections if unwisely met. It is the dictate of humanity, and the demand of the enlightenment of the nineteenth century, that war shall never be resorted to to decide a question of humanity. Let us face disunion calmly, measure it fully, and we shall find that, however we may lament it, we need not be frightened at it. These were the -honest sentiments of the Journal. Tbey are none the less true now than when they were first uttered. When read in the light of the events of the past two years they seern almost prophetic. ' But we refer to them now only to show the utter inconsistency and dishonesty of the leading organ of the Repub lican party. Two years ago it openly and persistently advocated a policy as statesmanlike and for the true interests of the country, which it now pronounces absurd and treasonable, and fit has the effroutery to cha-ge upon its polituyriicnui toe very nenj wuicil II earnestly urged as the only solution of our national dif ferences and apprehended national troubles. If the Journal was honest in its convictions as exressed in the extracts we have quoted, it must e admitted that it is grossly diahonet now. fhe meanest and most cowardly traitor is he Who proves false to his convictions and principles i&a teaching. ! . . ,The News The telegraph tell us of another apture of Indiana troops, and although the reort is meagre in the extreme, we are led to beieve that they er sacrificed by the carelessness r incompetency of General Gilbert, who negected or did not kuow how to reinforce or relieve hero. Four regiments, two from Indiana, one rort Illinois, and one from Michigan, under the 'jtLniahd of Colonel Coburn, of this city, were rced after a hard fight to surrender to a superior force. Colonel Coburn's own regiment. he 33 J. was one of tie number, and the other hum Indiana was, we believe, the cTith, Colonel 1 a Tf It 1 a. . ,ru we snaii ioo wun interest lor me parcular of this affair, and if the fret are as now e'.iered here, that our noble soldiers have been aiiiouly deserted by any General, no matter ho, we trust Indiana will have the nerve to deaand bis removal. It is time that Generals at kf-e!I as others should be beld to strict account for io blood of brave men sacrificed by their eglect.

Important Debate In me United 3 late Senate on tlie Conscription Iilll Sharp I'craonalitlew Itetiveen Sena tor- Turpie and Wilson. The following id a synopsis of au interesting debate . which occurred iu the United .States

Se.iaie on Saturday last, upon the conscription bill. .-. -r.-.r - ;.. ilr. Wilsou, of Massachusetts, called up the bill to enroll and call out the national fotces:' Mr. Bayard proceeded to state his objections to the bill, as an act uot within the power confided by the Constitution to Congress. And if it were, it not only was inexpedient, but dangerous to the liberties of the people. It was a bill to allow the President to enroll into the regular army every able bodied man iu the country. It was a bill to increase the regular army at the discretion of the President. It entirely destroyed and obliterated the militia of the State, and thus destroyed that check which the Constitution wisely provided ngainst the power of a centralized government Oulv despotic Governments require to be centralized. But a free Government must always depend upon decentralized power. Such an act was never passed in this country, even in our utmost need, and England, with her many wars and often scarcity of men, never resorted to thii despoti: measure. It was a mode of raising armies only used by despots, but never by Republican Governments. This principle, if adopted, would produce large standing armies, which almost iu eviubly led to despotism. Iu a Government of delegated power, aud which rested upon the consent of the governed, such a measure was inex pedient and unnecessary. Congress had not the power under the Coustitution thus to destroy the mil.t a of the States, which the Constitution pro vidod tor as the reserve force of the Union. II th s measure was carried out, there would be no check on centralized power. He would no, say that the President would make a bad use of tins power. But it was the principle he objected to. It was always dangerous to centralize euch immense power in any one man. Under an ambitious mm might not the fate of France be that of this country? Our forefathers saw the dau gers, and wisely placed the checks upon a loo great centralization of power. It had been said that the lile of the natiou was at stake. Hebe lieved that the liberties of a free people w ere of more importance than any tiling else. And if he was to choose between an imperial Government, stretching oerthe whole country, including Mexico and Canada, aud two or three separate Republics, he would have no hesitation in choosing the Utter. He had been opposed to the war from the beginning, and in favor of peace, and lie was in favor ot peace now, even if we had to submit to separation. The war, if carried on under the present policy of confix a tion aud emancipation, could only We successful iu the entire subjugation of the South; and then what would become of the liberties of the people? He was not willing to sacrifice the liberties of the people for the mere extension of territory. We existed as a Republic, and as a free and hippy people, when we hau not two fifths of our present territory. Under the present policy he believed that it was midsummer madness to attempt to re store the Union bv the sword. He moved to postpone the bill indefinitely. Mr. Turpie said he should vote to postpone, not because he would decrease by one jot the power to put down the rebellion, but because he thought this legislation unnecessary and unconstitutional. The bill proposed to obliterate one step which had always been taken to raise troops; they had always been raised by requisition on tiie States. In 1S12 certain New England States refused to furnish their quota, a d in this war Kentucky and Missouri had also refused to furnish their quotas. These were facts, the merits of which he would not discuss. Mr. Howard asked if the Senator was willing to continue this inconvenience, and allow States, perhaps not loyal, to reluse to lurnish men. Mr. Turpie said the inconvenience was simply the lack of power. He was not willing to give to the National Executive the power to violate the Constitution, or take any step not contemplated by those who formed the Government. The bill gave the President pow er to raise armies, which power was confined to Congress. Mr. Howard asked how Congre-s could raise armies without agents. Would the Senator have a recruiting office opeued in these halls by Congress? Mr. Turpie: There would be few recruits if they did. Mr. Turpie further contended that the bill would take away all the power of the States and make the President dictator, if he choose to exercise that power. There was no provision made iu the bill to limit the quota of any district; and he ch rged that the bill would be used for political purposes and to secure political victories, and avenge political defeats. He said we h id had all sorts of bills to put down the rebellion. But the Senator from