Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 40, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 February 1863 — Page 2

WEEKLY SENTINEL

MONDAY, FEUKUAUY 23. A .TlUlorlune, A report appeared ia.tie Jour aal, of Thursday, of a so called "tJaioa" meeting iu Masonic Hall on the evening previous. Among the speaker was otie "lion. D.wio Ibamuui." According to the representations of the Republican organ he was as iurioua aa a bull in a china chop and about as sensible. The only points we noticed in his speech, excepting its malevolence, were a good opinion of himself and a bad opinion of a! I who were uawillin; to follow tfcelead of a blind, p;ejudiced.vindicttve, narrow-minded and ignorant Republican leader. In the course of his remarks he is reported to have said: "He had the misfortune belong to the lower House how much lower could a man go?" The only response that can be made to such an inquiry 13, can there be a lower depth of infamy, of treachery ta the principles upon which the Federal Union and Government were founded, than to follow or justify the stupid and malevolent spirit of the leaders of the party in power, who, to gratify their vindictive partisanship, would destroy the Constitution and popular Government, even if they were overwhelmed in their ruin. It is a little singular that a man who has openly and persistently advocated the doctrine upon which the Rebels justify their present position the revolutionary right of the minority under the Constitution should have the impudence to talk of treason and traitors. It is the idlest mockery for men advocating such principles to even assume the garb of loyalty unless it be the loyalty to party and, partisan platforms rather than the Constitution and the principles upon which civil liberty are based. Men who occupy such a position, to use the expressive language of the"Hou. David Braxham," are either infernal traitors or infernal fools." And the distingnishel Republican leider of his party in Indiana illustrates his own folly, when he states that "The true plan of an armistice is to call out eve ry able.bodie 1 man, and crush out traitors everywhere." If this policy was adopted, against whom would such an army operate? S.iys Mr. Bra mi am, it would be to "fight traitors in the field, and take care of those at home." But if every able bodied man was called out, where would be found the "traitors at home?' If any, it would be among the women, children and infirm men. And it is against weak-bodied men and helpless women aud children, whom Mr. BraxHA3f might su.-pectof traitorous sympathies, that he would array an army composed of "every able bodied man." Brave, valiant and gallant Bka.vuam! We must judge a man by what he says, and such is the uncontradicted version of Mr. Bkaxham's speech in the organ which reflects bis sentiments and those of men like him. Said a wise man, "answer a fool according to his folly." Bran ham answers himself. Mr. Buamiam belongs to a class of "patriots" who eloquently discourse about the duty of every able bodied man going to the field to suppress the rebellion. This is the burden of their song. But such "patriots" are very careful not to place their bodies iu a position to stop the bullets of ihe enemy. They may, as Mr. Brax: ham said it was their duty, "pledge their lives their all for the Union," but they are very careful cot to give a drop of one or a mite of the other. It is time that the malicious gasconade of the Braxhame school of politicians should cease. Their mission is ended. The people are determined that the waste of blood and treasure exhausting to all sections of the country shall cease. And their voice will be potential to that end. In this sentiment and feeling the people are far ahead of the politicians. The families of Indiana, regardless of party affiliations, who have fathers, sons and brothers in the field, are unwilling they should be sacrificed in an Abolition crusade or to continue a party in power which has demonstrated its inability to wisely and successfully admitiister the government. Politicians like Braxham are the misfortune of the nation. More than t. is they are its curse. Extract from the Speed of flenrr Cluy in the l'.S. .Senate, In February IS3U oh the Danger of I'oliticul Aboli tioniMu. For some time tbey continued to make these appeals to our duty and our interest; but impatient with the slow influence of their logic in our stupid minds, they recently resolved to change their system of action. To the agency of their power of persuasion, they noir propose to substitute the jHjwers of the ballot box; and he must e blind to what is passing before Us, who does not perceive that the inreitable tendency of their proceedings Is, if thev should be found insufficient, to invoke, finally, the more potent powers of the bayonet. Mr. President, it is at this alarming stage of the proceedings of the ultra Abolitionists, that I would seriously invite every considerate man in the country solemnly to pause, and deliberately to reflect, not merely on our existing posture, but upon that dreadful precipice down which they would hurry us. It is because these ultra Abolitionists have ceased to employ the instruments of reason and persuasion, have made their cause political, and hav appealed to the ballot-box, that I am induced, upon this occasion, to address you. I will not detain the Senate longer on the subject of slavery within this District and in Florid (then a Territory) or ot the right of Congress to prohibit the removal of slaves from one State to another. These, aa f have already" intim itel, are so many masked batteries, concealing the real and ultimate point of attack. That point of attack is the institution of domestic slavery, as it exists in these States. It is to liberate three millions of slaves held in bondage within them. It was this (the subject of slavery) which created the greatest obstacle, and the most anxious solicitude, in the deliberations of the convention that adopted the general Constitution. And it is this subject that baa ever been regarded with the deepest anxiety by all who are seriously desirous of the permanency of our Union. The father of his country, in his last affecting and solemn appeal to his feile w citizens, deprecated, as a most calamitous event, the geographical divisions which it might produce. The convention wisely left to the several States the power over the institution of slavery, a a power not necessary to the plan of onion which it deviel, and as one with which the General Government could not be invested, without pi mting the seeds of certain destruction. There let it remain undisturbed by any unhallowed hand. Sir, I am not iu the habit ot speaking lightly of the possibility of dissolving this happy Union. The Senate knows that I have deprecated allusions, on ordinary occasions, to that direful event. The country will testify that, if there be anything in the history of my public career worthy of recollection, it is the truth and sincerity of my ardent devotion t iu lasting preservation. But we should be false in our allegiance to it, if we dil not discriminate between the real and imaginary dangers by which it 'may be assailed. Abolition should do longer be regarded as an imaginary danger.' - "The Abolitionists, let me -edppo, succeed in their present aim of uniting the inhabitants of the free States, as one man, Against the iahabitanuof the slave States. Union . go the one side will beget union on the other. Aai this procesa of reciprocal consolidation will t atftxled .with all the violent . prejudices, em

bittered passions and implacable animosities which ever degraded or deformed human nature. A violent dissolution of the Union will have taken place, while the forms of its existence remain. The most valuable element of union, mutual kindness, the feelings of sj mpathy, the fraternal bonds which Dow h.ipt.Uy'uuUö Ui, will luve been

