Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 40, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 February 1863 — Page 4

WEEKLY SENTINEL.

MONDAY, - - FEBRUARY 23. 2T" The Wanhln'oti corteponiJeit of the .New York. Journal of Commerce thus nlluJes to the recent speech of Mr. Yooebee on the Louisiana election cuse : Judging from the debate thus far, it looks as If Mr. Flanders, as Reresentative from New Orle ins, was about to be koockcl into flinders. Whatever hapcen tothat gentleman will also happen to Mr. Ilahn, another member eect from New Orleans. All the votes cast ia the First District amounted to 2 643, of wliich Mr. Flan dec received 2,370; all cist in the Second District amounted to 5,117, of which Mr. Hahn received '2.1J'. Both of these men are said to be strong Republican, and so we find the report uf the Committee ou Election very clear in favor of their admission. Mr. Voorhees arguing the question on high constitutional grounds, with m irked abiiitj, his made it clear th it the military representatives .re not entitle ! to their se tts, and it is jrood sijjn of the times that puch men as Mr. Bingham and Mr. Porter tshoiilJ hare forgotten p trty con: ler Uions and should have followed in tiie wake of one who has been locked upon by the Hamans in Congress as a kind of Mordec it sitting in the king's Kte." The truth is, the boldness manifested by Mr. Voorhees, when be first poke in Congress, called down upon his head a good deal of Abolitiou wrath, but ince they hire found him quite as able and diniftel as he U bold, the radicals are beginning to " look out." The doctrine that the President and his Governors have a right to over-ride the State Constitution-, he repudiates as fatal to the Constitution of the United States, to the freedom inj independence of the House, and to the liberties of the people. For tit Indiana Stat Sentinel The Cant of Peace Kef lections on a Portion of Itobert Dale Owen' letter to Secretary Chase, Published in (be wr York Post. To undertake an argument with eo fine a icholu and so prolound a thinker as Mr. Owen may seem pre-nimutiotn, eve.theles we hazard tbe following reflections, which have been ujgeitd to our mind by a perusal of his recent letler to Secretary Chase. ,Ve will admit his statistical statements, and ded ictious from them, in relation to the military resources of the two sections of our country now willing W4r with e:i-li other. The census of shows. the "number of white mals between the aj;es of eihreen and tort fire, in the loyal States, to be about 4.0!ltl,000." and in the disloyal States about ' 1.300 ,0(M, a little upwards of three to one." But, s.iys Mr. Owen, -'this calculation as a ba-is of military strength is wholly fallacious, for it includes persons of one color only." Now, if the number of white miles between these ages in the loyal States is 4.000,000. and in the disloyal States 1.3')0,l)yj, m j we not assume that the same proportion exists in the numWr of persons below the 2e of ei;rh:e'?;i and above the ae of fortv-five, in both sections? If so, then we have a fair basis to work u;hii, and we deJuce from Mr Owen's statements and calculations that the Western politician's solution of our ditS:ulties "the recognition of slavery in all Smes" is the neare-t appro vh we c m make to that desinbie end. Mr Owe. admits the idea has a basis of trut.i, and miht lead to peace, but for the outrage it would be to the progressive spirit of rhristian civilis ition. Independently of that charitable but specious consiJer.ition, we proceed to the process of arriving at said politician's conclusion, and will take Mr. Q wen's own statements as the b isis He finds that 20'.W)0,010 of people North furnish 4,000.000 "whence soldiers, out door laborers and mechanics must chief! v te Uken;" and that y.OOO.OOD South supply 1,300,000, or that the North gives three to one over the Sjuth. B it the 20,000.000 North are all tree, and 3.-00,000 of the South are slaves. Hence we i:et the followina result: 20.000,000 of whites North siiddIv 4.(W0,0tX), whilst 9.000,000 South less 3,500,000 slaves furnish 1.300,000, being over three to one. Cut accoring to Mr. Owen's argument, those 3,500,000 slaves are equal, directly and indirectly, for military resources, to 1.700,000 whites; for he makes the relative strength of the two sections, "of soldiers to ßghf, and laborers to support the nation while Sibling." as three in the South to four in the North. We therefore infer that the Western politician's theory is most plausible, and that the existence of slavery in a nation, for military strength, is superior to a free population, ia the proportion that 3.500,000 slaves beirs to the difference between the resources of 2 1,000,000 of whites North and say 6,000,000 of whites South, between the aes of eighteen and forty-five, which Mr. Owen makes equal to 1,700,000. In other words, if 3.500,000 slaves were imported in;o. or transferred to the North, as the equivalent of 1,730,00) whites available, directly and indirectly, for military purooses, the strength of those 20",000,000 would be increased lor the like purposes from 1,000.000 to 5.700,000. Hence slavery in the loyal States, in the si me proportion as it exists in the South, would increase, in that ratio, the military strength and resource! of the loyal States. Mr. Owen, under the supposition of a South united, without regard to color, in an e(Trt for recognition, declares it impossible "if history teach truth," for us to obtain peace by subduing her! But he flew to what strikes us as an ab-. surdity the negroes being loyal to the Union, instead of their m asters, and arguing on that changed b isis, finds a Confederacy ii vidwl against itself, and the possibility of the services of those laborers fe:ng transferred to us. Immediately after, he pronnnces such a whotale transfer "of course impossible in practice. But in so far as the tranfer is possible we approach the above result." If the transfer is impossible, to wh it extent can he calculate we will find a Confederacy divided against itself ? If impossible, there cm be no Confederacy divided against itself, and "if hstory teach truth" we cannot obtain peace br subduing the South! To apply the term "loyalty, to the Union" (which presupD ises a knowlelge of a tlutv to govern ineot) to slaves, seems a perversion of their u-e. The only "Ioaltv" they comprehend, if we can . apply the term, h obedience and submU-ion to their m isters, local at tachment to their estates, ari l cloe identification with both. We will now address ourselves to the subject of general emancipation. To accomplish general emancipation all the now existing relations of property and labor in the Southern States must be overturned. Slaves have ever been recognized bv our Constitutions, if not as property at least as persons whose lifelong services are the rightful due of those claimins to be their owner a right acquie-ced in by our people ever since the form aiou of our Government. Tr-.ey cultivate the plantations, and are employed as mechanics, field hands, and general laborers. Among them is the same distribution of labor as exists in the free States the proceeds of their labor going, however, to their proprietors, instead of themselves individually, as in the free States. One system or distribution being organized on the acknowledgment of bondage, the other on the basis of freedom. Suddenly destroy that distribution in either case, und who can estimate the consequences to there ice and order of society? According to Mr. Owen and many other public men, there is found in the rebellion every pretext and reason forthat terrible resort. D es he address himself to the subject as a philanthropist, looking to the amelioration of the condition of the slaves, or as a punishment to their masters, and as a means to' that end? It appetrs strange to us that he can, in his calm judgment, profoundly studying the stupendous question, and asking "what shall we say of their tfticemanship, who, in a war like this, wouid leive "out of view the practical effects of em mcipation," seriously recommend his policy, a.-id hope to maintain thoee great principles of Christianity and civilization, tiie true architects and guardians of order and system, which enjoin upon us, as a people, moral duties awl obligations, m of higher couauleration than mere ideal political economy. Philanthrooy is not violent. It is gentle, persuasive, merrif'il. It it commanding, yet restrain ing. and appeals to re ison, not to passion Let us study its teichings on this mo m en to us question. Our moral duties, to the proprietors are not to be lost sight of ill visionary schemes to benefit servile r tee ! Admit general emancipation tobe feasible let plantations be confiscated and transferred to the Government or new proprietors, and the enfranchised, slaves be left in their respective localities, would that i ai prove their condition or hasten a rJ.orati.n of the Union? We think not. n agricultural countries ami districts the pro duction of means of subsistence mu't be proptftlof.el to the supply of tho-e whom they are destined to support. In the Southern States that proportion of means would be destroyed bv the emancipation of the slaves! for th simple reason tint it is a well established fact, au axiom, that tiit necessities and wants of a freeman " are greater than those of a bondman.' Emancipate 3,500,000 slaves, and with their liberation commences increased wants, all to be supplied from the same resources. Will their voluntary labor, under the inducement of wages, be equal to the production of taoue increased want, and those staples for commerce, which onr own domestic, to say nothing of foreign requirements.