Massachusetts Mr. Wilson had taken the most ingenious und unique mode of putting down the rebellion by boasts of his own loyalty and impugning that of others. If the rebellion was to he put down by vapid and stale vociferation ol the to)a!ty of M tssachusetts, then it would be put down surely. That Senator talked about Jackson, and Douglas, and about the Democrats who h id gone into the rebellion. No Democrat hail gone into the rebellion movement. A man who ceased to obey and reverence the Constitution and laws of the United States, ceased to be a Democrat. Had the Senator from Massachusetts been iu the Senate in the days of Jackson, he would have opposed him; and every slander uttered against that old hero would have come from the lips of that Senator. Though he might have had some reverence for Washington, had he lived in tne days of the Revolution, he would have been a tory, and talked d-pp-uitly of rebels, and offered rewards for the he ids of Sumter nd Marion; and he would have betrayed his country as Arnold did. Had he lived in the days of Luther he would have sided whh the Pope, and feasted on the ashes of mirtyrs. and lighted the tires at Smithfield. He might have had some reverence for the Deity who came to save the world, and in his name he would have burned Luther Hid he lived in the days of Christ, the Senator from Massachusetts would perhaps have obeyed him; he certaiulv would have followed him to the Gardeu of Gethsemane and to the bar of Pontius Pilate; and there his voice would h ive been heard. tui lie would have said -'Relet-e unto us B irabas; but. as for this Jesus, let him be crucified " Mr Wilson, of M issachu-etts, said he had no reply to" mike to I he personal nil unions of the Sen itor from Indiana. He did not know what he mi jlit h ive been had he lived in former dais Bji he knew that now he was no traitor, no sympathizer with treison; and his associates were not those who tailored day and night to assail every man that was suportmg the countrv. He thought the Senator h id not the right to speak for the soldiers as regarded this bill. 1 he soldiers were every day expressing their delight at the me is ure. The Senator also assailed Massachusetts for failure to resoond to the calls lor troops. Massachusetts had furnished 2.7M2 more men thin were called for. ami yet tint Senator came here and repeated the slang of the Copperheads of his State, who spat their venom at that tirave old Common we tlih Bjt that Senator could not reach Massachusetts bv his assaults. Mr. Turpie sa d he had a riht to speak for 'he soldier, and he would seak for the w esteru vol un eers ho hated Secessionists nud hated Yan kees just as much. The Senator had said that he could not reach Massachusetts. God forbid he ever should reach her or set foot on her soil I TLe Senator from Massachusetts by his speeches was making the Rebels believe that there was a part nt the North hostile to the Government; and he was doing the dirty work of a scavenger for the Rebels. Mr. McDougall said che evil of our times was that we were governed too much by particular and not by general laws; and the Senator from Indiana had indulged himself much as to particulars, finding fault with details. In times like this we should be governed by general principles, and give such power to the Government as would give it vim and force in its nction. Mr. Carli'e spoke at length against the bill. It destroyed rather than preserved the Government, taking away power Iroin the States and giving it to the President. To-day we had a rebellion stronger than when it first commenced. To day we had a divided North and a united South -brought about by Congress and the Executive. He was sorry to see the parly in power in prosecuting (his war attempting o carry out party dogmas and interfering with the institution of the States. If a policy had been pursued preserving strictly the rights of the States, and had it been shnwn thai this wag not a war against any domestic institution, he believed there would have been counter revolutions in the South. And if the policy of ihe Government had not been changed, and the President had resisted the pressure against him, he believed there would have been peace to day. He denied that the South was a unit. There were true and loyal men there. If it was a unit, then the Government might n well stop the war; for it never could subjugate that people.- That Goverrment was the be9t which most promoted the happiness of its people, and this thing we called slavery as nothing but a form of government for a class ol beings whose happiness, comfort and well being had been pro moled to a greater extent than the same race had evtr enjoyed before in any other country on the face of the globe. If we would look on this thing as a meant of christianizing this race, and fitting

them for christianizing and civilizing their own peop'.e in their noble land, there would be less holy horror. Mr. Carlisle concluded his remarks. Referring to nianv of the bills passed by Congress, he said they evidently tended toward despotism. He asked that the people should not be alarmed when they saw in a leading paper of the party in power such a telegram a ihe saw in the New York Tribune about the Connecticut copperheads, saying that there was a "limit to the forbearance of the Administration." He warned the Administration that there was a limit to the forbearance of the people And he was astonished when he saw in Gen. Burnside's testimony betöre the War Committee that he said, concerning his attack on Fredericksburg, "that when he had lost as many men as his orders required, he suspended the attack.". Who was it that gave orders how many men should be killed iu an attack?

From Washington. Progress or the Siege or Charleston Operations or the Exemt ix North Carolina Results or Ma Seward's Diplomacy Prospects or a War witu France Special Correspondence of the Chicago Timei.J Washington-, Feb. 27. The Administration received intelligence from Charleston to day which confirms what I stated iu my letters of Feb. 15lh and 17th, in regard to the probability of the lailure of the expedition against that city. The. Administration refused to listen to the suggestions made by Gen Foster when he was here some days ago. in reg a re to negroes being allowed to serve with the soldiers, and in regaid to the relative rank of Gen Foster aud Gen. Hunter. On the contrary, private instructions were sent down to Gen. Hunter, the consequences of which we now learn. The disaffection among the troops there has reached to such in extent that their efficiency may be regarded as seriously impaired, if not entirely destroyed. 