extinguished forever. One section will stand in menacing and hostile array against the other. The collision of opinion will bequickly followed by the clash of ai ms. I will not attempt to describe scenes which now happily lie concealed from our view. Abolition ists themselves would shrink back in dismay and horror at the contemplation of desolate fields, conflagrated cities, murdered inhabitants, and the overthrow of the tairest fabric of human govern ment that ever rose to animate the hopes of civilized man. Nor should these Abolitionists flatter themselves that, if they can succeed in their object of uniting the people of the free States, they will enter the contest with a numerical superority that must insure victory. All history and experience proves the hazard and uncertainty of war. And we are admonished by Holy Writ, that the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong. But if they were to conquer, whom would they conquer? A foreign foe one who had insulted our flag, invaded our shores and laid our country waste? No, sir; no, sir. It would be a conquest without laurels, without glory; a self, a suicidal conquest; a conquest of brothers over brother?, achieved by one over apother portion cf the descendants of common aucestors, who, nobly pledging their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor, had fought and bled, side by side, in many a hard fought battle on land and ocean, severed our couutrr from the British crown and established our national independence. The t'onscrljilion Hill The Law Compelling tue People, if the Wae coxtixies, to go ixto the armt agaixst THEIR WILL BT FORCE TllE MaCHIXLET OK tue Law Those Mex who cax pat Three Hundred Dollars to be let off The Machin ley or Spies axd Detectives. From the Xew Tori Tribnne. Mr. Wilson's bill, which passed the Senate on Monday night, provides, as regards conscription, in substance as follows: All able bodied male citizens, and those who have declared their intention to become such, or have exercised the riht of suffrage, between the ages of twenty and fort? five ye irs, constitute the national forces of the United States, are liable to perform m'Titary duty when called out by the President. The exempts are those who are physically or mentally unfit, the Vice President, heads of Executive Departments. United States Judges. Governors ol States, only son of au indigent widow, or infirm parent, or one such son, where there are two or more, to be selected by the pireut, also the only brother of orphan children under twelve vears, alo the father of motherless children of the same age; and w here two eif a lamily are in i. iiitary service therem dt.derof str-h family, not exceeding two, shall be exempt. No person convicted of felony shall be enrolled or permitted to serve. The National force not now in service is to be divided into two classes, the first class embracing all between 2'J and 3.5 vears of age, and all unmarried men be tween 35 and 43 years of age. The second class embraces all the others, and will not be called into service until after the first class. For convenience or enrollment, districts are made corresponding with the Congressianal Dis tricts; in each of which the President appoints a Piovost Marshal, with rank and pay of a Captain of cava'rj ; or he may detail an officer of similar rank, who shall have a bureau in the ar Department, and shall make the needful rules and regulations for carrying out the provisions of this act. These Marshals are to arrest deserters, report treasonable practices, and detect spies. &c. In each district there is to be a Board of Enroll ment, consisting of the Provost Marshall and two other persons, appointed by the President, one of whom is tobe a physician' and surgeon, this Board shall divide the districts into convenient sub-districts, and perfect an enrollment once in each year, each class tobe enrolled sepantely. Persons thus enrolled are subject for two years to be called iuto service to serve for three years or during the war, on the same footing with the present volunteers, advance pay, bounty money, sc., mcludeu. When necessary to m ike a draft, the President shall indicate the number for each district, taking into consideration the number already furnished since the beginning of the war, so as to fairlv equalize the burden; the enrolling officers shall then make the draft with fifty per cent, addition. and within ten days serve notices upon the dratted men. Substitutes mav be furnished, or comrnu tation made not to exceed three hut.dred dollars, at the discretion ot the Secretary of ar. Any person drafted and failing to report, or furnish a substitute, or pay his commutation, shall be denied a deserter, and subject to immediate ar rest. The bill provides for the proper surgical examination of drafted men. and the punishment of Surgeons who receive bribes. When the draft is finished, ail those not taken are allowed traveling pay to their homes. Those who furnish substitutes are exempt for the citire time of the uralt, and the substitute has the same pay, cs though originally drafted. The bill also provides that volunteers now in service who re-enlist lor one year shall have 'a bounty of $30, one half paid down; those who enlist for two years receive $25 of the regular $100 bounty. Tnere are also provisions fur the consolidation of skeleton regiments; also that Generals in the field mav execute court maitial sntence against deserters, mutineers or murder ers without reference to the President. Court martials may reduce absentee officers to the rnk Clothing, arms, ic, shall not be sold, pledged or given away, and may be taken wherever iound in illegal hands; persons who entice soldiers to desert or harbor them, or buy their arms or uniforms, and ship captains or railroad conductor who knowingly convey deserters may be fined $5U0 and imprisoned from six months to two Tears. Any person who resists a draft, or counsels otliers to tlo so, or d:suaues them from perform in military duty, sh ill be summarily arrested, lot tea up until the uralt is brushed, then be tried bv a civil court and fined $500, or imprisoned two yeais, or both. The President, on the pass age of this act, shall issue a proclamation recall ing absentees from the army, who may return without punishment within the time indicated, except the forfeiture of pay for the time of ab sence; those who do not return will be deserters Officers absent with leave, except for sicknt-s or wounds, receive half pay; officers absent without leave, no pay at all. 1 here are other provisions, but chiefly of details not particularly important. Froiu tVatiiiiigton. Possibility ok the Defeat of the Coxscriptiox Bill is Congrfss Probable Failure or the Expedition to Charleston Progress or the Revolution The Voice of the People Aoaixst Executive Usurpations ic, ic. ISpecial Correspondence of the Chicago Times. . Washington, February 15. Since my letter was written in regard to the proposed conscription bill, there have been many indications here that it will not be p issed. Letters have been received by members of Congress from all parus of the country, in which the opiniou of their constituents in regard to the measure UpUiniy expressed. The opinion is universally and strongly avcise to the measure. Not a single constituency have spoken favorably of it. AU denounce it as impolitic, unwise, unjust, iranrac ticab'te, and impossible ot execution. It seems to have done what no other measure of the Admin istration has done, namely: awakened the people to a 1 uil sense ot the fact tbat.it this conscription bill passes, their liberties are completely gone, and they are no more freemen than the serfs of Russia or the slaves of Brazil. It is evident from these letter that free Ameticuu citizens will not stand the conscription; and it is scarcely probable that their representatives here will dare to face the consequences o: passing a measure so renujriiunr to their constituents. It is possible, therefore. that the measure will be abandoned. Sone of the letters from Abolitionists in the Northwest give as a reason against the conscription, that Congress is about to pass a bill to raise 300,000 nero soldiers. But, unfortunately, those letters did not arrive until the Müitnry Committee had decided that the "negro soldiers" project was visionary and impracticable, which is a virtual abandonment of that scheme. The upshot of all this is, not only that we will not have any negro soldiers (which all sensible people knew all along), but also that we are very

likely to have no soldiers at all; for Mr. Stevens

leclares that we have now only 5,000 soldiers, and that the time of 300,000 of these w ill expire next May; and Mr. Liucoin told Gen. Butler, a few days ago, that Governor Seymour sajs the draft canuot be enforced in New York;" and now it seems that Congress will not pass the conscription bill; And, even if it is passed, it seetns "'the peopie wont't be-coTwripted.u- -- Indeed, as a member of Congress remarked to day, "if the people of Warsaw are resisting the conscription, will not the people of America Uo the same: Are our people less tree than trie people ot Poland? Or is the fate of Poland to become ours?" - -- - The efforts of the financiers to avert the evils of the financial schemes of the Administration, which I mentioned in my letter of Feb. 12, seem to have been atteuded with some measure of success. If those schemes take the form of law at all, it seems now that they will be so amended as to produce less mischief than was feared; and it is possible that they may not be passed at all. It is no longer a secret that the present expedi tion to Charleston is one of greater maguitude than has ever before been fitted out during thj war. It is much larger, both in men and guns, than either the Peninsular expeditiou of Gen. McClellan, or the famous Bumside expedition to Roanoke, while it is accompanied by a fleet of ironclad vessels and mortar boats that neither of thetu had. Gen. Hutiter'tt troops, already on the spot, and now strongly reinforced, have been joined by the