Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 38, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 February 1863 — Page 2

WEEKLY SENTINEL MONDAY, FEBRUARY 9.

Itepublicana Juiiltjing; Srcenkiou. lion. Datid C. Brasiiam, a well meaning ami do doubt very patriotic gentleman, by consent of his political friends, w made the leader and ch 'mpion of bis party in the lower branch of the Legislature. The Republican party professes to be very bitterly opposed to secession. Its leaders, its pipers, iu orators, and its preachers are exceedingly eloquent in their denunciation of this modern political heresy. They talk against it, write agiiust it, preach against it, and pray against it, but it is a little remarkable that in every Sute which was carried by the Democracy at the elections last fall, these very loyal Republicans are of the opinion that the minority, not the majority, should rule. The great crime of the Rebels, in Republican estimation, is their refusal tj submit to the epression of the popular will in 1SG0 the rule of the Republican party. To compel the Rebel States to ubmit thereto we are engaged in the most gigantic civil war ever waged. The true doctrine, say the Republicans, is that the majority mut govern The refusal to do so, says the same authority, is rebellion against the Government. Notwithstanding these" lofty professions of loyalty, it is very remarkable that none but Republicans in the present Legislature have counteoauced and justified the heresy of seces sion. Mr. Branham, the Republican leader aforesaid, in a speech a short time ago, declared with great emphasis and earnestness and unction, that minorities h;id the right, the constitutional right, to defeat the will of the majority whenever the former thought their rights were invaded. In a debate yesterday the same distinguished gentleman declared that be would not submit to the will of the majority upon certain measures. These are the very grounds upon which the Confederate States justify this rebellion. The cornerstone of secession is in just the argumenta or sentiments expressed by the Republican leader of the House. The Rebels could not ask for a more complete vindication than that presented by Mr. Branham, but we suppose he stated his , positions without comprehending their logical reSuits. And the acceptance of them by the Republican members commit the party to the heresies of secessionist!). - In his speech, yesterday, Mr. Branham stated that the resolutions offered by the Democrats during this session of the Legislature, ou Federal affairs, were calculated to inflame and unsettle the public mind. It is a pity that the Republican leader cannot see himself as others see him. The doctrines he has uttered during the session, and his speech of yesterday, could not have been outdone by the most violent Jacobin of the Freuch revolution. If his sentiments wer practically carried out, revolution, civil war and anarchy would prevail throughout the North. Mr. Branham no doubt means right., but he belongs to a class in this country who prefer to see the Government overturned rather than the defeat of his party, the principles upon which it is based, and the policy it 13 now attempting to enforce. This is the Re pubiican leader's idea of the moral power to which he so often alludes as controlling the destinies of the eouutry, and it is about as luminous as his notions of a constitutional government. Tbe German It earl in en t on the Hunter Fronunciamento. A correspondent of the Louisville Anzeiger, writing from Murfreesboro, Jan. 21st, states that the resolutions recently gotten up by Colonels Hunter, Gooding, and a few other of Gov. Morton's appointees, were rei-i to the various companies of the Thirty-seiond Indiana regiment, (German, formerly commanded by Gen. Willich.) and their sine ion asked for it. A small majority of one company (A) voted in favor of thereso lutions but every other company in the regiment voted against them. It is added that while many ot the officers, who get big pay and have but lit tie to do, are desirous of prolonging the war, nearly all the privates are anxious to see it brought to a close as soon as it can be done on terms honorable to the conntry. This feeling prevails almost uuiversally among the soldiers, without regard to party. They do not want to see the country humble itself before the rebels, but they want the Government to so condu-t the war as to bring it to a speedy and successful conclusion. N. A. Ledger. Much has been said by the Republican papers abou" the Murfreesboro resolutions, but they no more express the sentiments of the army than do the outgivings of Beecher, Sumner, Garrison & Co. According to the representations of the correspondent of the Cincinnati Commercial, it would appear they were adopted by "a large and enthusiastic meeting of the Indiana soldiers," but nothing of the kind occurred. The resolutions were prepare-1 by Colonels Grosk, Gresham, Himer and Gooding, and the "enthusiastic meeting" which adopted them was composed of those gentlemen only. They were gotten up far buncomb by the appointees of Governor Morton, in consideration of distinguished services rendered to them, and we presume with the hope that they might call forth reDewed favors. There is no public man in the country more fond of flattery, and it cannot be laid ci ton thick, than His Excellency, and the gentlemen who wrote. the resolutions weil knew the shortest road to royal favor. If these resolutions tickle the vanity of the Governor, and make him feel like again falling in lave with himself, we have no objection; but if they are intended to be palmed off as an expression of the sentiment of ti e arm;, we sh il? onljr say they misrepresent the feelings of the private soldiers. In the lan gu age of tbe Ledger, " while many of the officers, who get big pay and have but little to do, are desirous of prolonging the war, nearly all of the privates are nnxious to see it brought to a close as soon as it can be done on terms honorable t the country." Neither Colonels Grose or Gresham, or Hunter, or Goodino would ever voluntarily have been found in the ranks, with knapsack and musket,- fighting in the present war. Their patriotism hath not that extent. They never went to the field nnOlhey had honorable positions and big pay. This class cat e not how long the war is prolonged. We cannot, therfore,accept their views as those of the private soldier, and we think it a little presumptuous in them to attempt to do the thinking of the whole country and dictate public policy. The people rho have nu tone involved in the present erisis but the welfare of tbe country, are just as Capable of determining what is bet for the national well being, as the men who would never have been in the service il it were not for the position ind pay, and who are influenced thereby. Where Are They! Greelkt and Sumner and PniLLirs and BaictiER, nl the wliole crew of Abolitionists, promised that an army nine hundred thousand strong would rush to the field from the Northern States if Lincoln would L-sue a negro emancipation proclamation. On the first of January that proclamation was published, but as yet not one of the promised ni:.e huudred thousuid abolition soldiers has entered the field. The philanthrophy and fighting of the Abolitionists are alike it is all in the abstract, it is all talk. Neither is of any more practical value than a fifth wheel to a wagon. A great humbug is Abolitionism. Hon. Thomas II. Nelson, the United 8 Utes Minister to Chili, writeshome that the natives of Chili "are all loyal to the Government tf the TJuited States." This remark Is characteristic of To.