demand? We may appeal to the fruits of emancipation, which was comparatively gradual, in Jamaica, as well as to the experience of our armies, wherever they have penetrated the dominions of slavery, lor an answer. We quote Mr. Owen: "Do other objection hold against the plan? Does humanity forbid us to accept the aid of an enslaved race? In so far as humanity can ever enjoin war at all, she enj i:s the employment, by us, of tin1 African in this; first, because his em ploy men I may shorten, by years, the fratricidal struggle; and then, because, if he is not permitted to assist in civilized warfare under us, and if, without his aid, we fail to e fleet his liberation and thus disappoint his hopes, he may be overtaken by the temptation to seek freedom and revenge in his own wild way. In accepting the liberated slave as a soldier W3 may prevent his rising as an assassin. By the creation of negro brigades we may avert the indiscriminate massacres of servile insurrection." Humanity may permit, if it do not er join, the employment by us, for the purposes of laSor, such as digging trenches, mining and sapping, &.C., of such contrabands as may have been abandoned by their masters; but we cannot admit that it enjoins the use of a barbarous element in civilized warfare, and such we conceive would be enfranchised slaves suddenly transformed into soldiers. When so trans ormed, armed, uniformed, brigaded, &c, we fancy the slaves might have the greater desire and temptation to seek "freedom and revenge in his own wild way," for any imaginary wrongs, ill treatment and injustice evil counselors might preach to them. Besides, suppose we could brigade such, is it like'y that the volunteers of many of the States would willingly fight side by side, or assimilate with them? We think not. for that would be placing the negro upon a more honored equality than that of labor, against which the ideas, pre judices and lofty spirit of the free white man so instinctively revolt. Does Mr. Owen hope, by scattering general Ideas of emancipation broadcast through the slave States, that they can fructify at once, and produce any beneficial results, either to the slaves themselves or to the social order or political welfare of the Union or those States us integral parts of the Union? Freedom is not an ideal thing, that can be conjured into life and being by proclamations (we do not here intend directly nor indirectly any reference to the Presi dent's views or proclamation) amongst a servile race, destitute of those ennobling aspirations

which sanctity a .struggle for srand principles. Slaverv m the Southern, as it was in ancient States, is deeply identified with the ideas, man ners and instincts of individuals as well as fcociciety. and terrible would be the revolution which a sudden change of its status would inaugurate. It was even a matter of treaty stipulations iu an cient States. We rind, in the treaty between the Lacedemonians and Athenians, the following clause: "1'rocided, further. That if there happen any insurrection among the Helots, the Athenians in irch to the succor of the Lacedemonians with their whole strength, to the full extent of their Dower." We do not. however, discover in the history of the past that the relations of freedom and bondase which existed bore any resemblance in a gov ernmental or political aspect to slavery as it exists in our Southern Slates, where, although a local institution, it has hitherto been acknowl edged by our people, and been protected by the harmonious working of State and Federal Constitutions, and inter-State regulations, and consequently the proprietors of slaves must be the more tenacious o! their rights ot property in, as well as their rights of dominion over them. We do not believe Mr. 0en can show that thousands of slaves indulge excited hopes of emancipation, which, by a few years armistice with the South, would lie crushed, and cause them to flee across the border; and we think we hazard but little in uttering the belief that such nu immense mass of ignorant, though generally docile creatures in their present condition such us the slaves are, cannot be set at liberty with out some years of preparation, and brought into such a social organization as would improve their mora! and political welfare. The result of the experiment, though everywhere ou an infinitely smaller scale, wherever it has been tried, ignores the idea. The attempt tojiberate them, without the concurrence of their masters, must naturally excite thosj instincts of interest and self preservation which anuimate a people w hose rights are invade, and beget a strong re.-istance to the power hazarding the fearf ul experiment, while it would endanger the existence ot the servile race. Suppose confiscation and general emancipation practicable, the Government must become the propnetorof the plantations, and work them by the enfranchised slaves as hired laborers, or appren tices; or it must sell the lands to other white men (for the negroes, for want of means.could not be come purchasers) and permit the emancipated laves to remain upon them as free laborers, then we can imagine a conflict between two sys terns of labor; not free and slave, but between white and black. How long could peace and order ent'ure under such a state of things? It needs no prophetic voice to tell. If the North Americui Indians, free men by nature, could not exist among us, and become incorporated into our social m stem , under our distributions of labor, how little hope is there that the African race, with hardly any moral susceptibilities or appreciation of Ireedom, assuming equality of rights and competing w th the white race in labor, could be brought into a harmonious organiz ition. It is almost an impossibility, for the moral and intellectual condition of the slaves is believed to be such as to render them quite incapable of turning suddenly acquired Ireedom to the benefit of themselves or the society in which they dwell. Ti e shock of sudden enfranchisement, ere it even practicable, upon such a people, ignorant of all laws, except those of obedience and submission to their masters, cannot be contemplated without feirful visions of anarchy, insurrections and massacres. Society, endangered by such an im inen-e and sudden change of the condition of the relation existing between the slaves and their m asters, would find it necessary to resort to the establishment of local standing armies for its protection and preservation, and it is a question w he' her its safety would not demand the ItWii.v tive of re enslavement or extermination. In this view of the cue. which is nust to be desired, the sudden emancipation of the slaves, or the preservation of the existing social order and system of labor ? It strike us that it is far more philanthropic to let the subject rest as it is until time and the concurrent action of their proper guardians may prepare the slaves lor that boon, which the emancipationists hold up to them and to the world as the "cousummatiou devoutly to be wished." If we suppose sudden general emancipation possible, the force of circumstances and insurraountible difficulties it presents would render it unprofitable, disorganizing in its effects and disistrously useless, and its consequences in social and political considerations can hardly be estimated. Yea, we have indeed tried the experiment of a Federal Union for eightv years with a free labor system in one portion and a slave system in the other, and we ail know how gloriously our country advanced with those two systems working harmoniously within their respective suheres, until sectionalism and Abolition propagandism, "embittered year by year in accelerated ra'io," en gendered dissensions, sectional jealousies and national heart burnings. And, but for these de plor able causes, we would not now have this