whole of Gen. Foster's troops late ly in North Carolina; and about one third of the army of the Potomac has now been sent down to co operate with them. Yet the expedition will tad. A statement of the causes of that failure must be reserved for another letter. I can only say now that Gen. Foster, in hopes of removing those causes, Las left the army near Charleston, and is said to be at the War Department now. No event has caused more alarm or greater consternation among the ultra Republicans aud ndicr ls here than the recent message of Gov. Curtin, of Pennsylvania, in regard to the illegal and arbitrary arrests of the Administration. Gov. Cu.tm s an amiable man, a sound lawyer, and has proved himself to be an able and faithful Governor, lie has been, up to this time, one of the most ste d fast supporters ot" the Administra tion. No State hxeeutive, unless it be Governor Morgan, of New York, has rendered such effi cient services in the wav of raising troops and placing them at the disposal of the War Department. The radicals w ho control the President counted as a matter of positive certainty upon finding in him a ready tool to execute their will. if that will was only expressed by the President. And. up to this lime, Governor Curtin, in his zeal for the success of what he has fondly be lieved to be the cause of the Union, aud anxious to uphold what he has regarded as "the Government," has, indeed, complied without question with every requirement ot the President, and has upheld the latter in all his acts, notwithstanding t.iat some of them have been manifestly tyrannical and despotic. The Governor hoped that these acts of despotism and tyranny were only committed under the pressure of actual military necessity, and would not be repeated. But the Governor's eyes ere now opened to the truth. He now perceives that he has been made the unconscious tool of men whom he de spises, and with good reason; that the unjust and illegal arrests of innocent citizens of Pennsylvania are but parts of a gigantic scheme, on the part of the radicals in Congress and iu the Cabi net, to subvert the liberties of the people, to change the whole form of our Government, and to convert it into a despotism. Therefore it is that, iu this message, he lias taken such a decided stand against arbitrary arrests. The language of the message is mihi, but it implies more than it says. The action of Philadelphia in the case of Mr Boileau, and the action of the Pennsylvania Legislature iu the same case, furnish the real import of the Governor's message. It is equivalent to saying that Pennsylvania now takes her stand alongside of New York, New Jersey and Illinois; and that henceforth her citizens shall not be dragged beyond the State limits to be incarcerated in Bastiies for pretended offenses. The radicals here understand very well what Governor Curtin means, and hence their consternation. Their indignity, however, will be powerless to stop the revolution which has now commenced It is evident that the people in all the States are now thoroughly aroused to the dangers that threaten them, and to the plots which their unworthy and faithless servants here have been forming for the subversion of the Constitution.. The action of the Legislatures of Illinois, New Jersey, New York aud Pennsylvania; of the public meetings that are being held everywhere iu the North; and of the Governors of New York and New Jersey, are the exponents of the uill nj the people. If those hints are heeded by tue President and by the crew of unprincipled and reckless Abolitionists who control him, it will be well. If not, the revolution will goon, and no man can tell where it will end. The reserved powers f the Statesand of the people, expressly mentioned in the Constitution, have not yet been called into action. But the people are well aware of their existence, and they are familiariziug themselves with the contemplation of their exercise. The liberties of the nation are not yet lost; they are only imperiled The Constitution is not yet subverted; it is only threatened with subversion. The people do uot forget that Ca'sar had his Brutus, and Charles the First his Cromwell; and it becomes Abraham Lincoln and his Administration o profit by the example of those illustrious tyrants. X. Voice of the Indiana Democracy-!tc oliition of the Democracy of Scott County. A nieeiing of the Democracy of Scott county was held at Wooster, January 24th. James H. Ckuson was elected Chairman, and .Christian Young, Secretary. Dr. W. D. Uutcuixgs. Joux Vest and James B. Benton were appointed a committee to draft resolutions. While the committee were absent the meeting was addressed by Dr David McLlre, and his speech met the iipjjroval and cheers of a large and enthusiastic audience. The following resolutions were reported and unanimously adopted: firjutlnert, 1. That the Government of the United States is a Government f tbe people, from whence ail executive n1 legislative bodies receive their jat powers, anil that the incumbents of ny and 11 oflice within tbipiltof the people are but the servant s of the peojilr; therefore the people have the umloitoted ri-jht to cudciun or approve all official acts cf said servants while entrusted with the power of making and executing the law. State or Federal. Taut we are now, as ever, in favor of prenervitiK the l'nin in its integrity, as a legacy to posterity, with its civil and religious institutions untarnished by despotic csurpatiotK. mid lesire that unborn generations hhall enJoy the priTileae anU 1 enefit of compact ealed by the blood ot the patriotic ire of the revolution 3. That concession and compromis", upon the basis of tbc Crittendt-n amendments, has ever been our niodft of adjusting tbf present national uilticolties, and neither tim" nor circumstance ha changed our opinion as to the expediency of this time honored policy, ancient as our national exist rtice. 4. That we hereby recommend to our State Legislature thi; necessity of immediate action by 'hat body recommending to Congress an armi-tice or cessation of host illtie for a period of time sufficient for the people of both ections to convene in national capacity and deliberately discus measure of amicahle settlement. 5. That tl.e immigration and settlement of free negroe within the limits of the State of Indiana demand the Fe rious attention of our .State Legislature by the immediate enactment of plain but stringent laws enabling tbe people, through the courts, to rarry out the true letter and intention of our Constitution in regard to such immigration. 6. That we believe tint our present form of government wis established by its founder' for the benefit of the white race exclusively, anil that the term ''tree American citizens of African descent," a applied to the neuro 1 of Abolition origin, and a cowardly insult to the Supreme Court and to the American pco;de. 7. That we are opposed to any tax upon the people of non-.-lavehoUing fctates, either director indirect, for the purpw of tuing or emancipating slave in the District of Columbia, alissouri or any other State or Territory. 8. Tht we repudiate the doctrine' of secession and of emancipation a alike unconstitutional, unwise and sulci dal to tue Mates; dangerous to American freedom and t the prosperity of the Federal Union. 8. That already ha thi unwise Administration squan dared th enormous and incomprehensible sum of sixteen hundred millions of dollurs and sacrificed lour hundred thousand or the best men of th I ind upon tbe altar of Abolitionism, robbing the bard fisted yeomen of their hörest earnings to foot the bi'l and to feed thieving pet contrictors of a reckless Administration, 10. That our sincere thank are hereby tendered to the, hundred thousand noble aud patriotic sons ol Indiana now on the tented field for their signal deeds of valor achieved on a hundred battlefields, tielieving that they left their homes, friend and Ii reside confident that tbey were called only to the rescue of tbe proudest republic ever erected by mortal man. 11. That we are !n lavor of the establishment of a Military hoard, by legislative authority, for the government of militia and the transaction of all military buiineK entrusted to civil powers, and trust that our State Legislature will take immediate action upon thi important measur. 12. Tbt the Secretary Is hereby renuest'-d to transmit copy of theae resolutions to the Imlinnnpoli Sentinel and to the Cincinnati Enquirer a d a ropy to the Hon. Ihiniel Blotcher, tnemb rof the LesU'afur from S.-ott. J A MKS H. CKCSOX. Chairman. Chkistia.x Yorjm, Secretary. TCa Convention in ICandoipli County. There will be a mass peace convention held at DeerGeld, llandoljih county. Indiana, on the 7tty of March vext. Al! who are opposed to the present deplorable civil, war, the present Administration, and all those who are in favor of tlie Constitution as it is and the negroes where tluey are, are invited to atteul. without any reference whatever to Jheir former political associations.