Tliellcndrlck'i Festival at Sneltty Tille. The old neighbors and friends of the Hon. Thomas A. Henoricks iu Shelby county, gave him an ovation on Thursday last, in honor of his recent election to the United Sutes Senate, and as a testimonial of their high appreciation of his public and private worth. It was a magnificent success'. Notwithstanding rhe inclemency of the weather there was an immense gathering of the people of old Shelby and the adjoining ceunties. The enthusiasm was unbounded, and from beginning to end there was unmistakable evidences presetited of the popular sentiment in regard to the present crisis in our national affairs. The resolutions and the speeches upon the occasion, strong as they were in denunciation of the policy of the Administration, were behind the voice and sentiment of the people. They are far in advance of the politicians in repudiating the principles, purposes and measures of the party in power. There were not less than five thousand Democrats and conservative citizens present. The Contention met in the Court House at 10 o'clock, and was organized by the appointmeut of W C. E. Wane, Esq , a3 President, and R. Spicer Esq., as Secretary, Hon. Jason B. Browx. the young and talented Representative from Jackson county, was then introduced to the Convention, and he occupied its attention in an able, search ing, and eloquent review of the policy of the Administration sincere inauguration of the parly in power. , He receivel the m ost enthusiastic ap plause during its delivery, notwithstanding the charge of the Cincinnati Gazttte that it was a "harangue tinged with disloyalty." The Convention, after the speech of Mr. Browx, adjourned to 2 o'clock. Upon its reassembling the Hon. Martix M. Rat, in appropriate and eloquent remarks, welcomed Sir. Hendricks to his old home, and congratulated him in behalf of the Shelbv comity Democracy upon his election to the United States Sen-te. which they re gart'ed not only a distinguished but a deserved honor. Mr. Hendricks, in response, in a bold, manly and eloquent address, reviewed the acts of the Administration and the Republican party and the present war policy. He advised strict obedience to the lawful authority of the Government, both State and National, as the first duty of the citizen. As a full report of this able and eloquent effort will appear, we forbear further comment, adding only that it was received with the most enthusiastic applause. He was followed by W. R Beach, Esq., of this city, in a forcible and effective speech, which added to his reputation as one of the ablest public speakers in the State. The entertainment was concluded by a supper and ball gotten up by the I tdiesof Shelby ville iu honor of Senator Hendricks and lady. The supper was a handsome affair and the tables were spread with the utmost profusioa. Dancing was kept up to a late hour at the Ray House, and at Corey's and Masonic Halls. The festivities were enjoyed with great zest by the large number of ladies and gentlemen present, and the hospi tnlityofold Shelbv was the theme of coiumend ition by the numerous guests from abroad. The significance of the demonstration was In the deep feeling and enthusiastic determination expressed by the vast multitude present, com posed not only of Democrats, but of a läge num

ber of persons who have heretofore sided with the Republican party upon the questions of public policy which are now absorbing the attention of the country. This expression will be found in the sentiment and spirit of the following resolutions, which were unanimously and enthusiastically adopted : "-We, the Democracy ami conservative men of Shelby county, in mass meeting assembled, for the purpose of instituting and making know'n our principles in regard to national and State affairs, adopt the following: Kesoleed, 1. That we recognize the Federal Constitution as the great bond of union, operating in its appropriate sphere upon States and individuals alike: under its benaficent influence and faithful observance in tiic administration of the General Government, the American people, for more than three-quarters ot a century, have enjoyed the blessings of liberty, law and order, and advanced witu un equaled rapidity in tne pathway of national greatness and renown. 2. That we denounce the assertion thatslavery was the cause ot the present troubles as a libel upon the framers of our Constitution, and repug nant to the fadts of our national history. We ascri)e them to the unholy ambition and wicked machinations of disloyal and fanatical agitators, "North as well as South, who sought for personal aggrandizement among the ruins of constitutional and civil libertv. 3. That the Democracy are ready now, as thev have ever been, to vindicate and sustain the honor and integrity of our country, and defend its Constitution and its laws, from whatever source the assault may come. Under the solemn pledges of tic I resident and the present Congress tliat those high and holy purposes would guide them in tne conduct of the war, the Democracy rallied by thousands and bv tens of thousands to their coun try's flag, nnd attested their patriotism in many a well lought battle. 4. That the present efforts of the President an J his udvisers to give a new character und direc tion to the war bv diverting i; into a war for the abolition of slavery cannot receive our mora! sun prt. We denounce it as unconstitutional, t) rannical and unjust, and if persisted iu as fatal to the liberties and fortunes of the nation. 5. That we recognize the President to be the Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy of the united States, and shall oiler no obstacle to the exercise of his just and constitutional powers. e assert, however, that he is not Commander in Chief of private citizens iu loyal States, ami e denounce as an act of unconstitutional and arbitrary power, the proclamation of Mr. Lincoln sr pending the w rit of habeas corpus in the States and authorizing the arrest of unoffending citizens without any process of law, and carrying them beyond the limi-s of those States and confining them in military prisons where tbey arc denied the privilege of a trial bv jury. 6. That we are uncompromisingly opposed to the investment by the General Government of a single dollar in the purchase of the slaves of the S -utherii Statt s for the purpose avowed by the i resident of the United Mates. 