gigantic rebellion in our country, nor would the experiment be deemed by European nations a failure. The system of slave labor was safe und secure, yielding its fruits in peace, until that evil day of interference with, and war upon it, bv f imiicism; and the poor slaves were contented and happy in their condition, knowing nor caring for ought else but their physical wants ami comforts, their plantations, traditions and home associations. We doubt the isdom or hum mity of disturbing a condition of things so well adapted to the contentment of the tMindnian, and threatening such revulsions in the soüal, monl and political system of so large a section of our country as general em ancioatUm would nroduce. Coercive reunion with slavery, preserving the relation now existing between the master and Slavs, and the rihtof property iu. anc dominion of the former over the latter, would protect the social organiz ition and its svstem of labor. That we deem preierable. paramount to general eman cipatioti, with the disrupi'on of all those bonds mid associations which maintain social and po litical order. Immediate or gradual emancipation is a local question, and should be left to the people and the States most vitally interested in slavery, (to whom, under our forms of government, it riht fully and ahme belongs.) until such time as those people's interest and moral dutk-s, in view of the public sentiment of the world, will enable them voluntafi'y to meet that sentiment in progressive correspond nee with its hopes. Coercive reunion without slavery, or the making of 3,500,000 slaves freemen, would increase the representation of the Southern States in Congress very considerably and their capacity for demanding compromises, commercially and otherwise, which might be more distasteful to the North than compromises on the negro question. The Southern, people seeing that, may all the sooner, after tbe shock their important institution has sustained, resort to gradual emancipation. We have assumed that Mr. Owen is in favor of immediate general emancipation, and on that as

sumption we have founded these reflection?. Passing over his theories in regard to constitu tional powers, war powers, or anv. other powers for general em mcipation, we assert that the price of enduring peace is non interference with shivery except by those States whose sole right it is to dispose of it in their owu time and way. A.V l.NDIA.MAX. From Waahinglon.

The Armt or the Potomac Meltisg Awat The Nkw Conscription Law Serfs fob the Amiricax Czar Anticipation or a Speidt Attack ox Charleston The Rcmoe or a Retrograd Movement bt Gen. Hooker's Armt Untrue, 4c , iic, Lc. Special Correspondence of tbe Chicago Times. Washixoton, February 10. Before this reaches you, the telegraph will have brought you the news that the separation of the Ar ny of the Potomac into three "Grand Divisions" has been abolished, and the old organiz ition of corps d 'armiee. the same as prevailed under Gen. McClellan, has been restored. The impression prevails almost everywhere that the idea of a separation ol'the army into three '-Grand Divisions" originated with Burnside. Dut lam assured that such is not the fact, and that it was a pet measure of Halleck's. and that the la' ter prevailed upon Burnside to adopt it as an experiment, immediately after McClellan's removal. It was found to work very bauly, and it was, indeed, one cause of Burnside's failure to accomplish anything at all. The organization of the army under Gen. McClellan was as perfect as could possibly be, and worked admirably. Gen. Hooker's order of February 5 will do much toward restoring matters to that organization, and it is. therefore, a wise step. The terrible nature of the blunder committed by the Administration, however, in the removal of McClellan and the appointment of Burnside, is now becoming evident. On the 5th of November the army could muster fully 153,000 bayonets, all effective. The discipline of the army was superb, the men were in splendid condition, the morale of the armr was unexceptionable, and it was making steady progress in the campaign. .In the eleven weeks during which Burnside held the command, all this has become changed. The army is terribly demoralized, as Senator Sumner's rosolution a few days ago declared, and as Gen. Sumner testified before ihe Congressional committee, and in spite of what Burnside said a few evenings ago in New York. As to the present number of troops, Wendell Phillips has re cently been here in close and confidential confab with Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Hilleck, .Senator Wilson, and the members of the Military Committers of Congress. These men know precisely how many men Hooker has. 1 know also, but I will not say. But these men whom I have named told Wendell Phillips, atid he said a Jew days 1120 in New York, and the statement was published in an Administration newspaper there, " tieneral Hooker has bG.OUO bayonets, and no more." Now I knew that the slaughter at Fredericksburg was terific; that there has been some loss since; und that, iu eleven weeks, the army has sulVered greatly from cold and exposure; but I never could figure up a total of more than .r0,000 put Aors da combat from all these causes together. If the figures of Wendell Phillips are correct, therefore, wh it has been done with the other, 34.0UÜ. We have fallen certainly upon evil times when your correspondent can tiud a word to say in favor of a conscription lute a law of Congress in tended to dra; unwilling men from their happy homes, force them against their will into the ranks of a heterogeneous army composed of a mixture of w hite men and negroes, and compel them to murder, it may be, their cour-ins, their uncles, their nephews, perhaps even their brothers. Be it so. I will say that word. And it is this. The conscription bill reported to the Senate yes terday by Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, is by far the fairest, the least unjust, and the least oppressive of all the despotic acts of this despotic Administration. If we must have a conscription law if our armies must be replenished if the war must go on why, then, at the eleventh hour, the Administration has stumbled upon a really w ise plan. It is a copy, in many respects, ot the French conscription law, which is as perfect and just as any conscription law can be. The division of the conscripts into two great classes the second class not to be drawn until the first is exhausted is its great distinctive feature. If there must be conscripts, the young unmarried men between the ages of 18 and oO, and the unmarried men be tweeu 30 and 45, ought certainly to be taken first, and so the bill provides. The experience of all armies has taught those who have studied the subject, that unmarried men, men without the cares of a family, make the best soldiers. Indeed, a man cannot be a perfect soldier until every faculty of his mind and body is swallowed up and absorbed in his business. His business is to kill; and the business of an ollicer is to make thee killing-machine as effective in huge masses as can be possible. So well recognized are these truths that, in ordinary times, no man who is married, or who has a child, is allowed to enlist. If the bill, as reported by Mr. Wilson, becomes a law, and the conscripts of the first class are draw n according to its provisions, the probibility is that there will be in that class far more men than will be needed to finish the war, even if it -hculd last two years more. It is said that the radicals, with the exception of a few fanatical fools, are convinced of the absolute impossibility of raising negro soldiers at all; and that Mr. Wilson has brought this bill in as a substitute for the nero soldier's bill. It is very certain that, even if the negro soldiers were raided, no white