Speech of lion. David Turpie in the t'nitrdNiaira Senate on he Missouri I.uiaucipation Kill The Irice of Loyalty. - Mr. President: It would he wed at first thought, it would seem, if the whole world could exist under one form of government. It would be a vast economy in the maintenance of foreign relations. - It would dispose forever with the armies and navies of the globe, the eternal witnesses of national jealousy. It would settle forever the great question of the balance of power. In the community, however, it has ueen ordered that the interest of the whole is best promoted by the pursuitof theititerest of the individual in his particular sphere. The elf-interesl of natious aud of communities ha demanded separation and different nationalities separation not to be

avoided bv identitr of iansuage, by identity of religion, by geographical continuity not to be avoided in auy event where the true and real interests cf the community may dictate it. 1 do not eay this, sir, in justification of the crime of seceion. but 1 say it to ßhow l.ow entirely imbecile and weak is the plea for national unity, founded only upon the circumstance of geographical continuity, ana tne mentiiy oi race, of religion, and ot l inguale. Self-interest di vides and it separates. The American Union was formed on the principle of dißerent interests of local communities, being protecteu ana more effectually protected bv that Union tliau by any other means. It was farmed upon the sole idea that the reserved rights of the States and the people should not be interfered with by the Gen eral Government so created. It is useless to talk about imaginary lines not heiny sufficient to divide nationalities. Sir. the line which divides your own State from the Cauadas id cn imaginary line drawn by the compass of the surveyor. ltd virtue, its power, its ein ciency, are as well known to every negro-larcen ous f.inatis in this country as it is to that pleas ant sneaker of Durables who darkens the I'resi dcutial mansion with his shadow, and yet refuses to recoirmze the efficiency of a line thus drawn. If we would preserve national integrity, if we would extend and keep expanded the national do main, we shall have, above all things, to show that the interests of communities, the interestsof States-, the interests of Territories, the interest of the future population who are to inhabit this country, will be best subserved and protected by a national Government. 1 he moment you abandon that doctrine, the moment the FeJeral Gov ernment, unucr any excuse, under any preteiire whatever, interfere in such a way as to show that it no longer cousul is the reserved rights of the States and the people and the self-ititereM ot separate communities compo-ing it, you de.-troy the only tie which can bind them to our nation ality. The States made the Union; the Union did not make the States. It is a sullicieut answer to the dogma that the States have no .status out of the Union to s ay that the Stitcs existed before the Union, and must have existed out of it. The Union was formed solely upon the idea that certain rights thould be reserved. What rights are tlieyif The right of life, of liberty, of the pursuit of happiness; tue riglt t of property, its acquisi tiott, its possession, its disposition after the death of the owner; the right of freedom of the press; the toleration of religious opiniou; the right of freedom of speech, all the most sacred rights of political, domestic, and social relations are among those reserved to the Slates and the people, and cannot be intcrlered witli by the General Government in any manner w'hatever. If there had not been such a reservation the Union never could have existed; iMid if that reservation be destroyed the Union will perish with its destruction. The guardians of these lights you may call them States, you may call them by whatever name you wish can be nothing less than sover eign. The idea that any paramount authority may exist as to these rights, destroys the reserve tion of the rights themselves, as u destroys the sovereignty of the community which is bound to protect and assert them. Hence, in the constitution of my State, and yours, oi'all the States, the crime of treason against the State is dctined and punished. Treason cannot be committed against less than a sovereignty ; and I hold that the States ihcinscK es li ive enacted, and as sovereigns preset ibed, the punishment lor treason against the rights reserved to them and their people. I do not wish to wrest thi3 doctrine to my own destruction, or to the justification of any who have taken up arms against the Government. I know that the individuals, the officers of a State, may commit treason against the Federal Govern inent. I believe that tbe officers of the Federal Government may commit treason against the States. The rights, the duties and the dangers of the Slates and the Federal Government are mutual and reciprocal. There should be no ti espass eilher upon the one hand or the other. The crime of treison may be committed against State government as well as against Federal authority. There are many crimes, however, against the rights of the States and against the rights of the people which are below the grade of treason There are misdemeanors, offenses less than trea son. There are vile frauds, there are most con temptible and cowardly imjositioiis, as fatal to State dignity aud State sovereignty us treason itself. The proposition embodied in this bill is one of that character. It is worse than a crime. It is worse than a crime because it lacks the bold uess of execution. It is meaner than a crime because you cannot lasten it upon the person who seeks to perpetrate it, or ulkmi the power which seeks to commit it. What is this proposition? It is a proposition to interfere with the rights of property iu the State of Missouri, and to interfere in the most powerful manner to interfere bv an appeal to the basest passion of humanity the ioe ot money. 1 he loyalty ot Missouri, it seems, has been weighed and measure.!. It is worth ten millions in cash or twenty millions on credit. I will not pursue the tenor of this thought. It would be duing injustice to the people of a great State to say anything further about it; nor will I vote the value of a penny to bribe the legislative or popular action of the State of Missouri, upon the subject of their domestic institutions, in any way whatever. This is a direct bribe offered by the Federal Govenment, under the authority of the FeJeral Government, lor legislative atid popular action nuainst the rights of property iL the State of Missouri If you can buy lite property rights of Mi-sou ri, toil can purcLase any others. Wlvt i - i-ni.s are assumed ft,r this ir;o-t extraordinary con biet? In tbe first place, it U said that Missouri is willing- I) e that change nur constitutional obligations a- Sen itors and.i MiisefViitors of the Federal compact? Does tt'tt.oive us the right to intervene or interlere? V e Hretold that the h'delity of Missouri to the Union is to depend upon the result of the bill now pending I heard, with regret, thu Senator from ili.u State Mr. Henderson say that .unless this bill passed, he would noL sty vim the re.-uit would be, but he feared it; tin: lie should Iw.ive tiie St ite and cast his fortunes with the Union; intimating that the State might le.ve the Ciiiou if this bill was not passed M Henderson: Mr .'President The Vice President: Does the Senator Irora Indi.in i sjive way? Mi. Turpit: With all due delerence to the Senator, I will nJl Sir, I am sorry tiiat any such appeal should be made to the Senate. 