1'he disaffectiou is no longer confined to the men; it has extended to the officers of all ranks The report states that Lieutenants, Cap tains. Majors, Colonels, and even two Generals have been placed under arrest, aud some of them sent under .irrest to Washington, because of their refusal to serve with nero troops and neuro officers. It is stated, also, that all of the officers ot Gen. Foster's staff have been sent away from the Depaitment in disgrace. This latter state mem may be well doubted Whatever his instructions may he, Gen. Hunter would hardly venture on a step like that. Iftrue.it is equal to saying that the expedition against Charleston will have tobe abandoned; for Gen. Foster will most certainly not terniit himself to be so degraded; his troops will not indeed, they cannot serve withouttheirotlicers; und without Gen. Foster's troops, Charleston cannot be taken Gen. Hunter's force alone is utterly inadequate. To such a pass have matters been brought by the insane obstinacy of Mr. Lincoln in persisting to ride his favorite hobby. The sending of Gen. Foster's army to South Carolina will prove to be, besides, one of the most fatal blunders of the Administration. It Ins left the whole of North Carolina exposed again to the ravages of the enemy. In sending Gen. Foster's nr my from Nortn Carolina, we abandon to the enemy the whole of that St ite.nnd t;ive up, without a blow, all the advantages which were gained there by our own brave troops under Buinside, and after such a terrible expenditure of bltxtd aud treasure. This is the way, however, that the Administration makes war. We fit out costly expeditious for the capture of places or territories the possession of which will not be of the least advantage to us. Oceans of blood and millions of treasure are expended in uu expedition. If it succeeds, and we take possession ot the cove' ed spot, we find that its continued possession requires that we keep there an immense army, the support aud reinforcement of Inch cause a heavy dram on the resources of the country. Alter many mouths of such pos:?essioi, during which, for the want of the troops thus occupied, our military operations elsewhere have been crippled and frustrated, we be;: in to derive some slight benefit from the possession of the place. In the case of North Carolina, for instance, the occupation of that State by our forces just now would cripple the operations of the enemy by weakening his forces at other points. At the very moment, therefore, when the possession of that Stale would be useful to us, we abandon that possession. The enemy are too sagacious not to take immediate advantage of this palpab'e blunder. Thirty thousand Confederate troops have ad vaiiced to Blackwatcr and the Chow m rivers, mid taken possession of the . po:nts which Geo. Fo-ter was ordered to evacuate. And this is not all. While Gen Foster was in North Carolina, his troops covered Norfolk. The removal of his forces uncovers Norfolk, and renders the place comparatively defenseless, unless other troops have been sent there for its defense. The Rich mond newspapers täte that the greater part of Hooker's army has been moved down in the direction of Norfolk. This is, of course, a mistake. But, even if a large number of Hooker's troops have been so moved, it is so many taken fiom the deletes of Washington. It is absolutely necessary, however, that some troops be sent to Norfolk, if we wish to retain that dace. The critical condition of our foreign relations, particularly as regards France, has assumed a phase that is positively alarming. While Mr. Lincoln has been amusing himself by "playing soldier." lie h is left the entire management of foreiiin affairs in the hands of Mr. Seward. Those of the readers of the Times iu Illinois who know Mr. Lincoln need not be informed that he is uttet ly unable to comprehend the nature of our relations with foieign countries. His mind is not ( Oiistnured like the mind of a statesman. He no m re comprehends foreign diplomacy than a child comprehends the most uttstru.se geometrical problems. This is the secret of his clinging with such pertinacity to Mr. Seward. He has sense enough to know that Mr Seward does comprehend these things, and that, if he loses Mr. Seward, he is himself lost Of Mr. Seward's ability as a statesman, there can be but little doub. But the trouMe with him is his unscrupulous umbition. He is quite as much to blame as Sumner, or s Lincoln himself, in bringing about the present i n iapy sectional war. It was Seward who predicted the "irrepressible conflict" between slavery and free white labor, long hefore L'ncolu adopted that catchword. It was Seward who secured Lincoln's tiominaiion after he had gained Lincoln's promise that he should tie made Secretary of State; because he knew Lincoln well, and was confident that, ns Secretary ot State, he would tie in reality the supreme power hi the Government, and would be atle to give tone mid direction to the Administration. It was Seward who, after Lincoln's election aud before his inauguration, prevented L iicoln from calming the rising tempest by conciliatory assurances, while he himself was deluding the nation by his magniloquent phrases about the "magnanimity" which the new Administration wis going to display magnanimity which eoon distinguished itself in the unjust incarcera tion ot hundreds of his fellow citizens, a thousand times better patriots than he is, in dungeons, from which manv of them emerged onlv to enter aa w insure asylums or to be carried to the grave. It was Seward who so arranged the Fort Sumter affair ns to throw the odium oi firing the first gun upon the S)uth;and this, too. after detaining the Southern Commissioners at Washington while his seeret military preparations were being made, and while he was privately assuring them that they would be heard. It was Seward who prevailed upon the President tit appoint as Minister to France (a post where we need the very first diplomatic talent) a man utterly incompetent, and who cannot even speak a word of the French language. ' If it had been Seward's design to embroil us iu a war with France, he could not have carried out that design more effectually than by w hat he b is done. Great importance has been attached by some of the pariers' to the question, whether or not Mr. Seward reads all of his dispatches to our foreign Ministers to Mr. Lincoln, 3 well hs their dispatches to the State Department. 1 ho fact is, he does not. Mr. Lincoln is entirely ignorant of the course of the diplomacy of the country. But the question is really of no importance at all. Even if the dispatches were re id to Mr. Lincoln, he coula no more comprehend them than if they were written in Hebrew. As a matter of form Mr. Seward lias sometimes read a paragraph, here and there, out of a dispatch to Mr. Lincoln, and tried to explain to him the meaning of the rest. But the idea that Mr. Seward hends only such dispatches as Mr. Lincoln has seen and approved, is simpl v ridiculous. Mr Seward has been left to manage our foreig l afTairs in his own way, and (he (aiiseqiieuce 1 that we are on the verge of war with France. As matters look now, the prohibility is that in the spring the French troops tiuw in Mexico will be landed at Mobile, and the French fleet now iu the Gulf will appear off Charleston and enter that babor. Such are the fruits of the doctrines of the "irrepressible conflict" school. X. A DirriRtscK The following is not bad to take, about these times: "I'll die fcr th flau." cried a Treasury clerk, Quoth a nol.lior My patriot friend, lmk tare: Thi bvdd.njf yotr blood far t w Iva dollar a month, 'Alnt I.k ebeddlng red Ink for twelve hundred a year."