7. That the law of Congress erecting certain portions of Virginia into a State called the State of esteru irgnn.i, is, in the language of Ed ward Bites, Attorney General of the United States, ".in original, independent act of revolu tion, and involves a plain breach of both the Constitutions of irgima and of the Nation." So marked an act of revolution is it, that, unlike the Emancipation Proclamation, it is not sought to be justified by its authors on the plea of military necessity. 8. That we earnestly recommend a cessation of hostilities for such period as mar be necessary to allow the people of the North and South to express, through a National Convention, their desire for peace, and the maintenance of the Lnion as it was, and the Constitution as it is. Ü That in the name of justice, right, and hu manity, we enter here our solemn protest and register our unrelenting opposition to the passage by Congress of any conscript or drafting act, . whereby the men of our country ha II be taken from their quiet homes and the peaceful pursuits of life, to fight in a war for the freedom of the negro, while Massachusetts and other "Sew Eng land Slates which heve been enriching themselve at our expense, and are still clamorous for the prosecution of the war to the last man and the l.iHt dol'ar, have not filled their quota and are not even making an effort to do so. Such a law, gu manifestly unjust, uncons'.ituiion d, und opj restive, would be null and void, and not entitled to the respect of a free people. 10. That our .soldiers who were deceived and induced into the army under the false renresentation that the war was being waged solely and for theonlr purpose of maintaining the Constitution and restoring the Union, are entitled to our warmest srmpatiiies; and that their gallant con duct on every battlefield where victory has perched upon the national banner, has filled the people of this atate with the highest gratitude and we pledge them here our most earnest efforts to minister to their comfort and wants, ai d to bring the prosecution of this war for the freedom of the negro to a speedy close . 11. That we respectfully ask our legislature to enact stringent laws for the protection of the citizens of the State from arbitrary and uucou gtitutional arrests, and a law for the enforcement of the 13th article of'the Constitution for the ex clusion of free negroes and mulattoes from the State. 12. That the election to the United Sutes

Senate of our distinguished and former fellowcitizen, Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, receives our hearty indorsement; and that here in Shelby county, amid the scenes and associations of his earlier years, we, his personal and political friends, deem it eminently fit and proj-er to claim a full participation in the general joy and satisfaction which the announcement of that event creates in the Democratic party throughout the State, and that the Legislature evinced true wisdom and patriotism in calling him to that high

and responsible position. 13. That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the Shelby Volunteer, Indiana State sentinel and the Cincinnati inquirer, and that Democratic papers throughout the Stute be re quested to copy them. From tVastiin-rton. Greeley's Plot for Peace and Separation in Mat to be Frustrated The People to Decide BETWEEN THE UxiOX AS IT Wa8 AXD ACKNOWLEDGMENT or Southern Independence The Key-Note or Peace and Reunion Sounded bt Hksrt S Foote A FLoon OF Liout ox the Causes of the War- Senator Douglas "Still Lives" Since his Counsels will Prevail. Special Correspondence of the Chicago Times. Washington, Jan. 31. The resolutions recently introduced into the Rebel Congress bv the celebrated Henry S. Foote are believed by many public men here to be in dicative of a strong and wide-spread feeling, on the part of the people of the South, in favor of a reconstruction of the Union. Indeed, there is authority for saying, from facts that are known iere, that, whenever the Administration is dis posed to act fairly and justly toward the Southern States, or whenever the people of the Northern States compel their public servants to announce their purpose to do so, Commissioners will be sent by the Confederate Goverumeut to Washington to arrange the terms of reunion. The terms of reunion will not be difficult for the Government to grant, if it is disposed to act fairly and justly. All that the Southern States require is, that their constitutional rights ? hall be guaranteed to them, mid that their domestic institutions shall not be interfered w ith, either bv the people of the North ern States, or by any department or officer of the Federal Government. It was because Mr. Lin coin's Administration refused them those guaran tees that the Southern Slates seceded. It was because of the persistent interference of the New I-.ii" land people with their domestic institutions it was because the Southern States were convinced that it was the deliberate purpose of the Republican Administration to compel them to emancipate their slaves that they were forced into the war. I hey deny that they have made war upon or against the Government 1 hey allege that the war is waged on their part because i lie present Administration has subverted the form of Government provided in the Constitution, and has substituted iu its place a military despotism. And, whether or not the allegation was true at the time the war commenced, none cau deny that there i some truth in it now. This being the case, therefore, the Southern Sutes are willing to return to their allegiance to the Gov ernment as soon as the Administration returns to those principles of government laid down in the Constitution. The terms upon which, it is understood, they are