1 will not under such a threat, as I take it, do o great au injustice to the people of Missouri, or to those of Indiana, as to vote for a measure of this character. Nor do I believe that the triumph of the Federal cause is to be effected either iu Missouri or el-ewhore by the defeat or the success of this bill. The American people have undertaken a sublime task, the restoration o! our nationality. Does the Senator trom Missouri doubt the success ofthat effort? I do not. I s.ever have. There is a God iu heaven for the brave. I le!ieve that no power shcrt ot that which arrested Saul on his journey from Je-, rusalem to Damascus can prevent the accomplishment of that result. 1 believe that uo legislation a suggested by this bill cau retard or accelerate the result. '. The Administration', to be sure, arc laboring under difficulties every day increasing. France, England.' Ilorace Greeley, and the other great Towers laughter are to be watched and concili ated; McCIeüau. the patriot witlujut a peer, is to be cru.-hed out and forgotten; Giddings and Garrison, hud other douie.-tic enemies of the country's peace, are to be pensioned and provided for; tbe Porters, by land and sea. are to be punished; the Hebels are to be driven out of the State of Mis souti; and the draft is yet to lie enforced in Massachusetts. These are most arduous labors, and I bespeak for those w ho h ive undertaken lliem uot only the co operation of their .friends, but the sympathy of their political opponents, and the neutrality at least 6f all the world and the re-t of mankind. Laughter Hut, sir, I do not think that what the Administration has undertaken has anything to do with the great popular task of the country.-. Senators are continually saving hure, day after day , that unless the country U saved during this Admiyis tration, it cannot heaved at all. I am of the contrary opinion. I think that, 0 far ns the present AdministivtioQ is concerned, the Executive has lost the confidence of the people of both sec tions of this land. He has lost the confidence of the North and the South. He is thoroughly icnbued with the fanatical abolition notions of the New England shool. It would be impossible for

any man or any et of men. to operate harmoniously and effectually during the existence of this

Administration for the purpoee of loin the country any good, or taking any important t-tep toward a linal restoration of tle political rela'.iou formerly existing betw een these States. I know, sir, that Senators are constantly tUU ing about the Union. 1 do not wish to be exceeded Ly" am man in my devotion to the American Union. I have sjoken for the Union; I Lave written for the Union; 1 have fought and acted for the Union when tliose w ho now claim to be its ardent friends were willing, utiuer certain contin gencieSfctii let it slide, but I ask you, sir, what do Senators mean by the Union? It is by hat they jnean. not what they say, that we must judge them. If it is meant br the Union to purchase tne negro slaves of Missouri or elsewhere, and pay fur them out of the people's money and the public Treasury, I am not for it. If you mean by the Union the sjppottof these fugitive cou- . trabands, these pariahs of the South who escape within our military limit?, und the feeding aud clothing of these creatures, to the desertion, starvation, and destitution of the soldiers of the Federal njmy if you mean that by the Union, I am not for it. If you mean by the Union the absorption by the Federal Government of the reserved rights uf the States and the people, lam not for it. Hut if you mean by the Union the restoration of the uatioual authority upon every foot of the national soil; if you mean by the,.LTnioH the preservation of the uatioual fame and of the national Uag; the flag which waved at Bunker Hill, at Saratoga, at Vorktown, at Palo AJto, atdhepultepec.at Shiioh. and at Donelson that flag with not n stripe obliterated and with every star uj dimmed; the only flag in the world which floats over a limited Government and a free people if you mean that by the Union, Im for it now aud forever. But, sir, it is said as an additional reason why wc should pass this measure, that it will aid the State of Missouri in emancipation. The ob;ect is said t be humane and philanthropic. It may be extremely charitable; but I ask you, sir, why has Congress, why has the General Government exclusively confined its charities to Africans in servitude, and to the wants of the negro race? Are there no other sufferers upon whom this money might be expended? Whole rezimenU now serving under the flag of your country have gone unpaid for mouths. The wives and children of soldiers, a vast constituency at home, are begging daily for bread. I should sooner vote ah appropriation of teu or twenty millions for such a purpose than for anv purpose presented iu this bill. What is our action, and what can be its result? Do you call this strengthening the hands of the President? Do you call it strengthening the Ad-, ministration f Do you call it Ailing up the ranks of the army and encouraging the Union cause? I siv that this course of conduct can bring noth--ing but danger and dishonor upon the country. It will be seen that millions of the national Treasury are squandered for abolition purposes in Missouri aud elsewheie, and that the soldier iu the field remains unpaid, aud sometimes unfed and unclothed. 1 take it that the Senators would show their devotion to the Union iu passing by such measures as the one at present urged, and giving their attention solely and wholly to the condition of the country, aud the wants of that large constituency of unpurchased .and unpurch isable patriotism which has shown it. love of country by bearing anus iu the field. Talk about the loyalty of Missouri riie purchased love of the institute; one that has to lc bought with money, and paid for with money! Would you foster and cherish that feeling it' such exists? I tvouid not dishonor tno State by saving that I believe in its existence; but would you foster and cherish that mercenary affection to the destruction of the interests of all those portions of our fellow citizen who are deitiandini; this money, and demanding in fact all the resources ami support of the Government which wetau possibly give them? YV hy should there be an intervention and interference in the case of Missouri? Pennsylvania, and New Yotk were formerly slave Slates. At tl.e close of the devolution a l::rge amount of capital w ist invested in those States iu slave property. The institution has disappeared from those States, and how? By virtue of the voluntary legislative action of the people and their repre seutatives. I ttsk Senators why should the slave holders of Missouri be paid lor their property out of the national Treasury ariy more than theslaveholders of 2ew York and Pennsylvania? task those narticularly differing with me in political faith; I ask those. Senators who have built up political fortunes upon their pretended hatred o this institution, and their pretended opiositioit to Southern rights, w hy they now proxse to tax the free people of the loyaT North and South, why they propose to tax the national Treasury for the special benefit of the slaveholder, the slavebreeder, and tlie slavcdriver of Missouri? Sir, the State which I in part represent will yield to no State in the Confederacy in its devo tion to the Union. Indiana, the gift pf Virginia to the nation, loves the Union lor the giver's s:ike. She hopes yet to see the mother of States and statesmen restored and reconciled to all her children; Although the people of Indiana, cl any time be'oi e the existence of war by the act of the public enemy, at any time before the Federal flig was fired upon by t he traitor band of South Carolina at Sumter, would have accepted the Critten(ien proposition, the border State proposition, or any of those propositions, as a settlement of the difficulties between the sections; yet when war came, sjie waged war, not because she desired it, but because she believed we must have war or worse: we must either have war or a dissevered nationality; we must either war or abandon the Government to its enemies. Indiana still follows the flat; of the Union. The bones of her