Iteatirenea ander the Yoke-Indlca- J

tion of a Tendrncy I Diloal Practice" by a liepubltcan senator. Senator Collameb, of Vermont, gave some udications. in a speech the other day, of a ten dency to "disloyal practices." He was speaking on the currency bill. We quote: In the first place. I would say that I do not re gard this as a measure in any respect connected with the war. It is not a war measure. I atn, the more willing to put it in that light from this Consideration; 1 have observed that almost everything that is asked for, especially u it is asKeu lor with any degiee of pertinacity, is put upon mat ground; it is either a military necessity or a pJiticul necessity, or you cannot keep the Union together without it, or something ot tnat Kina uy which we are appealed to, to let our conscience and our discernment go, and obey the dictates pressed upon us. I do not view this as of that character. 1 am aware that in times of national violence, nd especially dome-tic violence, we have new illustrations of the principles laid down by Mon tesquieu, tbnt power is always at war wiin its own limitations, and making war on those limitations; and we are constantly inclined to the exercise of even doubtful nowers.on the ground of necessity, when there is violence tgainst us. Going to the verge of power is the present tendency perhaps, occasionally, overstepping it. It is in that direction that we need caution. Now, would it not be worth while to stop for a moment and inquire whether we really have the power, honestly ex ercising our functions, candidly construing the Constitution, to do this great thing? I am sen eible that I am speaking in a time when any sort of doubt abou power is received a a somewhat dangerous doctriue any way. Still I would say a won! on this point. Mr President, some arguments are used, or some things that nre called arguments, to w hich I can hardly trust myseif to reply, for fear I shall be wanting iu courtesy. , It has been more than intimated to us in this deoate, that if a man will not give up the protection ot any local interest that stands in the way of the great National problem before us, he is unfaithful to the Govern ment. I cannot do it ou this occasion. 1 know, too, that men I will not call bad names political reformers, get up a project w hich, with them, is an ideal perfection and an absolute necessity, and they have worked upon it until they have got into that condition when they think that everything on earth must give way let it, and everything that does not give way lo it is an enemy to the country, and every mm who does not agiee to it is an enemy to the country. To add to that, we ure told in the Senate that the whole Cabinet are iu its favor. Mr Pie-ident, it is not many years since a man. would ha ve been called to order for using an expression of that kind in the Senate. Men have teeii culled to order for such expressions. Legislation is to be left to the House of Representatives and the Senate; it is the exercise of their judgment, not the authority ot others, which is to give currency uöd support to measures. If it has come to this, that it is to be more than intimated, that we are not to consult our understanding, not to indulge ourselves in reasoning about a matter, but we are to be told ex cathedra, by the organ of the Administration, that the Cabinet desire, and are all in tavor ol a certain thing, as an argument to induce us to come into it, it :eems to me that implies a de gree of subserviency tint can hardly be ex peeled. I intend to consult my own judgment in the discharge of my official duties. If other gentle men are willing to let their conscience swing loose from its moorings, and to cease to consult theirown judgments in reference to incisures, tint rather to tuisult their own saltty, lor fear thev will fill into contempt by being charged with be ing unfriendly to the Government, ami w ill there fore give up all f urther consideration of the subject, they may do it; but I should like to know w hen that time comes; that is all. .TIajoritj- ICeiort of the Senate ('omni i t tec on f ederal Kvlntlon Presented by Senator Cobb, March 1st;:?. Mr. Prksidknt: The Committee on Federal Relations of the Senate, to whom was referred the proceedings of the officers of the 2!hh regiment Indiana volunteers, held at Camp Pitcher, Virgi"ia, on the VJih of February, 1661; the me morial of the 1'Jih regiment of Indiana volun teers, us well as the memorial and proceedings of the 6th. 15th. 17th, 22 1, 29; h, 34 h. 021. :7ih. 29th.oüth.jliiih. 42.1, 41th. 5l.-t. 57th. 5?:th. 72d. T.'jd. 75ih, 79ih. t?2d, tCh and 101st regiments of Indian i volunteers, have had the same under consideration, and having bestowed UMn these pro ceedings the respect I ul and earnest consideration to which i hey are entitled, have instructed me to report the following general reply to the sug ge.-tioi,a of the gallant volunteers now in the field: To the Regiments now in the field from Indiana, and to theoßieers and men who compose them: Fellow Citizkns: We have received from twenty five Indiana regiments, and from thejlh, 7th. bill and 10th batteries of artillery, words of counsel and advice in the present imperiled con dition of our beloved country. These words were b"ine to us in the language of irue patriot i-ui. and are accepted by the Senate of Indiana with the respect which is due to gallant men engaged in the service of their once peaceful but now distracted country. From no portion of our fellow citizens could these suggestions be more acceptable. But two short j ears ago you were in the midst of our people, sharing, iu the various walks of life, the cares and responsibilities of civil occupations, and enjoying those endearments which make up the sum of human happiness for man, after 11 his toils, hat nothing left to him but "wife, children and friends," the enjoyment of home, und the love of a Constitution and Government which is to descend to his posterity, it is to be hoped, forever. It is for these that men labor. Beyond objects, in this world, there is nothing that challenges the constant and persistent effort of of.r race. For these we all contend in life's short ca reer. You are now iu the tented field, and we in the legislative halls of our beloved State, each endeavoring to put diwn a rebellion and preserve u Constitution the one hated, the other adored. Th it e n h effort may lie successful, is the prayer of the Indian i Senate. We le ir. iifiaienien. that you have heard much th it w ' iitiii ue io regard to the intuitions of the General As-etntdv which convened at the Cap it u I k ti the H:h day of January lat. You have he-Uu a gieat d?il that was untrue before that time. For more than a ye-r pist there has been a constant effort to mislead tour minds in regard to the feelings of a m ijotity of the people of Indiana, and we doubt not that it will be Continued. There is an object to be gained. On every account we should regret its success, because tint would do more to insure "divided counsel' which jou jo properly deprecate, than any one thing else. I'heie should tie strict jus tice meted out to all our pvplt for each and every man iu Indiana has the same interest in restoring the authority of the Government, and bringing aii the States back into one harmonious Union. The humblest citien und the proudest iu the laud