officers could be found to lead them to the field; that, is, no competent officers. The Confederate military authorities have announced that they will hang, not only all negro soldiers, but also all officers with them, who may fall into their hands. No officer is ambitious of such a death as that. There may be found a tew rowdies and desperadoes who are so lost to honor s to be willing o command gangs of lascivious black savages. But the number of such men must be lew indeed. The men who alone are fit to command gangs of nigger troops are the very men who will not doit. Horace Greeley, Wendell Phillips, Henry Ward Beecher these are the me.i to make negro General of. But they know too well the fate that would await them on the first battlefield to be ever caught with a nero brigade. I have leeii unable to ascertain what ihe Administration proposes to do about "the draft" which was ordered some months ago, and has not yet taken place in some States, and whi-h has proved to be such a ridiculous failure in those States in which it has taken place. Mr. Stevens openly declares in the House that the draft cannot be enforced; but it is certainly unfair and unjust in the highest decree to let the great State of New York and the New England States escape the draft entirely, after it has been enforced in the Western States and in M irjlsnd. How would the West feei if the Administration begins to draw conscripts from Illinois and Indiana, while New York and Massachusetts are still in arrear for their troops under the draft? Would not the West feel like acting upon that noble declaration of Senator Turpie, that "the American Czar w ill End no serfs west ot the AHeghanv mountains?" When, in a recent letter, I state! that an expedition to Texas cpuld be productive of no good effects, I was persuaded that what I said was the , truth. An event that has ince t iken place there must now nuke it evident to the world that I was correct. I allude to the capture of Sabine Pass by the C"ii federate troops. With Galveston and Sabine City both in their possession ; with their troops holding all the keys to the State; with a well-appointed fleet in its harbors, the Confede rates ip Texas are now prepared to dispute our future occupancy ofthat Slate with a good prospect of success. The New York Times says: "We are now driven "from our last foothold on the soil of tiat State;" to which I would add that to regain a loothold there will require an expenditure of blood mid treasure that no advantages can compensate for. X. Special Correspondence of the Chicago Times Washington, February 12. The Government is now anticipating important news from Charleston. An attack on that city cannot be much longer delayed by the navy. Its success is much more probable than many suppose. Although the Rebels have splendid batteries, the iron elada thus far seem to be invulnerable. The rumor of a retiograde movement of the Army of the Potomac are simply untrue. It is in its old position, under Gen. Hooker, with the mud as deep as ever. Washington; Feb. lri. The Senate to day confirmed the following Dominations of Consuls: Chas Gilbert Wheeler, of Missouri, at Ntnemburg; Noah E. Wilson, of Indiana, at La Union, San Salvador; F. Cosby, of Kentucky, at Geneva; Wm. Phillips, of Illinois, nt St. Petersburg; F. M Amy, of Kansas. Secretary of the Territory of New Mexico; Edward Evans, of Washington Territory, Secretary of bat Territory. LotisviLKt, February IB Returned cotton buyers report that the Legislature of Mississippi has made it a pet a offense to sell cotton except to the Confederate Government.

meeting; of the Democracy of .Tlont-

gomerjr and Putnam Counties. At a hir,.e and enthusiastic meeting of the De mocracy of the south part of Montgomery and north put of Putnam counties, held at Ladoga on the 5th day of February, the following reso lutions, .-.mong others, w ere unanimously adopted: Whereas. The most sacred provisions of the Constitution have been with impunity violated, the rights and disruity of States imperfectly ob served, the liberties of the people imperiled or prostrated, the fieedom of speech and ot the press threatened, acd the Government tottering almost to the verge of revolution, disintegration, and despotism; therefore. lit sol ted, 1. That we recognize the Constitution of the United States as the Magna Charta of our liberties, and the Union as the safeguard of their political existence; that in order to perpetaate the one, all its powers must be kept within their legitimate sphere; and to support and defend the other, it must be faithfully ooserved in all its provisions by the Legislative, Executioe, und Judicial departments of the Government, and by the people. 2. That we have no sympathy nor affiliation with the unconstitutional acts of pro slavery Secessionists of the South, nor their counterpart, the Abolition DisuuionisU of the North, anj that they nre alike dangerous to the perpetuity of the Union, and to the liberties ot the people. 3. That this Abolition Administration and its coadjutors have basely violated . their solemn pledges to the conservative people of the nation, as set forth by Presidential messages atid proclamations, diplomatic correspondence, congres sional resolves, and public speeches all over the entire country, to wit: "That they had no desire or intention to interfere with any institution of any of the States, but to restore the Union, with all the rights, powers and dignity of the States unimpaired;" but with shameless impudence aud perfidy changed the suppression of the rebellion and the restoration of the Union to the suppres-ion of the Constitution and the liberation of the negro, as soon as a million brave and patriotic hearts , beat time to the martial roll of the drum, we arraign them for violations of faith aud law, for, under the tyrant's plea of necessity, abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia; for taxing the blood and sinew of this . generation, and also of unborn millions of fair, white fieemeu of the North for"compensated emancipation" of slaves, thvs doubly cursing us and them w ith the burdens of debt and the burdens of a thriftless population to crowd the poorhonses and prisons; for an attempt to trampledown the constitutions of States by forcing the negroes North; for uividing Virginia without the consent of the people; tor encumbering the halls of Congress with bogus member trom military districts: for proclaiming martial law in loyal States; for arbitrarily arresting and imprisoning peaceable loyal men without due process of law; for exacting, as a condition of release from the dungeon, nu oath that the outraged p arty would not institute legal proceedings against bis oppressors for the wrongs received; lor a disgraceful attempt toparabze the arm of justice, by an act of Congress to! indemnify President Lincoln anil his sub Lincolns, for violation ot laws tliV they had with uplifted hands solemnly sworn to preserve; for an attempt to suppress the freedom of speech und of the press; all having an intention and tendency to embar rass the free whites of the North, for the liberation of the black slaves of the South; for the most stupendous frauds and profligacy that ever blackened an Administration or cured a confiding and loyal people. 