willing to return to the Union, are these: An extra session of Congress, to be called ear ly in March next. I he repeal ol all the radical legislation ot the last two sessions of Congiess, and the withdraw al of the emancipation proclamation. An amendment to tne constitution in the terms of tht! compromise of lb50, and on the principle advocated and maintained by Senator Douglas, nameiv: Non-it.tervention by Congress with the subject of slavery in the States and Territories, and leaving them free to determine that question for themeslves. It is said by those who ought to know that, if these measures were passed, the Confederate irov ernment will abdicate its powers, and each one of the Southern States will send Senators and Rep resentatives to aslnngton, as belore the war. It is said that the South will not insist on the above amendment lo the constitution as a condition precedent to reunion; but that a solemn pledge on the part of Congress aud the President will be required, to the effect that the question "of such n amendment shall be submitted to the people of the whole country as soou as practicable. It is said also that the South will insist upon the leaving out of the New Lngland States in any arrangement of reconstruction; but that poii.t w ill ultimately be yielded. There can be but liitle doubt however, that, if the Union should be restored upon the above basis, the New Lngland States would themselves secede. These States are determined to have "no Union with slaveholders." The secret of Greeley's recent proposal to let the Southern States go in May next; to recognize the independence ol the Southern Confederacy then; aud to call upon Napoleon fix the boundary line between the North and South (a proposal w hich is eargerly embraced by the radicals here), is, that the above facts have just come to light, and the radicals are fearful that they will be acted upon in the manner indicated; and their hatred of the South is such that, sooner than have the Union restored with slavcholding Stntes in it, they will endeavor to effect a separation of he two sections on any terms, even on those of the independence of the Southern Confederacy. Furthermore, if any such proposals are made by the South, the radicals wilt fight against them with the fury of d?speratiou, and they will only be carried over their heads,' if carried at all. Moreover, the radicals are convinced that the war cannot be carried on much longer; that the means for doing so are exhausted; that no more white troops can be raised; and they are fe.irlul that, unless they get the President and Congress fully committed to their policy of separation, reunion w ill actually take place. As to conquering or subduing the South, they know and admit in private that it cannot be done, although in public they still talk tiercel y about "the subjugation ol the South." The New York Times says: "This war is to be fought through. We must fight till we conquer, or till we are conquciel." But Greeley, and the class of -politicians here whom he leads, are quietly, b'.it effectively working iu such a manner that any kind of fighting w ill be impracticable after nest May. And the people will see to it that the war is not carried on "till we are conquered-" When it is demonstrated that we cannot conquer, the people will say It is time to stop. There is no danger that the radicals will be able to carrv out their plot of bringing about a separation in May next. The conservatives here will- neve? consent to it, and they are strong enough to prevent it Besides, the enunciation of this atrocious plot of Greeley's proves that it was always the design of the Abolitionists to make this war a war for the abolition of slavery and the destruction of the Union, nnd not a war for ihe maintenance of the Union, as the people were made to believe. The mask being now thrown off, and the hideous designs of the real traitors being; exposed, there can be no hesitation on the part of the people in bringing such a war to an immediate stop. The Union c m never be restored while this war for the destruction of the Union continues. The messsages of Gov. Seymour and Gov. Parker; the action of the Legislatures of Pennsylvania, New Jersev, Illinois ami Indiana; the failure of the tlra ft; the action of numerous public meetings in most of the Not thern States; the attempt of Congress to raise 150,000 negro soldiers; and the demoralization mid rapid disintegration of our arniie. which will be reduced to 3(10.01)0 men by next May are all proofs that the people nre tired of fids war, and that its termination is fast approaching. There is every probability, therefore, that events are so shaping themselves, both at the North und at the South, that, in March next, the people of the Northern States m be called upon to decide between two alternatives: First A restoration of the Union on the terms indict ted above, namely: The Union as it was and the Constitution as it is; und, w ith that restoration, peace, prosperity, power, and the ability to m lint iin the Monroe doctrine; or Seeon' A dissolution of the Union; acknowledgment of the independence of the Southern Confederacy; an humble appeal to the Emperor Napoleon to fix the boundary line, and national shame nnd humiliation. It ia in the power of the people to choose which of the-e we will have. Let them speak in tones of thunder, and their servants lu re will hear and mmt obey. As to the war, conservatives und radicals both agree that it is played out and must stop. In the meantime, .the Abolitionists will have the satisfaction of knowing that their war will have caused 'he firm re establishment of African slavery in all the Southern States and Territories, and the utter downfall and annihilation of their party. X. t5"Mr. Rohlan, architect, has the plans and specifications shout ready for a three story business building on South Meridian street. It will be let in a few days to the lowest and best bidder. The plan and specifications can be seen at Mr. Bohlrti's ofliee, in the Ltna buildings, by all who want to bid for its construction.