should have a common object in view i:i keeping the States together, und he i no friend of the nation who would divide us up into factious at a lime like this, by fa.se representations ot' the aims and intentions of the great mass of the people of Indiana- The majority of this General Assembly have suffered much from the ingenious accusations of partisans in and out of office; they have forborne to repel the.e charges, ns they deserved .tor the sake otgquiet and peace at horue.dettrmined lo rely upon their actions ns the bestand most woilhy defeiueof themselves in your eyes and the eyes of the great aud patriotic people of your State We have remained comparatively silent; and while the influences which surrounded the Executive chamber of this Capital were used to prejudice the majority, and to make you be lieve that you had enemies at home, we, and those for whom we net had sealed their lips, look iug forward to the day when truth aud not falsehood would break in upon the laud The . very money which the majority jof the people had paid for your comfort and benefit, irr the hospital and in the sick room, were Qrned into means ol detraction bv the agents paid out oj that most sacred fund. These agents had access to you, and that privilege was abused to poison the minds of the sous and brothers öfthose who had willingly taxed themselves for the comfort of the soldier. You have, i,o doubt seen those men in your camps, and you have listened to the recitals o' those pensioned patriots pensioned out of tin money which oughtto have been appropriated foryourexclusive benefit. All this has been borne in silence. We low thank you for the opportunity which has been thus sfforded to set the true Btate of the facts be fore our gallant army. We uk ouly to be heard fur the sake of truth. ,We are accused of encouraging a partisanxhip in regard to this war, of which we ure entirely guiltless There has been -no act or resolution passed, and none iudorstd by tither branch of the General Assembly, which gives warrant or color to such a charge. There are measures of policy adopted bj Congress aud the President, to which we have or will enter our solemn protest, sa the people of Indiana have done at the election in October. Men who make up and sustain the Government, as you, the people, and ourselvea

do. have a right to condemn such measures, if,

in the exercise ol a sound judgment, we regard them as intended to ilicide the people in the rigorous prosecution of the war It is for the President to adopt a war policy for the army in the field, and ir is the right of the people's Kepre-eniaiives in Congress and in the local Legislatures, to ndopt such wise and prudent enactmeuts in regard to thteieil administration of public affairs as will most surely bting all tiie States back into the Union, after the war is closed. This power and dutv we claim for Congress and the local Legislatures, and, without the righful and free exercise of this power, neither the sol Jiers in the field nor citizens at home would have institutions worth fighting or contending for. If the President can do as he pleases, and there shall be no limit to his power, then popular elections are a fan e and State Governments a nullity. We know jou too w ell to believe that you would ever consent to the establishment of a doctrine so slavish. The gallant soldiers would be the first victims of such a despotism. The people and the State Governments are your own strong and sure defense against oppression now and neglect hereafter. Give neither up at the bidding of those who would degrade you and your father, brothers, neighbors, and fellow citizens to the condition of sei Is and the bondage of sl u es ' Neit her the soldiers or the people ate prepared for such political humiliation. Let us look lo the history of our action here and elsewhere, and the causes which have led to the ascendancy of the majority in this Chamber. It was manifest before the adjournment of Congress, at the first regular session, that the whole policy of the Administration in conducting the war had been ch mged, und that new und startling measures were inaugurated at Washington. This created wide pread alarm amongst thepeopIeiu all the free S ates, and aroused a sentiment which demanded the convocation of a Mass Convention of conservative and loyal citizens at Indianap olis. That Convention was held on the 3Uth dav ol July, 162. It was called to give utterance to its sentiments in regard to the meisuresto which we have alluded. We cannot better define the position of the m ijority of this Senate aud the other House, and of the people of Indiana, than by giving the resolutions adopted by the vast concourseofyour fellow-citizens which assembled on that occasion. They areas follows: RESOLUTIONS A TH) PTCD AT TBE MASS MEETI.VU OF THE DEMOCRATS AND OTHLR CONSERVATIVE CITI ZENS OF I.MUA.VA. JILT 30th. ltG2: Resolved, That the Constitution, the American Union, and the laws made under aud by the authority of the Constitution, must be preserved and maintained in their " proper and rightful supremacy that :he rebellion now in arms against them must be suppressed and put down, and that it is the duty of ail good citizens to aid the General Government in all measures necessary and proper to that end Resolved, That the Democracy of Indiana, with patriots everywhere, have made and will continue to make, every sacrifice to the end that the rebcliion may besuppressed, the supremacy ot the Constitution maintained, and the Union under it pie-erved; but they are unalterably opposed to a war of conquest or subjugation, and thev will never consent I hat the w ar on their part shall be waged tor the purpose of interfering with the rights or overthrowing tlie established institutions of any of the States. In the language of Senator Douglas, utleie.l at Chicago a tew days before his death: "We tnn-t not invade constitutional rights. The innocent mu-t not suffer, nor women and childr n be the victims. Savages must not be let loo-e." Resolved, That we protest, in the name of our selves ami of our children, and iu the name of all that we hold dear iu the future of our beloved country, against the mischievous measure of negro emancipation in the District ot Columbia, and the piyment for such negroes out of the National Treisurt ; mid we lurther protect against the resolution of Congress pledging the nation to pay for all negroes w hich may be emancipated by the authority of any of the Southern States; that we regard such measures, involving as they do an expenditure of two thousand five hundred millions Öl dollars, is measures of transcendent enormity, and fruitful only of national beggary to the land we love; tha', we are unalterably and unconditionally opposed to all schemes hating for their object, immediate or remote, the taxation of the white man lor the purchase of negroes anywhere; that we deny the constitutional right of the Pies ideut or Congress to adopt a policy which taxes white labor to pay for negroes, or which would make the Government or people .slave dealers; a policy which, if not arrested by the votes of the people, will entail u:kii un'xr i generations of our kindred a debt more overwhelming and appalling than ever cursed any nation of ancient or modem limes. Resolved, That in opposition to measures of this kind we desire to interpose the peaceful and pow erful agents, the ballot of a free people, and say in the language of another, "We will neither surrender our rights nor forsake them. We will maintain our constitutional liberty at all haz anls, and as a necessary step toward that end, we will maintain the Union in like manner. We are for the Constitution as it is and the Union as it was " Resolved. That, in the language of the tesolulii'ti of the conservative members of Congress, the doctrine of the Secessioui.