4. That the late curtently reported net of G v. Morton in putting the arms belonging to ihe State in the hands of members of his own po litical party exclusively, has a tendency to excite suspicion and alurm, and may lead to bloodshed in our State, and deserves the unqualified conilenm itilm of all lovers of peace aud order, ami is only equaled bv a similar act of Secretary Floyd for a similar unhallowed purpose. ii. That we oppose all propositions of a "reconstruction" Oil the basis of leaving out New England, but will cordially approve of such measures as will render fanatical Abolitionism and other pet "isms" of that section powerless in the Union for evil. 6. That we approve of the course of our Rep resentative, J . F. Harney, in maintaining the principles upon which he was elected, and espec'uiiv for his effort to have lowered the rates of freight upon our produce shipped to the seaboard through the State of New York, by memoralizing the Legislature of that State upon the subject. T H. MESSIC. Chairman. M. M. Hexrt, Secretary. Legislative Summary-. Monday, Feb. 16, 1SC3. Senate. The Prison Committee was absent and there was not a quorum present in the Senate. Considerable business was done in the way of reading up House and Senate bills, hearing reports Irom the standing committees, &c. but nothing of general interest was done and thei e was no fiual action on any measure betöre the Senate. House. Bills reaching No. 207 were introduced. A number passed the second reading. Nothing important done. No quorum. Tcr.soAT, February 17. 1SC3. Senate. The bill for apportioning the State for legislative purposes was m ide the special order iu committee of the whole on Thursday, at 10 o'clock A. M. A number of bills were re ported on from the committees. Bills wrre introduced reaching to No. 143. A memorial was re ceived from the 34th regiment, and ordered to be printed with those from the Army of the Cumberland. The bill to compel railroads to keep ou hand sufficient rolling stock to accommodate the trade along their lines was debated by Messrs. Browne, of Randolph, Shields, Mansfield, Corbin. Ray, Murray und Graves, and finally recommitted to the Judiciary Committee with an amendment. House A resolution was adopted for the unfurling ot the national flag over the dome of the Capitol, saluted by 101) guns, iu honor of the Union, on the 22 1 of February, after an amend tnent, considering that we did not want all these things done ou Sunday, fixing the 23d lor this magnificent display of our patriotism. Bills ex tending time to railroad companies who have ex pended $2,000 pet mil; affecting the Cincinnati & Fort Wayne and authorizing loreign railroads to m.ike connections with Indiana roads, and to increase pav-of Supreme Court Reporter, were Dasscd. Hill reaching No. 227 introduced. Mr. Ham. a introduced his Military and Executive Council bill, which wa pished to a second reading. A number of bills were read a fecond time and referred. Wednesday. February IB. 16C3. Senate. It was a working day in the Senate. The bills on second reading were read up and re ferieii, and a number passed. The discussions wer confined to the acts under consideration. The following were passed: Reo,uirin;r railroad companies in tins State to have three fourths of their directors elected from resident stockholders; to amend the Supervisors' act (the biil ives siwer to the County Commissioners to collect the road tax in any township in monev under cer.ain resti iction-J ; to amend section 1 of the common school law (the bill defines negroes aud mulattoes, as used in the law, t consist of one eighth or more of negro blood); defining bastardy and prescribing penalties there for; to amend section 2 of the act in relation to County Auditors; to legalize appropriations for the support of the families of volunteers; prescribing fees to be charged by the Secretary and Auditor of State iu certain cases; to fix the time of holding ihe Common Pleas Court in the fifth judicial district; to amend section 7 of the act providing a Reporter tor the Supreme Court; for the appointment of Master Commissioners in the teveral counties; to authorize County Commis8io. ers to organize turnpike companies. House Mr. Lisselle's peace and armistice joint resolution, coming up on special order, it was amended,, referred to Committee on Federal Relations, and set for next Tuesday. The Congressional apportionment bill ws Introduced. Gentlemen belonging to Committee of Ways and Meii.s reported that they had destroyed an amount of cancelled land atid treasury no'es. Bills were injroduced reachinc 237. Bill to more effectually protect tho rights of citizens, and to enforce obedience to the writ of habeas corpus, was passed; also bill granting jurisdiction to the United States over arsenal grounds in Indianapolis. The day was chiefly devoted to business, mid many matters not of general iuterest were definitely acted ou. Zf A large amount of property is changing hands in our city just now. We have heard in the last few days of several sales of busiuess property, and any number of lots and dwellings T. k. J. Cox sold their store room, 16 feet front by 105 feet deep, on the south side ol Washington, between Illinois and Meridian streets, to the Messrs. McOuats, at $450 per foot. The building is not considered valuable, nud the price paid will indicate the value of the ground. Thirty three feet front, bv l'Jä feet deep, just eart of Blackfcrd'a Block! was sold to Robert Browning at the same price ($450) per foot. The Fanneis' Hotel, on Illinois street, was sold to a gentleman from Lafayette at $14,500 all down in speciegold and silver. XTBrigadier General Willis A. Gorman, wlvy, it is said, has been engaged in cotton speculations, has been ordered to report at Memphi for examination. Louisville Journal.

CO.! C H ESS 1 OX A L.

Washington, February 16. Senate Mr. Davis called up the bill regulating the appointment of Midshipmen, the question pending ou'the, adoption of the amendment ratifying apiointnieiiis made by the President and Secretary of the Navy. Mr. Grimes's amendment was rejected. Mr. Anthony moved to amend the bill so that appointments shall be made with reference to merits and qualifications, to be ascertained by examination of candidates selected. At the expiration of the morning hour the Chair called up the special oider. namely, the bill enrolling and calling out the militia of the United State. Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, aid he simply proposed to explain the bill and the reason why it was introduced. We were now engaged in a gigantic struggle for the preservation of national lite. For twenty months we had been sending the young men ot the country into the field. These regiments had suffered much from battle and disease, until now msuv of the old regiments numbered no more than 400. We were told by the leaders of the rebellion that they were fighting for independence, and that they would make no compromise; therefore the folly of talking of peace and compromise was comprehended by alt loyal men, and all such talk was little better than treason. This battle was to be fought out to the end, and he wanted it so fought as to crush out the rebellion and restore the nation. He assumed that it was the duty of every good citizen to do his utmost to preserve the National life. Congress had the right to raise armies, put down insurrection, and if necessary it had the right to call iuto the service of the country every citizen either as a volunteer or by draft. It might never be necessary to put the bill into execution. He hoped it wonld not; but it was the duty of Congress to provide all necessary means to carry on this contest. The bill proposed to. enroll the whole people of the country, and not merely the militia. Mr. Cowan moved to insert members of. Congress among the persons exempted from the provisions of the bill. Mr Wilson hoped the amendment would not be adopted. Mr. Doolittle thought the Amendment would not be of much practical value, for the bill only included persons under 45, and scarcely any Senator would be included. Mr. C'dlawier offered an amendment requiring the President in the call proposed in the bill to take into account t'.e number of men each Sate has furnished, and make the apportionment among the States accordingly. Mr. Cowan thought the amendment could not be practically carried