Letter from Lewis Itallman Esq. of lllooniinfrtom Arnitit tlte Divlation - of flic run d Donated for Agricultural College in tlte State Fakm Nkar Bloosiingtox. Ind., Feb. 3. Furis C. Dunning, President of the Senate: Dear Sia:--I understand that the friends of some of the sectarian colleges of the State are urging the members of the General Assembly lo divide amongst those institutions the fund donated by Congress for the establishment of a college for the education of the industrial class. The disposition of that fund presents a question deeply involving the future interests of that class, and as a memler of it you will pardon me for pressing my views upon your consideration in relation to the action of the Geueral Assembly ou that questiou. I am utterly opposed to a division of the fund for the following reasons:

1. Because the fund caunot be divided with1 safety to the Slate. The fund itself that may be derived from the sale of ihe land scrip cannot be divided. The act of Congress directs that tfce scrip shall be sold by the State it cannot enter lauds with it. When sold the proceeds are tobe invested in secure stocks bearing at leat five per cent, interest. The State takes the grant subject to the condition that neither the principal nor the inter est shall be lost or diminished, but the interest shall be regularly applied to the purpose mentioned in the act.'and if so lost or diminished, the State shall be liable To part with the interest so as to lose complete control over it would be most unwise legislation, for a fund if diverted is lost to the objects of the grants. Whether a fund is diverted, is a question lhat would constantly arise from acts of institutions over which the Legislature had no direct control. If the fund was divided among the colleges now asking such division, or among the eight in the Sute, the very fact tWat a professorship of Agriculture would be created in each of them, when one only is competent to give the instruction that the four or eight could, presents a question of loss and diversion of the fund. And this will more clearly appear in the consideration of my second objec tion to dividing it. 2. Because such division of the fund, or the annual interest, would defeat the object of the grant. - That object is not the instruction of the agriculturalists only, but of the entire industrial class. The net shows this. Its title recites that the donation is (or the benefit of agriculture aud the mechanic arts, and iu the body of the act it is declare! that "the interest shall be inviolably appropriated to the advancement, t-upport and main ten. nice of at least one college, where the leading object sh:ill be without excludiu-r military tactics, to teach such branches of le ii nmg as nre related to agriculture and the mechanic arts, in such manner as the Lgislatures of the States may respectively prescribe, in order to promote the liberal nnd practical education of the industrial classes in the several pursuits nnd professions of life." Here it is seen that the industrial classes are to be instructed practically in their pursuits. Manufacturing and mechanism and mining are to be taught iu all their principles, as well as agri culture. These pur.-uits are of the greatest interest to society, and our State isjut progre.-sing to that condition when its manufactures and mining will be greatly increased. Our progress "in manufacturing, between 1650 and lt?6U, averages 240 per rent., although that in iron and coal mining is small much less than our capabilities would indicate. Ohio has reached its maximum of agricultural productions, nod its progress iu manufactures and mining is enormous. Our capabilities are equal to those of Ohio. No instruction pertaining to these pursuits can be omitted under the donation of Congress. An institution givnig such instruction will need at the very least five professors; two for agriculture, one of which should instruct iu the sciences belonging to it, and another in the art of agriculture on the experimental farm; two in the principles aud their practical application connected with manufactures, mining and mechanics, and one on military t ictics I am certainly of the opinion that commerce is an industrial pursuit, and its principles aud its au should also be taught. This would require one or two protestors more, but 1 will omit tlie-e nt pre-ent. These five professors would be nee-led as soon as the annual interest was large enough to em ploy them. f ILlut the sciences connected with the industrial pursuits must be taught very differently than are the btudtes in our collegiate institutions. N hen a student graduates in them, he soon forgets his languages, mathematics, and natural and mental sciences. Bat his mind ever retains its discipline by these studies, and by tins discipline he is fitted for a professional career. But it will be very dif ferent with the sciences as taught to the industrial class. The object of such instruction is not only lo discipline the mind, but to imbue it with a thorough and lasting knowledge of principles which are to be applied, practically, lit the several industrial pursuits. Hence the in.-tructioii in them must riot only have a direct application to these pursuits, but must be so thorough that they may be thus practically applied. Essential to such instruction is a complete chemical and phi losophical apparatus, and a ideological and niineraloguLitl cabinet. All of these belonging to our sectarian colleires. if put totreiher. would be iu suilicient to give instruction "n a single branch of science We can now see the consequences of a divis ion of the fund. It would require these five pro fessors to be increased to either twenty or forty, as the division is limited to four or eight of our colleges. Instead of one such apparatus and cabinet, we must have lour or eight. And for what purpose would the expense of all these be incurred? for no other one than that broken up fragments of classes might be taught in four or eight places, instead of an entire class in one place. Again, essential to such instruction as the industrial pursuits