-ts and of the Abobtionists, as the latter are now represented in Congress," are alike inconsistent with the Con st tution and ineconci'.e able with the unity and peace of the country. The first have already involved us in a civil war, and the others (the Abolitionist.-.) will leave the country but little hope of the speedy restoration ot Union or peace. Resolred, That the happy accord of the Border State Union men of Keutucky, Maryland, Missouri and Western Virginia w ith the Democratic delegations iu Congress, iu their joint efforts to arrest the tide of fanaticism in both houses, has filled all national hearts in this Sttte wi;h sentiments of deep affection for our brethren of those gallant Commonwealths, and we hereby pledge to them and the country cur best efforts to secure to the councils of the nation statesmen who will labor to restore the Union of the States on the basis and in the spirit of our matchless and revered Constitution Retoiced, That the people justly view with al irui tne leckless extravagance which pervades every ie j ir.ment of the Federal Government: thauli return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans, while the recent startling developments of frauds and corruptions at theFeleral metropolis show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded. Resolved, Th it we approve of and indorse the resolutions drawn by Hon. John J. Crittenden, and adopted by the conservative members of Congress on the 221 day of Januarv, lffil, as a clear and just declaration of the objects which ought to be had in view by the American people in ihe present fearful emergency of their national affairs. Resolved. That we recur with patriotic pride to the bravery and valor of the officers and soldiers of all the Indiana regiments, exhibited in the struggles upon the many bloody fields in which they have been engaged, and tjiat this Convention, in behalf of the Democracy of this State, tender to them a united testimony to their valor and devotion to the Constitution and the Union, and offer lo the friends and families of those who have fallen in the service of their country its sincere sympathy and condolence, and that we will ever cherish in grateful recollection the willinir sacrifice made by the noble sons of Indiana, iu exchanging the peaceful avocations of life for the hardships nod perils of war. I he Convention which passed these resolutions as attended by forty thousand citizens of Indiana who had come up from every neighborhood and county iu the State. Since the days when the white man first set his toot upon the soil of Indiana, there never was such an assemblage of the white race within the confines of this city. We may declare too, that it was composed of as many unselfish men as ever attended a convention. That there were politicians among them it would be uncandid to deny, but what gathering of the people has ever taken place where that could not be said. It was, indeed a mighty host of freemen, who met to counsel together. Many of them were the fathers, the brothers or the relations of the men composing the grand army of the nation all or TC M TOLU FRIENDS. And what cm. be said against the above resolutions? What against the principles laid down for the Government of a great nation? Is there any disloyalty to the Government in their tone or spirit? They are plain aud to the point; they have the merit of candor. It is no sectional party platform but embrace$ our whole country. We there pledged Indiana to the prosecution of this war for the high nud holy purpose of restoring the Union, putting down ,herebillion now in arms against it, and that it it the duty of all good citizens to aid the General Government in all nuasurtt necessary and proper to the end. We fctand by that pledge to day. The majority ot this Senate and the other house, all the State officers, seven members of the lower )ranch of Congress, and a United States Senator have all been elected on the grounds assumed by that Convention. It condemned certain measures of Congress and the President, and took issue with the Republican Convention which did not indorse and would not

condemn them. One of the measures of Con grtss was particularly obnoxious. It pledged the nation and people to pay for negroes which might be emancipated by the "authority of any state.' It was a pledge which Congiess had no riht to make, and one that the freemen of this countrv

will decree shall not be crried out. It was made without notice to the people, without even an allusion to it hs a probable uesiire of policv, and iu defiauce. we re bound to say, of evry constitutional power. How the purchase of three or four millions of negroes by the white laborers of the North could "put down the rebellion" or restore the Union, no department ot the Government and no member of Congress has ever had the candor to explain. A pledge for such a purpose, by whomsoever ninie. aud all eimdar schemes for mixing up negro emmcipition with this war for the Union received the open condem nation or that Convention. It was but a reflex of the people's voice in Julv it was the voice of Iudjaua iu October. That condemnation, we now echo from this- chamber, mid there are more who w ill defend that pledge, or make an issue on it before the people. If the Administration and its advisers desired to keep the people "unitea" for the prosecution of this war, why were those measuies of negro emancipation and purchase forced upon the nation at a time like this? If they did not know that it would divide the citizens, and make men doubt in regard to the objects of this war. then we can only say that they have too little sagacity to control the affairs ot great nation But when the proclamation of the 22d of September. Ib62, fell upon the people, "like a fire b II in the night," the wildest confusion was added to the doubts which took pos-ession of the public mind. There stood revealed beiore the world two; measures w hich invoked ti e condemnation of the people of Indiana, and they received it ' No one dared to defend them. They got no defense The candi dates sustained bv the minoritv stoo.i inu'e at the giant measure ol oppression they wete expected to defend taxation for' the purpose of freeing African tdaves, and a horde ol tree negroes thrown upon the soil of the free West. We, and those with whom we acted, opposed measures of transcendent enormity like these, and those who apologized for them they It id no defenderswent under the wave of popular indignation in Indiana. Was this opposing the war? In defending you and ourselves from oppresion and bankruptcv, and keeping the Government within the scope of its constitutional power, we were onlv discharging a dutv to our gteat and unfortu nate nation. For doing this, we have been de nounced to vou as traitors, and by men, too, who have followed your Camps, uot t. share hard-hips and dangers, but to gather i:p thecrundTs which have lallen from th tat.de provided bv the gtnerxisitv and sense of justice of, the people of your beloved State. We know the-e men, and w he: her of h;gh or low oegree, have a right to bold them up to the scorn and contempt of all just inen iu the army and out of it. You ask us to "give this war a cheerlul and hearty supportthat wewill pour out the trea-uteot 'hebtateasour soldiers have poured out their blood, to aid the hoi v cau-e of restoring the Union of our fath ers" thai we should abstain from heated political discussions and paitv wrangltngs, until the au thority of Governme; l is once moie established; that we should resist "the infernal spirit which would waste victor in humiliating com promise : and that we should sacrifice everything, except liberty and jxilitical equality, to National integrity. 