into effect without great confusion. At 4.30 the Senate took a recess until seven o'clock. House The House resumed the consideration. of the Indian appropriation bill amendment to pay in bonds, including those stolen from the Interior Department held in trust for various tribes. Rejected. Mr Stevens offered a resolution, which, after amendment, was adopted, that after to day the House will take a recess from half-past four till seven o'clock, unless otherwise ordered by members present at the hour of recess. - The Indian appropriation bill was reported from the Committee of the Whole with an amendment, and will be voted on herealter. The House resumed the cons. deration of the Louisiana case. Washington. Feb. 16. EVENING SESSION. Senate Mr Chandler called up the bill lor the relief of the crew of the ship Nightingale. Passed The Senate proceeded to the consideration of the bill enrolling aud calling out National forces The pending amendment of Mr. Collamer was adopted. Mr Clark moved an amendment, which was adopted, allowing the person drafted to be exempted by procuring a substitute or paying a sum of money not exceeding $300, to be fixed by the Secretary of War: but failing to appear or procure a substitute or pay the required sum, to be arrested and tried by court martial. . Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, moved an amendment, w hich was adopted, to make the first class include those between the ages of 2D and 35. instead of IS and 35. Mr. Sumner moved an amendment that all Ministeisof the Gospels be exempted. After discussion the amendment was rejected, and the bill reported to the Senate. The question recurred on agreeing to the amendment excepting Governors and the Judiciary of States. Mr. Trumbull favored the amendment. Mr. Dixon thought it highly important that all should be included, as it would tend to allay any dissatisfaction that might arise. Mr. Rice said if the bill did not exempt those exempted by State Constitutions there would be a revolution. Several voices "Oh, no!" Mr. McDoUüal said if there was to be a revolution in the North, let it come now. But he did not believe there would be any such revolu lion. Mr. Rice did not want Senators to touch any State Constitution. The amendment was not concurred iu veas 17. navs l'J Mr. Wilkinson renewed amendment to exempt members of Congiess. Rejected yeas 16, nays 20. Mr. Mi-Dougal, offered an amendment, which was adopted, including citizens of foreign birth who may have declared intention to become citizens, in provision of the bill. Mr.-Kin? renewed amendment to exempt Gov ernors of States. Adopted. At 12 o'clock the bill passed the Senate. Washington, February 17. Senate Mr. Grimes called up the bill authorizing letters of marque and reprisal. He briefly ured the passage of the biil. Mr. Sumner thought the bill would bring new and difficult embarr.osments noon the nation. This was a bill to establish privateers, whose only reward was looiy as an incentive to enter pi ize. Mr.- McD tugal could see no ground for the objections of the Senator from Massachusetts, unless on the hypothesis that he belonged to the peace establishment. He could see no reason why, in time of war, our most effective force on the ocean should not be used against the enemy. Our commerce to day wos in danger from private armed vessels of the Rebels. They had been allow ed by other nations to issue letters of marque and had been granted commissions en'illing them to enter foreign ports: and et we stood questioning whether we should grant power to private vessels to t-eize those vessels. Mr. Collamer said one treat objection to the 6ystcm was. it seemed to be a remnant of comparatively ancient barbarism to send out vessels to take private property at sea. It was agreed now by ordinary laws of war that the private property of un enemy was not subject to capture. Mr. Dixon thought there was no necessity for a measure of this kind. ilr. Davis said the rebels had only a few fast vessels, but no commerce If these vessels were captured, it would be an end to the matter. He could sec no necessity for such a measure at this time. After further discussion a substitute was offered by Mr. Grimes authorizing the President in all foreign and domestic wars to issue letters of marque and make all needful regulations. Adopted. Mr.' Sherman offered an -meudment, which was adopted, limiting the authority conferred by the act to three ears. Mr. Sumner offered an amendment confining t the operations of the 'bill to the suppression of the rebellion. Mr. McDougal believed that before the meeting of another Congress we should be involved in a foreign war, aud iie wanted to have the country prepared. The amendment was rejected by a rote of 13 to 22 Mr. Sumner offered an amendment as a substitute, reviewing the acts of 1812 and 1913, concerning letters of marque aud applying them to that portion of the United States now iu insurrection. House. The House resumed the consideration of the Loirsiaua election case. Mr. Porter reported a bill, which passed. changing the time of holding Circuit and District Courts iu Indiana. The Indian appropriation bill passed. After considerable discussion House adopted the resolutions of the Committee on Elections declaring Messrs. Flanders and U ihn entitled to seats by 92 against 44. Mr. Habn was sworn iu; Mr. Flanders was not present. The case of Lew is McKenzie, claiming election from Virginia, was taken up. Mr. Dawes explained that the election was without authority of taw, and that loyal voters bad no opportunity to vote Mr. McKenzie briefly advocated his claims, when the question was taken on resolution that he was not entitled to a seat. Adopted. The House proceeded to the consideration of the Senate's amendments to the. bill to pro

vide ways and meant for support of the Government. Washinoton, Feb. 19. Fenatk The Sxretary presented a communication from the Vice President stating he should be ubsetit for the remainder of the session. '

O.i motion of Mr. Fessenden. Mr. Solomon Foote was chosen President pro tem. üir. Lane, ol Indiana, called up the bill chang ing the lime of holding U. S. courts iu Indiana. Passed. i Mr. W ilson, from Military Committee, asked to be discharged from further consideration of the bill to amend an act for the collection of taxes in insurrectionary districts. Mr. Wilson, of M ssouri, presented credentials of Hon. John B. Henderson, elected United States Senator by the Legislature of Missouri. Mr. Clark called up the bill for the settlement of claims for damages done by Uniou troops. This bill provides lor three commissioners and solicitor to hear and examine all such claims and claims for property taken by the Union troops; that claims shall be advertised publicly, and presented withm three years, no damage is to be paid oa account of slaves taken or escaping, the fiud:ng of the Commissioners to be returned to Congress through the Secretary of Wr. The bill was rostponed until to morrow. Mr. Fessenden called up the bill making appropriations for fortifications No amendments were offered, and the bill passed. Mr. Harlan called up the bill to establish the guaj.-e o the PaciBc railroad and it branches, fixing the guage at 4 feet Mi inche-. It was dis cussed at some length by Messrs Lithim. Pomeroy. Grimes, McDougal, and others. Mr. King moved to amend .