gallant sons f t Hen in this gre.it struggle mingle in the soil of every battlefield from Missouri to tiie Uappahannock. Indiana now is not for war she never has been; she is not for peace; she is not for cither of these things except as a means to an en J that end, the restoration of the Union and the unity of the States. If the war is not waged with that purpose. I am for peace to-day. If it id fount! that that purpose is impracticable or imossible, I am. for a cessation ot hostilities this moment. Sir, the people. of Indiana have not gone into this contest blindfolded. They surveyed the whole held. They counted the cost. They knew what it would cost them to make the effort. They knew it would cost more not to make it. They are not lor separation. They are for national integrity at whatever cost, and by whatever means, w hether belligerent or pacific, by which that object may be effected. If mediation is to be projKtsed as a settlement, the people of Indiana will ask why the mediation of New York, of New Jersey, of Keutucky, of Illinois; why the mediation of these sovereignties should not be received and accepted a? well as the mediation of France or England, either in regard to the termination of the war or the policy with which it may be Conducted. They will ask why was Crittenden rejected its a me Ji iforand any one else preferred? That they will ask. and they will require an an- . swer. As dear an the Union is to Indiana, and as dear as it is to every loyal citizen, it is not of more value than the rights of the States and the people. The same treasure ami the same blood that I should be willing to expend in the preservation of the one I shall spend just as freely in the security mid the protection ol the other. It is asked, but it has not been answered, what power under the Constitution we have to i,nake this appropriation. The Chief Magistrate of the country, when he introduced the resolution inaugurating this policy, and since, has declared that there is no power under the Constitution by which it can be carried out and effected. He has admitted that it is extra-constiiiitional and beyond 'the powers specified in that instrument. Have we had any change iu the Constitution? How could a change have been effected ? We do not distinguish between power and .authority.Will . it be for a moment claimed that the present Chief Magistrate of the Union has any more nuthority than the ne w ho preceded him. or the one before that? It cannot be. He may have more power. Haw has he achieved that power? By calling iuto his hand the military force of the country, by largely increasing tb army and navy -but it has piven him no shad ow of authority more than that which was possessed by his predecessors. This appropriation is asked for under the war power. ' It is claimed by Senators to be neces saiy to crush out the rebellion, to vindicate the national law and the national authority in the Stats of Missouri.' This war power is a , most singular article. India rubber has had some reputatiot) heretofore for being elastic; gold and silver for being m alleable and ductile; but, sir, they must vield to this war power in nil those qualities ' Why, sir, it "Nvfs tiiron.'h all life, extends through all extent, SpreaU undivided, operaten aupent." Tue President is the first great reservoir of this war power. He is Commander in Chief of the army and navy. Why is he Commander inChief of the army and navy? Because he is President, and not for any other reason. I take, it to be a settled principle of the Government that the military is always subordinate to the civil power. I take it that the powers of ihe Commander in Chief are subordinate to the powers of the President ; and Uut an act of the Commander in Chief against the Constitution and beyond the Constitution cannot, be justified any more than CiMt.an act of the President The war powers of both Congress aud the President are subordinate to civil authority. The President is said to be

ths grand receptacle of these war powers. Tbe beads of Departments have, of course, tome of them. Some ate claimed for Congress. We are cow called upon to eiervi.tfaour fhare of tbet-e

extraordinary pow ers in the pnss ige ot this bdl. 1 he Governors ol the States have claimed some of these j towers. They have been distributed down to a multitude, whom no man can number, of Provost MjihaU calUred in every village between the two oceans except Ceredo and Oberlin, which, telng itih ibited wholly ly white and black Africans, needed no such guardians of loyalty. It is a most remai kable ixiwer this war power of the Constitution much so, that I doubt its existence altogether. It is ruvth; it is a fiction: it has no existence. The Chief Executive has aid down w hat this power is. tfe savs it is the jxjwer on his part to do anything which he mav consider necessary to crush the rebellion. 'That is the only limit to it his own discretion. Can he lengthen bis own term of oflice? Most certainly he can under the war Dower, if be should think it i-ecessary to crush the rebellion.- Can he increase his pay? Most certainly he can, just as ?auy as -tie can issue a proclamation f.fl'ecting the rights of property in any of the States. There is no umit to the power, and there can be none. I take it, sir, that when you thus place the, power in the hands of one man to control the armv and navy aud the purse of a great nation, without restriction and without limit, you have erected a muitiirv despotism, i ou c.Vl h;m the President. In France, lie is culled the Emneror: in Austria. the Euipcioi ; in Kus;a, the Cz r. The American Czir wit! find uo setl's west of the Aileghanies. I t is tu t proposed to surrender the most sacred rich's which w ere reerx ed at the time of the formation of the Constitution to the States and to the peo. le; there can .be no necessity for their destruction. Why, sir, under this war power iou nr exer cise itnv au' hoi it t whatever. It is useless for us to gay that an net dues not condu'-e t'Kthe crush ing of the rebellion; if the Executive thinks dif ferently, that is the law. I think tiwt the defeat of this Missouri bill will strengthen the Federal Government, not only in Missouri, but elsewhere. 1 hope it will be deteaied; but if Congress, to whom is deputed a part of this remarkable power, thinks differently, away goes vor.r safeguard on the Treasury, and away go all the restrictions and limits which have been throwu around the rights of property in the several States, and the Constitution, instead of being a living ordinance, be'-oiues only ä "quiet dogma of the past.' ' What will be the effect of this continual interference ami intervention by the Federal Government with the rights of the States and the people? What has beeu its effect already? Do we not read it in the 'gns of the times? As far as. one act, treason, is concerned, the officers ami people of certain States have takeii up arms against tlie Federal Government. As far as the otbr act is concerned, it is proposed not to take up arms, but to interfere ami intervene by the power of the purse with the domestic institutions of the Stares. That power, that inference is no mote, to be justified than the other Much has been accomplished by indirection since the commencement of the present pMicv. which no m-i-n could have justified or accomplished directly. We find ourselves now in the prosecution of a war where abolition is coincident with military success, .