1 hese requests nre reason aMe. an I they come to u in pleasant words The Senate of Indiana, the House of Represent atives, and the people represented bv both branches hare given, and will continue to give, a cheerful and hearty support to this war, for the restoration of the L Mox, and the niajorttv which we represent are prepared to contribute errrt more of the treasure ol the State than ou anv former occasion, in aid of the volunteers now in the field fiom Indiana. These two points in your request are. so far as the majority has power, already complied with. How far it will be in the power of that majority to avoid "heated political discussion and party wrangling" will depend greatly upon the conduct of ihr minority, und their consent to accept deeds and not words ns the measure of true men's loyalty. The legislation of the session has been generally harmonious; but there are questions w hich now and then arise to impede the progress of business. There are no disagreements about furnishing the army with all that is deemed essential for its comfort, and large appropriation have already passed this Senate, and by a unanimous vote. These disagreements and "wranglings aie over measures which relate to people at home, and not to the army from our State. The majority while they look to your interests, as soldiers, have also an eye to your home interests and the welfare of fathers, brothers and neighbors. While you fight rebellion und treason in the armv, the General Assembly wish lo preserve your Government at home from being turned into an engine of ttranny, usurpation nud merciless taxation. They don't want you taxed to pay tor negroes uor to have the negroes come into Indiana, to be come hired laborers on tiie farms of the State. They don't wish to have Mie people arrested without warrant of Uw, aud imprisoned in dungeons without trial. Thev don't want the money ap propria'ed for your benefit squandered on pimps and favorites; and, above nil, they don't want to seethe free Constitution of Indiana tn.mpled under foot for the qualification ot those who Him lo override the co-ordinate departments of the State, and engulphed all thepoweis of the Government in their own h inds. That point of unr resistance is what gives offense, and the political colporteurs sent among you to slander and villifv the ma jority of this Senate and the oilier branch of the Legislature, are pvrlorniing only a duty irmwsed by the nature of their unhappy calling. The Senate is quite willing to indorse the sentiments ol your memorial, which counsels that we should resist the "infernal spirit which would waste victory in humiliatingcompromises." That is sound advice, and this Senate will lay the same to heart as a lesson of wisdom. The majority of this General Assembly assure their gallant friends in the army, that there are no such members in either branch of he Legislative departments. No one bete thinks of humiliating compromises, or indeed compromise of any kind, for they hive no power to enforce them, and are too proud to beg them from the administration ol Mr. Lincoln, even if their supplications could avail at such a tribunal. They know too well what influences prevail at Washington to npproach the ear of our Commander in Ch ef. Not so, good friends. No humiliating compromises are nske i for by this General Assembly, and if there be a party which has wasted victories, or failed to improve them, when won, it must have been those in possession of the General Government and not the Indiana Legislature. We have had no power to waste any victory, or to turu success into ashes in the hands of the nation. The assertion that we do devise such compromises is without foundation. The Senate and General Assembly of Indiana are entirely willing that the President and his Administration should make this war a part of its history, and that its "compro raises" shall begin at such time as may to them seem befitting. We had no agency in inaugurating this war, nor in carrying it on; none in directing its policy; none in the control of its armies, and it is not our design to interfere with it in ny improper manner. Our duty is to pay taxes to take care of the sick und wounded soldier? to look und wait for the end of this cruel aud bitter strife to take care ot our State aff iirs, ami to hope that our beloved country will one day emerge from the clouds which hang over her, with the Union e stored as it was, aud with all the States existing in harmony under the matchless Constitution of our fathers. It would be wrong to conceal the fact that there is a growing anxiety iu the public mind that this war should be brought to a close in some mode not humiliating to the nation. It has lasted nearly two years, and with great waste of blood and treasure. Thousands have fallen in the conflict, and the richest veins have been opened to pour upon the earth the purple current of our brave soldiers. Indiana has con'r buTed copious streams to the flood of human g re w hich has reddened the soil of Virginia, Kent icky.Tennes see, Missouri and Arkansas. Orr braves have gone down on nearly every battle field, and the hosts from our State have been thionei in every new encounter. They have fallen on the right hand and on the left. Disease ha also done its work, and every train which passes over our thoroughfares brings the remains of some gallant spirit who died away from kindred an l frieudB And is it strange that this desire lor peace should possess the public mind? Men are not made of iron, nor their hearts of steel. . The human sympathies are not cled in ihe family circle, nor are human woes hushed by the clanrror of arm. There are hearts that will feel aud minds that will think even in perilous times like these. I be kind lather ana tne aoung mother will remember their first born, and wish he was at the old cottage, where from infancy his loved form was a solace to the declining years of his aged parett 'the brother will look anxiously for the return of that brother Iriend.the playmate of his earliest days; and has the poor snd forsaken wife no choice about the time when this w ar shall ciose? Has she no wih to see him to whom in the gushing hours of her spring time he abandoned all for Ai sake? Let us not be de ceived. There are anxieties on this subject.. The public mind is feveri.-h aud will Fpeak out. Neither Presidents, Congressmen nor Governors, even with the aid of the grand army of contract

or, can stifle this feeling of deep anxiety for an honorable peace.