demand, is a library very differ ent from what we tind in Cur colleges. Wor ks Oil agiicul'ure in all its branches, and as it exists in every coui.try; those relating to manufactures, mechanics and mining, develouing their princi ples, aud as they have been applied to these arts; books relating to commercial operations mid foreign and domestic trades; also to military mat ters. All these constitute a library that must be long ro any instimiion where the industrial class is educated. Shall the fund be charged with the purthase of one such library, or fur or eiht? But again, the act of Congress provides that 10 per cent, of the principal of the endowment tuny be applied to the purchase of sites for ex perirnental farms. Without these, instruction in a-M-iculture must be so imperfect as to be of little utility. These sites, the uecessarv houses, barns, and sheds, the firming implement and farm stock, will cost much. Are w e to have four or eight of these when one would suffice? Surely no legislator could for a moment, be induced to such a loss and diversion of the fund, as would be created by ihe payment o so many professors, and the purchase of so many chemical and philosophical apparatuses mineralogical and geological cabinets, libraries and experimental farms. And if the General Assembly could be, would any Court of the United States hold that such diversion ws a loss and misapplication of the fund ihat made the State responsible for it? 3. Because the amount available from the grant would be entirely inadequate to such an expenditure. The donation is .'0!),IM)0 acres of land in land scrip. To all the States, exclusive of the Territories, it is 9,270,001) acres of land and land gcj-ip. This large amount w ill be throw n on the market. In addition lo this amount must be considered the fact that by the homestead law no actual settler is required to purchase his land from the General Government. It is easy to see that the sale of our portion, under these circumstances, will be very slow. Indeed, it will demand ro little patience from the industrial class to prevent a sacrifice of the gram, by puuing down the price to an amount too low. in its haste to make sales. It is difficult to estimate what the price will be, but the State University lands will give an idea, but an imperfect one. Although these lands have been selected several years and in our own Slate, where all lands are rapidly advancing iu value, yet the annual gales do not exceed three thousand acres, even when the long credit of ten years is given on threefourths of the purchase money. I cannot see how the siller of our land scrip could exceed five thou sand dollars annually. If three hundred thousand dollars be realized from the donation by the jear 19 DO, it will be ns soon .id us much as, I think, will be obtained from it. But upon the supposition that in the next ten years $100,000 can be realized from it, and so invested as to yield six thousand dollars interest annually, how far would it go toward the payment of the large number of professors which the division of the fund would create? It would scarcely pay the necessary professors Coras ingle institution. But let us go farther still, and admit that in this time the entire amount of $.'100,000 will be received, and the annual in teres', to be $18,000. How much would be left for the purchase of the apparatus, the cabinets, the libraries and the experimental farms, after the payments of the salaries of 20 or 30 professors? It would not pay the professor necessary to but four of the colleges. I cannot, therefore, but look upon the division of the fmd as a complete violation of the grant, and as an

utter disregard of the interests of the industrial class. . 4 Because that class has not asked for such division. By w hom is it asked? By about three secta rian colleges, and. so far ns I can learn, but one of these is heading and urging such division. A farmer or to may We drawn into this matter by their sectarian leanings, who are false to their pursuit, because they make it subordinate to sectarian ends. Th laboring class scarcely know the character or even the fact of the grant, und whoever of them has this knowledge, it has been derived so recently that time has not enabled thvm to consult with each other, much less to conler with the whole class. The wishes of that class, therefore, cannot now be laid before the General Assembly. Shall a few men engagpd in teaching the professional classes bi permitted to wrest from us this long withheld boon to the in

dustrial class? Is that class so incapable of judging of their owu welfare, that those who are not of it shall direct the General Assembly for usT hy this great wrong, unless private inter ests and "purj-oses are to be subserved? o. Because there is no heeessit-- for present action on the part of the General Assembly, fur ther than to accept the graut of Congress, fix the price for the sale of the land scrip, and direct in what stocks the proceeds shall be invested. After sales have been made, and enough interest has been realized to commence instruction, w ill be the proper time for the disposition proper to be made ot the annual income. By that time the in dustrlal class of the State will have become aware of the grant, and of the great importance of it, and have raalrred n plan by which to carry out the intentions f Congress. Interference bv . ... - otners should be promptly rebuked. V . t l xour irienn aim constituent, Lewis Bollmax. ltevolulion. There is a common effort among the Republi can leaders it. the Northwestern States to mis represent the motives and objects of the Demo cratic party. With affected gravity and assumed sincerity, Governor Mortox and his cohorts charge that it is the leading purpose of the De mocracy of. Indiana to Eecede from the Union and establish a Northwestern Confederacy. There is not an intelligent and honest man among them who believes that theie is any pur pose of the kind proposed, or even enter tained by the Democracy, and the only motive in maKing sucn a charge is to advance, .in some way, dishonest parisan