-o us to make the guaire S feet. Rejected. Bill passed 26 to D. Mr. Chandler called up the bill donating lands to Michigan and Wisconsin for a military road. Passed. Mr. Harris called up the bill organizing the courts of the District of Columbia. I he subject whs uncoticludcd w hen the Senate adjourned. House The House considered the bill re ported by Mr. Mailory, from the Committee on Roads and Canals, that the Louisville & Nashville Railroad Company nud the UefTersouville Railroad Company being stockholders in the Louisville Bridge Company, the post road act of July last shall authorize the consttuction of a bridge at ihe falls of the Ohio, for said companies; all the provisions of that act to apply to these and also to the Maysvillc & Big SanJy and Lexington li Big Sandy Railroad Compmies, so far as practicable, and shall authorize said companies, or either of them, to construct a bridge,' or bridges, across aid river at any of the points on the lines ot their Kinds. Mr. Mallory said this bill was intended to authorize the building of bridges over tile Ohio below the Big Sand the ac of July last authorizing them to be constructed above the Big Sandy. The bill passed 9U against 71. The House took up the Senate's substitute for the bill to aid the State uf Missouri in the abolishment of slaveiy, proxiding that whenever the President shall be satisfied that Missouri has adopted a valid and constitutional ordinance for the gradual or immediate alolition or exclusion of slavery therefrom. $20,000,000 in bonds, with interest at 5 pet t ent, per annum, payable thirty years after date, i'c. Mr. Norton made the point that the bill made an appropriation, and therefore must be referred, in accordance with the Pacific railroad bill. The Speaker ruled that the point was well taken, and the bill must go to Commilteeof the hole Mr White, of Indiana, moved the subject be recommitted to the select committee on emanci patiou. Agreed to ?1 to 60. 1 he House Tucee"'e. to consider the Senate's substitute for the bill indemnifying the President for thesuspension of the habeas corpus. Mr..Voorhees .-poke against the nieasu e. He referred to the Magna Char;a, the Bill of Bights, the habeas corpus. &c , tracing the contest for free principles in England for 6)0 years, and in this connection condemning the seizure and imprisonment of men lor declaring what thev thought law should be, or attempting to avail themselves of rights secured by the Constitution, and all this by the will of one man only at Washington. Mr. Daly, delegate from Nebraska, proceeded to examine the difficulty. There were men who were continually crying out against the Administration, and why was them a revolution when it it was not necessary to resort to arrests? The Constitution warranted the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus when the public safety required it. The great fault was, that the Administration had not arrested enough, nor punished them seveielv enough. Applause in the gal leries. There were hundieds aud thousands of men in the North who were in sympathy with the rebellion, and they should be punished. Applause 1 Mr. Vallandigham bere gave notice that if ihe disturbance was repeated he should demand the enforcement of the rules, although he knew this to be a farce Mr. Noel, rising to a question of order, said Mr. Vallandigham's remarks were in contempt of this House Mr. Vallandigham replied that the point was not well taken, as his allusion was not to the House. Mr. Daly resuming s iid. a farce had been going on lor the last year. There had been a party crying out against the Government, while professing they were in favor of the Union. They were all the time saying the expression of the country, in the recent elections, was in favor of peace; but such pretenders counted with out their host; the disposition among the people was lo give no quarter to Rebels. You couldn't tell whit such partisans favored, but you knew they weie opposed to the Administration Those who were continually crying out against the war and the Administiation were trying to turn matters in favor of the South. Mr. Julian di-cussed political affairs, saying Democrats were the caue of the rebellion, and all the Democrats from Jeff. Davis down were in rebellion to day. kk ts -Hm - Whither arc We Unftinp! By request of the citizens of several counties we publish the following communication upon the pre.-ent aspect of public affairs: Nashville, Ind , Feu. 16, 1563. Editor or State Sentinel: That we are on the eve of civil war in our State, is a widely prevalent opinion. It is not the effervescence of au excitable city population, but the subject of grave discussion and no little preparation among a people not easily aro ised, and who are accus tomed to deliberate. Such a war, it is needless to remind the reflectii:g. will be productive of untold evils, without conducing to public benefit. Nor can those who invoke it escape its consequences. In truth, they are the most likely to be among the first victims. I propose to call attention to the following causes likely to bring war to our doors and between neighbors: 1. Attempts on the part of State officials to arm their party favorites, while Democrats are shut out from the use of the public arms. The Democracy aie not asleep upon this subject, but are duly posted with the movements of each neighborhood throughout the State. 2. Attempts to prevent free speech by arresting citizens without warrant of law, and denying proper trial by civil Courts. 3. Inciting mobs to acts of violence against the person or property ot Democrats, without speedy and lawful relias. And the following are some ot the means of preventing a collision: 1. Pi eparation, speedy and ample, to resist every effort to deprive the citizeu of his constitutional rights, by proper organizations aud whatever else is necessary to resist force with force. Nations ol times keep expensive armies and navies with a view of presenting rather than inviting war. The lesson is a wholesome one, and we should, profit by it. Let us be prepared for ah emergency, and we will be the more likely to enjoy peace. In this connection it may be well to apprise those miscreants, who proles a desire to revel in Democratic blood, that the Democracy are not destitute of arms or other appliances. They do not court, nay they deprecate, civil war But they are determined, and the first Democratic blood shed, or Democratic property destroyed, without authority of law, for political reasons, it not speedily redre-ed by due course of law, or if sanctioned by Republican officials, will be the signal for the uprising of one hundred thousand patriots ready to avenge what would be then a stroke at the rights of every Democrat. Nor will the war be confined to this State. It will spread from State to State till the whole Union will be convulsed. 2. Requiring army officers to attend to the business tor which they are paid, aud to abstain from abuse of citizens for daring to think aud act for themselves, and from threats of violence against those who differ with them touching questions of public policy interesting all alike. Their threats are impotent, their motives understood and their influence powerless to change the opinions of the people. They are simply cut ting their own throats, hurting no one else. Tbey need not talk, about bringing the troops home to attack citizens. That is is the sheerest nonsense.

These soldiers are Dot so far brutalized that they would turn their arms against father and brother; they would be more likely to use them upon the men who would incite them to such a damning crime. 3. The incendiary appeila of the Republican press to tne mob spirit of their party, eucournging such acts ot violence as will force the uprising. We are all interested in keeping war from our borders. A child may bring it on, but a giant cannot stop it. When it comes the bloody line it will draw between citizens will not stop there: it will divide the artny. It requires no prophet to predict the result. The late election returns indicate clearly where the strength is. Let as. therefore, consider well before we let loose the fierce passions of a people smarting under almost insupportable wrongs. Think of these tbinps, friend of peace, and conform your conduct to the iuggestious of wisdom.