This nation l too young to cherish a sentiment lor permanent war. Her institution founded on jiet tet t freedom of seutimeiit, ana the absence of uo.itary restraints will i.ot enduie a loneand wasting contest lor the gratification of anj thing short of national existence. He is not a w'ne man who looks upou it in any other liflit. He is le than wise who could desire it. The present General Assemblv.br members of the reviled majority, have recommended the passage of the following measures for the beuelit of the soldiers of Indiana now ia the field. 1. A bill appropriating two millions of dollars. to provide for the prompt payment of the officers and soldiers in the a-my of the United States, raised and organized iu the State of Indiana, and to provide means tor that purpose This measure was recommended bv Gjv. Mortouyaud promptly seconded by the majority members of the House and Senate. This bill das passed the Senate by yeas 4J, nays none. I tie yeas aie as fdlows: ilessrs Hears. LJerry, Kiair. Kradlev. Campbell. Clayool. Cobb, Coibiu, Davis, ol Vermillion, Davis, of Cass, Dickinson, Douglass, Downey, Ferguson, Finch, Flemtning, Fuller, Gaff, Gif ford. Graves, Hartley, Uoaglaiid. Hord. Jenkins, Landers, McCkurg. Mansfield, March, Marshall, Mellen, Moore, Murray, New, Pick. Kay, Shields, Teegurden, White, Williams, Wilson, Wolfe, Wright, m.d Mr. President 43. Demo crats 25, Republicans 18. 2 A joint resolution of thanks to the soldiers of Indiai.t, and providing for the registry and preservation of the names of those who" have lallen in the service of their country durinc the present war. This re.-o!ution has passed both Houses unanimously. 3. An appropriation of one hundred thousand dollars w ill be inserted in the ttecific appropria liou bill, as recommended by the Committee of Ways and Means, lo be ext-ended iu aid ol the sick and wounded solriiers of Indiana, in such proper supplies as the Government hospitals shall fail to furnish. A committee of the House has also recommended for ndoption the loSlowing me.iuies for the action of Congtess, the same being in the opinion of majority demanded for the good of the service. 1. A joint resolution to Congress, asking that the pay ot private soldiers in the army be raised 25 per cent., or say $1G per monththe jaesent pav being shamefully inadequate to the service performed, and that a joint resolution be passed, forthwith, urging the increase at ihe present esion of Com; ress. 2. That we favor a joint resolution to Congress, to be passed forthwith, asking that it provide by law for the payment of the wages of private soldiers and company officers iu gold and silver, or their equivalent in paper money, at par, and also fir ;he payment of pensions to our wounded soldiers and the pensions to widow and orphans of those who have died iu the sericeor been killed in battle, in the same mode, and in the same par funds, it being the stnse ol this Hou-e that these who give their services, their health and their lives to the nation, should be placed on as favorable footing as the b.u.ker or capitalist who loan money to the Government. It is gratilxipg to be ... to say to those in the field, that whatever differences of opinion may exi-t in this General Assembly in regard to the State policy of Indiana nud the emancipation measures ot the AdniiniMratioii of President Liu coin mid the Congie-s ju-t expired, there are none iu relation to the tiutt of Indiana toward the army. The bove measure, adopted nndrecommendvd. will be accepted as pnml that no unfriendly spirit exists towaid you. In return for this, the General Assembly only aks at your hands that no parti.-nn efforts trom home will swerve you from the duty of soldiers, or make you part Lei. of the iell spirit of faction which seeks to slander down a majority .f the people of your own St :te W e want you to iememberth.it the gallant old Democratic party fought two foreign wars, with England and Mexico, carried the country uccessiullv and triumphanty through those conflicts, and that no soldier ever received injustice at its hxnds. That panv has been always recognized ns the soldier's friend; and now that its own members make up a full half of the present grand army, it would be base and dishonest to desert them or their no less patriotic associates of the Republican party. Put away from your presence, gallant soldiers of the nation, the cringing tools of power who visit your camps with slanders on their tongues and the hate of their masters in their hearts, and tell them that jour tont and vour cabins are temples of ' honor, truth and patriotism that party and fac tion are excluded that there is' no room tor tlioe who doire lo bear false witness against their neighlor that tour sense of justice requires repose from the importunities of the slanderer nnd the tale beartrr. Tell thce characters that you will trust to the people of In J'ana aud all the departments of their government, relying upon that sense ot justice and right which h-s al ways been manifested by them iu the conduct of their pu'dic affairs. A thousand rumors have reached you no doubt about the intentions of this General Asemblr. It has been said, at the beginning of this session, that the majority of the iwo branches designed to "carry thi State out of the Union, "and attach her to the Southern Confederacy." This was stated in the streets of Indianapolis, first l y some cowardly official perhaps, and then in the publir prints belonging o the same faction. We need hardly say to you that such a charge rests upon the unsupported malice o some malignant knave, w ho. finding his partv dying out. took that method of "arousing the country" against a phantom of his owil creation. It would have been ridiculous siander. if the subject of it was not too grue foriidicule. As it is. it was a bse au.l cowardly one for which the author or authors, if they could !e traced out with cert-doty, de-erie a jus', punishment. It would be a shame to de.i'e tiie law by invoking its calm majesty to punish a in h. who would thus heap falsehood ujHin his fellow citizeu. If such a report has eve reaclifd yonr camps, we declare to you that thete is no truth in it that there is ' not one roan iu either branch of the General Assembly, of the majority partv, who now entertains, or ever cnteiiaiued.n, though' so traitorous to himself, hi God and his country. We again thank you for your communications and for the kind in.ii.i'cr iu wl.ich you have ex prtssed our wishes. Thev shall receive, as some of them have already, the respectful nnd favor able consideration of this General Assembly. Yo and your fellow citizens at home have the Same great object the restoration of the Union and the preservation of our sacred and revered Constitution. While j on look after traitors in arms, and overturn ami overthrow their serried hosts, we shall take cure of violators of the Constitution at home, ami see that the ballot of a free people is felt in the preservation of your liberties nnd our own. If rebellion triumphs it will be no fault of your. If depotism and anarchy, and the violation of constitutional rights re attempted in Indiana, it will be for the people of this gallant State to protect and preset ve them. In the bonds of love and affection for the Constitution and the Union made by it, unchanged and perpetual. We remain vour fellow citizens. Thou R. Copb. Chairman; S K. WoLt. Arch Johxbox, P. Hoai;lam, M M Rat. Jons Davik. The report above is given as it came from the committee. It win adopted as a whole. Three amendments were made, which will be found in our report of the legislative proceedings. One by Mr. Wölfl, pronouncing the charge that the Pemocratic party favored a Northwestern Confederacy a "slander. One by Mr. Dowjert, in relation to deserters, aud one by Mr. Mirrat, condemning all ollicers. civil and military, who desert their poets. The Ixpia.na Senate. Since the spree taken by the Republican Senators about the bth of January when Senators March, Ciaypool and others gotbrimfull and overflowinjr with love of the glorious memory of Old Hickory and absented themselves in glorification of the battle of New Orleans, the Senate of Indiana has worked faithfully to perfect such business as the members deemed of interest to the people of the State. Party wrangles they have had, but with the exception of two little bolts, which only shut the door of legislation for an hour or two, the members on both sides have acted like sensible business men. How far the minority of the Senate are responsible for the action of the minority in the House weoo not know; but, with the exceptions named, thee have stood manfully at their posts, and used only the usual parliamentary tactic to defeat measures to which tbey areoppoaed. This is something to their credit as men and as wll ns lovers of law and order. The present Senate baa done a large amount of work. The session is near its close, and on Wednesday night the files were cleared. We doubt whether this ever happened before in the history of the Indiana Senate. The waste of time in the early part of the session has been compensated by the labors of the closing weeks, and the members of the Senate, whatever may be the result of the "bolt" iii the House, can point wittj pride to the record in their branch of. the Legis-, lature.