-imply by this same method of indirection. Forces have been called out. arms have been pho-ed in their hands ostensibly and avowedly for the purpose of pro tecting the National Government against the treason ot certain States, and after they have been so called out, by this same indirection, the whole force is converted from its original intention, and a crusade is undertaken and waged against the very rights which the Genera! Government is bound to protect; for, as 1 siid before, I believe that the rights of the St.ite.s am! of the General Government are mutual. The General Govern ment guarantees to the Stales a republican form ot government. It guarantees the safety and protection of the ritdns of which I have spoken, and it cannot iuterfere wi'.h those rights without abandoning its constitutional limitations, and w ithout a breach of the guarantees w hich it gave the State at the time of her admission. Hence there are no circumstances which would induce me to vote for the bill under consideration. I regard it, as a violation of the reserved rights of the people of Missouri. I reg irU it as a violation of constitutional obligations ; upon our part; and let me say that while we are waging a war for the law we ought to wage it under the law, and we ought not to violate the law. Without the law there is no transgression. Without law there is no rebellion. Apd if Congress and the General Government insist; uponabie.ich.it serious in fraction of the Constitution in regard to the rights of any of the States, we cannot tell how far that breach may go, nor .can we tell what effect it may have upou the whole character of the Government I say nothing, sir, now, "of that new treason which we have heard , whispered in high places, tiiat the Army of the. Union is to be recalled, that there 's to be no further effort to save the Goocrnnlent, but that the force is all to. be ex hausted for the purpose of saving the Administration. I say nothing ab nit that except this: so far as the State which I represent is concerned, we are not disposed to abandon the Union; we are not ycf disposed to accept separation as a neces sitv; we are not dispose! to accept separation as an alternative rather than tecognize the riht of the Southern States to a peculiar species of prop et ty. No, fir; I cluirget Senators to avoid this crime against nationality. .The people of the Northwest, the people of the great central Suites h ive recently decided upoa these very questions, i.'i those States there was no contest as to whether the integrity.of the Government should be maintained. The question in the late canvass related to whether there, should be a change of its form by our own agency. Upon that question tlie ver diet of Indiana, of Illinois, of New Jersey, and of other States, was rendered. Determining that while the Government should be supported, while it shunld receive money, while it should receive men from the Si. des guaranteeing the vindication of the uatio.t.tl sovereignty, there should be no interference whatever by the Federal Government with tlie rights of the States themselves. Let not Senators mistake this as tlie verdict or action of. a party As far as the result of the election in Indiana was concemc-iL it'jwas dis tiuctly the action of the Vep'e 1)01 "f i,l,.v party, against every possible discouragement that could be thrown upon tiiat-action. Less attention was piid to p.t! torg miz ttion: less attention was paid to party drill ami party .instrumentalities than ih anv contest we have" ever had in the .Northwest. It was a pure, plain decision upon the question as to whether, for any purposes, the rights ot the people thould be violated; as to whether, for any purposes, freedom of speech, freedom of the pre-s. freedom of debate and discussion could be trampled under foot by the hand of milit irv power That was the question rai-eil and decided. Let us heel that warning. Let us retrace ur steps. Let us s.iy some fault has been committed: Let us heed the protest which the States have enteied. The Federal Government w ill do well to regard it. The Government is worth more than this Administration; it is worth more than any otheri It should work Tor perpetuity, h should work for all time to the lie 1 1 '. 1 1 ami safety of the nation, which I pray may exist forever as the fathers formed it. At an eaily stage of the political contest of which I have spoken, j;re:it efforts were used to blind the people as to the questions re illy at issue. The Republican party in my Stale disbanded its organization; it claimed tit le no party; it claimed to have no issue but a. vigorous prosecution of the war;' it called itself "Union," and at a very early siae of the same canvass, a select coterie of negro maniacs, acting under semblance of laft railing themselves a grand jury of the United States District Court, affected "to present the Democratic party and its organization as disloyal ami traitorous to the country. ' M'Me than that, prominent members and leaders of the party all over the State were arrested and without cause imr-risoned. I myself made a canvassluring the l ist summer under threats every day of personal violence, ami with mv pockets falied with anony mous letters to ,the ame effect. T ha presses of tlie party were closed, in some instances; were torn down and destroyed iii others. Every effort was made, even in that State, always ' loyal, to suppress a free, clear, plain expression of tne people, bu the effort failed. The people did speuk, and . hey spjke what 1 have said here in the Senate.' I know that Senutors have disparaged here the discussion of prty questions. They have saiJ, "a million of men are now in the field, Democrats and Republicans, fighting side by side; with them there is no quarrel; with them there is no difference; why can there not be unanimity and friendshio here?" - I ask the same question, why? Talk about parties 1 How do you make parties? J . , a . . t. .i . i liow are they createui l ou cannot umike mew out of conventions and platforms. They are built upon usucs. That is the way the present pat ties are formed and divided Who are responsible for these" issues? ' The Senators to my right the Ret.ubHcausJ mid their political associates. When the President of the United States issued his proclamation calling ujkju the militarv force or the country to avenge the insult offered to the National flag at Fort Sumter, nil men ralliel without, distinction of party to the support of that banner. There was, literally no party. And wheu Congress met here In special session in the summer immediately succeeding the proclama- : i t o . .. , . tiou, tlie same unanimity prevaueu. vougrc-s I then said that this war should not be prosecuted

in the spirit of conquest or Fubjugation, and it should not interfere with the rights, the dignity, or the institutions of the States. Congress ad

journed; it went home and found a united consti tuency; what has divided us? 1 will tell you, sir. Do you recollect the victory cf Fort Donelson? I know you do. You lecoflevi with what rejoicing every loyal heart received the intelligence of the success of the Union arms. Two days alter that victory, a special message was submitted to the American Cougres. What was it? Congratulating the people on the return of TenLcssee to the Union? Inviting ngniu the Stales of the South to renew their love and allegiance to the General Government? No. sir 1 It was confined to tbe sole object of the "abolishment" of . African lavery. Why "abolishment?" Why not say "abolition?" Because theu the measure would have been christened at or.ee with the approbiium and contempt it deserved. An obsolete term, a word almost unheard hitherto in the language, must be selected and placed in this message to discriminate its doctrines from the disgraceful heresies of that school of fanaticism which has so often met defeat with proclamation and trade victory itself almost contemptible. That was the first thing that presented these issues of which Senators complain. Other measures of a similar character rapidly followed which have made party in this couiitty a virtue and a necessity. There was an appropriation here at the last session ol $I,JU,UUU for abolition purposes in rt.e District ol Columbia. Y ho preseuted u? W l.o voted for it? Who carried it against the protest of the people? The Senators to my ribt; those who are complaining about party discussions