purposes. Another charge is that the Democratic members of the Legislature have a fixed and understood scheme to turn Indianjj over to the Southern Confederacy. What mean these dis honest and infamous charges? They are made by those who know them to be false. Is it the object to bring about the very condition of affjirs which these men profess to oppose? Is it the purpose to precipitate upon the North civil war and revolution, so that the Federal Gov ernment can be converted into a military despotism ? Certainly no good is intended by the class of persons who wilfully give utterance and character to these misrepresent ations. We notice that the Republican leaders of Illinois are making the same misrepresent ations in regard to the purposes of the Democ racy of that State that arc being made here We copy the following comments ou the subject from the Springfield lirgixtrr, which are emi nently worthy of consideration as showing the combination which exists among the leading men of the Republican party to take advantage of the troubles of the country to continue political pow. er in their hands: Previous to the late election, Gov. Yates de livered a speech in Chicago, in which he said substantially , that if the Democrats succeeded in the election then pending, we would have ciri war and bloodshed around our hearthstones Since that lime the Spring field correspondent of the Chicago I nbune and Missouri Democrat, known to be in the employ and near the person ut Oii. x ales, has been constantly proclaiming through those papers, that we were on the eve of civil war and revolution in Illi.iois. We heir prominent Republicans talking about the danger of civil war; prominent officers from the army make speeches iu the Mate House, .n w hich they utter threats of bringing home the troops to be used lor tome hostile purpose in this. State. First comes Col. Noble, with the threat of his regiment; next, (Jen. Hulburt, who is rejorted to have said, in Ins speech in the hall of lepiesenta fives on Saturday evening: 'It was plain that the sure result ot such treason as had disgraced this hall of late was designed to bicak up the Government, and to arm brother against brother, Rather than that this should be done, a ortiou of the federal bayonets would sweep back to purge our fathers house ot the thieves who have de filed it " Why this talk about bayonets, rather than a resort to the courts or the ballot-box Why are officers of the army absent from their posts on the eve of expected battles, making stump speeches of this threatening character? Does Gov. x ates and his clique wish to precipi tale civil war and revolution, so as to give an ex cuse to use the bayonet? It is cert tin that no Democrat eipects or de sires civil war or revolution. They expect aud hope for success at the ballot box, on the ground that the Democratic party is a conservative party in. lint lining the Constitution and the laws. On no other ground does that party look for success The Democrats would appeal to the ballot box Governor i ales and bis clique are evidently look ing to the bavonet. To show that we have not misrepresented the ground upon which the Demo ocratic p rty relies, we subjoin a resolution, passed at Mie great .Democratic meeting held in this citv on the tth day of January last: "Resolved, That we earnestly recommend to our 1 How citizens, everywhere, lo observe and keep all their lawlul and constitutional obliga lions, not only us a matter of duty and safely to al, but that they may not be reproached in his tory with having been guilty of the same crimes they condemn in others. Let us commend tbe foregoing to the consid eratioii of Governor Yates. Let him heed its w ise teachings, instead of using his personal in flueuce and official position to stir up unprofita ble strife, perhaps civil war, among the peop e of his State.' 1 he bullying o! his creatures cannot effect the end he seeks, the driving ol the Democ racy from their stern determination to remedy by legitimate means, the public evils which beset us. Governor Yates and his claquers cannot do this. He may, pos.ibly do lhat, by persistence iu folly, which may add to-the public troubles, he and bis securing a due share ol them. An Inilde View of Itepublicaniam. We publish this morning extracts from the speech of Mr. Conway, the Republican Repre sentative in Congress from Kansas, which is doubtless a true reflection of t ie radical Repub licau sentiment upon the present aspect of our national affairs. Mr. Conway is in favor of an immediate cessation of hostilities; the recognition of the independence of the Confederate States; uniform impost duties; free trade between the States, North aud South; the free navigation of the Mississippi river, and the mutual adoption of the Monroe doctrine, which proposes the union of all the Stales of North America for mutual protection against the aggressions of foreign powers. The Republican Representative from Kansas favors these propositions for the reason that the attempt to subjugate the Confederate States by force of arms is thus far a failure, and there is no reasonable probability that the Union can be restored by war. He is for disunion because he thinks a division will be more advantageous to both sections of the country, and to that complexion he thinks it mut come. If any Democrat had made a speech similar in sentiment to Mr. Conway's, it would hate been pronounced treasonable and the author deserving a traitor's doom; but coming from a true blue Republican, and we may say an Abolitionist, it will not only be tolerated.but will be endorsed as a sensible and practicable solution of our national difficulties. We publish what Mr. Conway says as an inside view ct radical Republicanism 3T"The old State House is entirely behind the times and the ae. The committees of the Legislature have had great difficulty iu getting places to meet, even outside. We must have a new building-before long, but the 'irrepres-dble con biet," we presume, will divert attention from it for some time. 2TM.L. Brett, Est., Treasurer of State elect, takes charge of the office to-morrow.