TU Fraud upon the Soldiers II w tlie .Tiurf reekboro (Ceaol utiona were Approved Ed. State Sentinel: I am in receipt of letters from the bin and 22d regiments of Indiana Volunteers, of recent date, representing that they voted for Col. Morton C. Hunter's resolutions under the impression that the Legislature of Iadiana had voted against supplies to the army, and were iu favor of recognizing the Southern Confederacy They say they were so informed by their. officers before the vote was taken, and they now suspect that they were deceived. Tbey further state that many refused to voteat all. One states that Colonel Morton C. Hunter, Lincoln E.ector for the 3d District in lfcGO.toId the writer a few days before the vote was uken that the Democratic Legislature of Indiana was for re cognizing the Southern Confederacy, and had voteu against supplies tor the army; that Colonel Gooding made a speech " against the Legislature to his regiment, and then asked how many were iu favor of laving down their arms and submitting to the South', and that if the vote had been taken by ballot the result would have been quite different, and that great dissatisfaction prevails tmoiig the men, the feeling being almost unanimous against the emancipation proclamation. These parties write me for information as to the truth ot these chare.es against tbe Legislature. We here have a key to the manner in which the infamous Hunter re.-olutions were "juggled" through, aud the explanation shows up the tricksters who pulled the wires in a roost unenviable light, particularly when the fundamental idea with army officers is said to be "honor." H. Frankfort. Feb- IS. James Harlan. United States D. strict .Attorney for Kentucky, died this morning, of pneumonia. LEGAL. CJTATE OK INDIANA, MARION COCSTT.SS: Inthe iUron Circuit Court of ilirion count v, in th Slate of Indian. March Term, A. D. 1MJ3. Abnrr Hei.bs vs. Tliuinat McCuy, Kliza McCoy, tieorp VT". Spit Irr, Malittda Spiller, David Snjrier and Martha . Snyder. He it known, that on this 21 day of February.ln the year 1S63, tbe above named plaintiff by his attorney filed In the otlice of tbe Clerk of the Marion Circuit Court hU complaint (raini-t Mid drfrminnts in tbe above entilk-4 cause, together with an alliilavit of a competent perwn, that said de'endmits, Thomas McCoy. Una McCoy, David Snyder and Martha Snjder are not residents if the State 'f Indiana. Said defendant are therefore hereby notified of the filing and pendency uf said complaint apaiuM them, and that unless they appear and answer or demurthereto.at tbecalling of Maid cause on the econd day of the next term of said Court, to be beirun and held at the Court-house, in the city of Indianapolis on tbef- er h Monday n March next, said complaint, and the matters and thing therein contained aud alleged, will br heard and determined In their absence. WILLIAM WaLLaCK, Clerk. By W C. swocit. Deputy. McDonald, Rosche i. Lewis, Attorney tor Plaintiff. feb4-dliw3 NOTICE OF ADMINISTRATION NOTICE IS HKREBY CIVEX THAT THE ODEB1 1 siirned has been appointed administratrix of the estate of Christain Newcomer, deceased. Siiirt eute If supposed to be solvent. MARY NEWCOMER, feb2-4tw ADMINISTRATOR'S SALE. -TOTICE Is HE KELT GIVEN THAT I WIIL SELL AT public auction on Friday, the 6th day of March next, at the rei 'ence of Christa n Newcomber. deeeased. No. 99 Wet Maryland Tstreet. in the city .f Indianapolis, all thpersoHal jiropertv of ait deceased, not taken I J the w idow, c nMstinR "f a K"od cubstnia! buirpy, w at h, shot jru", household furniture and other articles. A credit of four months will be pivrn on all sums over th purchaser giving his note with approved wcurity, waiving- valuation and appraisement laws. Ieb9-3w MARY NEWCOMKK.Admhrhvratrix. LICENSE. otice of Application for Licence "VTOTICE IS HEREBY (UVEN THAT I WILL APPLT X to the Board of Commissioners of Marion county, Indiana, at their next term. lsC3. for a license to sell intoxirutiug liquors in a less quantity than a quart at atime, with the privilege of allowing the same to be drank on my premises, for one year. My place of business and the premises w hereon said liquors are to be sold and drank are located at N. 67 South lllinoj-street, in square 7, in Indianapolis, Center township, Marion count v. Indiana feb9-3w M.CLARK. otire of Application for Licence VTOTJCE1S HEREBY GIVEN THAT 1 Vi ILL ATPLY 1 to the Board of Commissioners of Marion county, Indiana, at their next term, commencing n.tfce first Monday in March, lst3, for a licence to sell "intoxicating liquors iu a less quantit than a qusrt at a time," with the privilece of allowing tbe lime to be drank on my premises, for one year My pluce of business and the premises whereon said liquors sre to be sold and drank are located at No 31 West Market street, known as the Ohio House, in Indianapolis, Center township, in Marion count , Indiana. Ieb9-w3 MARTI" NF.IVAN. WANTED. $75 TO $150 PER MONTH. TWVIK L1TTLK GIANT .EWINU MACIIINK COMI PANY want an aeent iu each county to solicit orders for their new $15 Me!rne, with suape, screw driver and extra needles. We will pay a liberal salary and expenses. or give lurse commission. For particulars, terms, Ac, inclose a stamp and address T 5. PAa E.Toledo. Ohio. dec31-dltAw3m General Agent tor tbe C. S. LAND ACENl. .i;o. v. ii.i;it, GENKKaL COLLECTION AND LAND AGENT, fiariiett, A liderson county, Kansas. Tses paid for non-re-ideuis, and all busines entrusted to my care will receire prompt attention. KrrKkt sCKs: Clark. Gruber A Co., Bankers, Leavenworth, I homastarney A Co., Merchants, W. Y. Wiley, Indianapolis. And. Wallace. Indianapolis. dec2-W'Stn MEDICAL. Ilotcard dissociation, i'hila., 1,1 OK TUE RELIEF OF T1IK SICK AND DISTRESSKD. afflicted with Virulent and Chronic Diseases, and especially diseases of the Sexual Organs Medicsl Advice (riven icrati ry tho Actin; Sargeon. Valuable Reports on Spermatorrhea or Seminal Weakness,and other Diseases of the Sexual Organs, and on tb new remedies employed In the Dispensary, sent In sealed letter en velope,free ofrharpe, Adilress DK. J. SKILLIN HOUGHTON, Howard Association, No.2 South Ninth St., feblO-wly'62 Philadelphia Pa. SCALES. PATENT PLATFORM SCALES A lBBAKK'S CATTLE, HAT,. COAL, GRAIN, WAREHOUSE, RAILROAD, TRACK, A COUNTER SCALES, ,jj -Manufactured only by "-it!! H i E. t F. FAIEBANK . il . Os nx.ia-4 ; 1 M ennom. r or nie at v I J t - il t . - . 1 u v.awvv Y ir.niif.rnr.-....k-'Vi $1 " ' i , Agent, T4 WestWashinttonst, ndlanapolis, Indiana. Why should I buy box o BUANDE'S TUSSILÄGO, THK WONDERFUL GRANULES. Because tbey cre Con h and Cold, for 35 cents. Ti RA N DE'S TUSSILAGO la good for Public Sneaker and ßingers, TO CLEAR THK VOICE. BRANDE'S TUSSILAGO CURES n00P!5Q COUGH AND CB0CP. ty SUd by all Drcg'sia. U aenta a koa.