and party feeling in this Hall? Wheu did they do it? When did they propose to squander this rist sura to gratify the fanaticism of a section with which they are connected, and for which they claim all the loyalty? It was when a Rebel armv was threatening the possession of the Capital "itself; when, from the dome of this structure, you might have seen the Rebel flap floating; when five bun drei thousand, men were in arms against this Government. ' It was at such a time that these ' men cotn'd not forget the flesh pots of Chicago, but must insist upon party action and party legislation.. It is that wliich has divided a once united people. There is no other cause whatever. If this war had been prosecuted in the spirit in which it was commenced; if it was now prosecuted w ith an eye single to the purpose of restoring nationality, the people of Indiana, the people of other States, would require no draft to certify to a compelled loyalty; they would folio the ÜJg of the Union in myriads more couutless than those which followed" Peter the Hermit to rescue the sepulchteof Christ from the infidel. But, sir, it is because you have abandoned the original policy of the war; because you have abandoned the constitutional mode of" a rect nstruction of the Government, that you have divided the people of the loyal States.'and that you have agaiu sowed the seels of patty debate and discussion. I know it is asked, at such a time as this will you still continue these w rangling? Let me ask of these Senators, will they postpone these abolition measures which have already dishonored and ruined the country to so great an extent; will they postpone this thing cf buying negroes and paying for them out of the public Treasury; will they postpone these other enormities; will they postpone this direct infraction upon the rights of the people of Missouri? If they will postpone these things we will postpone discussion and debate, not otherwise; aud I here make the offer, and I know that every person acting politically with me will accede to it. that we bury party; that wc forget differences; that we cease discussion and debate, provided they will cease the prrsei tation and urgency ot these measures with which they have so often hitherto disgraced the countrj. It would, indeed, sir, be a felicitous thing if we of the loyal States could lookback upon the history of a once united people and say there was uo blot on our escutcheon; that we had never transcended constitutional limits, never stopped to interfere w ith the constitutional reservation Of the rights ol any of the States. That brings me to the most important consideration in the passage of the bill the one I have already alluded to the effect of this j oiicy of interfeience and interve'ition. From 'tue beginning it has been disasttous. If I had the power to blot out the words most hateful to me in the history of my section. I would erase the words "Harper's Ferry." We are never done reading of Federal mi dortunes which have clouded Harper's Ferr; and why? At other places we have seen the backs of the Rebels; there we hive shown them ours. At ui her j. laces victory h:is perched upon our eagles; at Harper's Fcirv we have had nothing but disaster, defeat ii 1 1 d discomfiture. It is the place w here first was rsised the hand of Northern fanaticstii against the reserved rights and soverignty of a great State jl this Union. It is a spot consecrated to eternal shame and infamy. It is the "damned spot that will nevei out." Sumter shall equal it in dishonor; but Sumter followed. This may be treason; iiut it is truth also. If our record of the North was clear, was plain, was unclouded, with what virtue, with what force, with w? at renewed efficacy we might go before the world and ask its judgment iu our favor in regard to the present contest Do Senators still desire to continue to agitate this most odious doctrine of interference with the sovereignty of tlie States? Do they still desire to continue lo agitate this dangerous and disgraceful element in the political history of the country?' If they do, let them ote for the Missouri bill. But, sir, il Senators desire to return to the constitutional landmarks; if they desire to make this w ar specially for the Union and for nothing else; if Senators desire to place the merits of this contest whol'v and solely upon tbe question of national integrity, let us -defeat this bill; let us say to Missouti, "if slavery is .-hi incubus and an evil, it is one for which the Federal Govemient is not responsible; it is one for which the people of Indiana, the people of Virginia, the t eq le of Kentucky, tlie people of no State in this Union are answerable", except the petiole of Missouri themselves " Foi good or for evil they chose this institution. They have recognizetl, cherished, fostered, and supported it; and for one. rejoiced as I would be to hear of its disappearance, I am not willing to lilt a tii gtrto tax my penile orthenationaj. Treasury in aid of any such eleemosynary project. We can find oilier uses for the public treasure more cviisouanr with the national honor, national unity, and national eice. Agent of M.ifrCol. Walkr was jester.i.ty qualified as Agent of State, and will leave this city to Hay for New York, to nter upon the discharge of the duties of his office. We have tie.?n shown certified copies of ihe lisis of property of the persons on" the bon. Is of R. N. Ht rsoN and Johx C. WaLKee, as asscsse 1 for taxation, and find Col. W. 's bond to be worth a fraction les than three times as much as Mr. Htdhos's. We hope the Journal is now satisfied. VasRoo l'at. and Lake ' Providence ' t ut. A correspondent gives the following descripi tion of the propot-.Ml ruts to aid in accomplishing the downfall of.Vick.-burg : There h is been so much said and written about the canals at Vkkst.ur-, especially the old ditch dug originally liy order f General William, across the peninsula, that the public mind has been confused, and dtws not comprehend what is really being done in the vicinity cf this Southern stronghold. The magnitude of the pre.-ent eiperations in that quarter will not be fully comprehended until a map is consulted in connection with a description .f the work. Supposing tbe reader to be provided with the latest map of that region of country, we point him to Yazoo Tass, some twelve miles below Helena, on the Missis sippi side, and show him that a connection exists between the mighty river and thatsroaller stteam, the Tallahatchie-, by way of a small lake and bavous. Gen. Gorman is now engaged in clearing these bayou of the logs and stumps which clog them up. and when this is accomplished, it is proposed to send small steamers, with troops, kc, through to the T ill ihatchie. down to the Yazoo, by which the rear of Vicksburg can be attained. This is one plan." Another is to commence at Lake Providence. Louisiana, and by taking advantage of the many bayous by connecting them with short canals," to get into the Tensas River, which empties into the Black River, and that into the Red River. This would place our boats between Vicksburg and Port Hudson. Should it be desirable, however, to get below the latter place, it will not be difficult to cut a cnai irom Ken juver to the Atchafalaya, from which the Mississippi can be entered between Baton Rouge and Don-nld-onvilie. Uy a little engineering skill, the bayous and canals cau' be made serviceable in accomplishing the downfall of Vicksburg. In order to do tliis, time will be required, and the people must be' patient, trusting their Generals to reward them with the tiding, of victory. E2f Old silver and gold wanted, for which the highest price in ensh will be paid. Moses, Spectacle Maker. lU-d&wif No .-SI East Washington street. . C?Air tight metahc burial cases, of the lale?t improvement, kept on hand at Long's, Undertaker, South Meridian street. Also a pood twohorse glass hearse for sale. ' 23-d 4 '4w.