Speecli for Stoppln? tue War by IIr.

Coima)-, un Able Itepublican Jt ember f rtm Kan-taw. Delivered is yhe IIoise or Representatives at Washington He PaoiMscs the Acknowledgment of IHK Confederates A Radical View or tiik Question. A few days since Mr. Conway, of Kansas, one of the most ultra, as well as one of the ablest, of the Republican members of Congress, made a strong speech in f.ivor of peace and the stoppage of the war." The speech is said ta'have the appro"al of Governor Andrew, Ciiacles Susintr, Wendell Phillipps, IIobace Greeley, and other leading Abolitionists, who held a caucus in Washington just before it was delivered. We take the following extracts from it, which show its character: HE IS AGAINST KEVNION. Sir. I am not in favor of restoring the constitutional relations of the slaveholders to the Union, nor of the war to that end. On the contrary, 1 am utterly and forever opposed lo both. I am in favor of the Union as it exists to day. 1 am in favorof recognizing the Ijyal States asthe Amer ican nation, based ns they nre on the principle of freedom for all, w ithout distinction of race, rolor or condition. I believe it to be the manifest destiny of the American nation to ultimately ontrol the American Continent ou this principle. I conceive, therefore, that the true object of tins war is to revolutionize the .N.ttioti vl Government by resolving the Jiorth into the nation aud the South into a distinct public body, leaving us in a position to pursue the latter a separate State. 1 believe that the direction of the war lo any other end is a peeversion of it, calculated to subvert the very object.it was designed to effect, nis unionism. I have never allowed myself to indulge in that superstitious -idolatry of the Union so prevalent among simp'e but honest people, nor that political cant about the Union so ptev.ilent nmong the Jishoic-t ones. 1 have simply regarded it as form ot Government, to tie valued in proportion to its merits us an instrument of natioual pros perity and power. THE SOVTU INDEPENDENT. The war w hich has come in betw een the North and the South for the past two years has made'a revolution. It has substituted in the South an other Government for that of the Union. This is the fact, and the fact in such a mutter is the imporTJint thiiif;. It settles the law. No teoh liicality in a question of this kind can stand. The war has utterly dissolved the connection between the North nd the !outh. and rendered them sep ante and independent powers iu the world. This is the necessary legal eliect of civil war any where. It makes' the belligerent parties inde pendent for the time being, nnd, unie.-s the one guecotnbs to the outer, they continue independent of each othr forever. The principle is laid down by Va'.tel as fol lows: "When a nilion becomes divided into two par ties, absolutely independent, and no longer ac knowledging a common superior, the State is dis solved, and the war between the two parlies stands upon the same ground, in every respect, as a public war between twodifferent nations." Book III, chap. 17, p. 428. It, is not to be wondered at, therefore, that so learned and profound a jurist as the honorable member from Pennsylvania Mr. Stevens should express the same opinion. - . ' . THE DEMOCRACY TaiTK TO THE UNION. The Democrats will not, of coue, listen to separation tor tin instant. Such a su-'pestion, in their ejes, is treason a proposition to dissolve the Union lor w hich one ouht to be hanged They expect t!:e question whether Union shall be restored by force or by compromise to be fubmitted to the people in the next election; and upon tlijit to carry the country, l hctr plan is to oppose the Admim-tr-ation simply on its nnti slavery policy. They put iu issue the confisca tion act, the Missouri emancipation act, the Pres ident's proclamation of emancipation. The-e measures they pronounce unconstitutional, deny their validity, and everything done, or to be done in pursuance of them. In addition to this, they attack the A(linuii'rutiun on account ot its fus pension of the w rit of habeas corpus, false im prisonment, corruption, imbecility, &c, and a thousand other incidents. Hut ou the war and the inte-rrity of the Union, they are like ad iui int itself. They claim to favor the war for the sake of the Union, but to be for compromise rather than war. They say very truthfully, lhat the Republicans have tried force for two years, and exhausted the country, ui.d upon this claim the adoption of their method as all that is left to be done. This is the manner iu w hich lT,e politicians of the country propose to terminate this great conflict. THE GREAT CONSERVATIVE PARTY. An alliance seems recently to ha v been effected to this end between certain elements heretofore hostile. The Border State politicians ate the remnant of the old Whig and Know Nothing parties, who, all their lives, cherished an intense hatred of the Democracy. They now unite with that party to effect this object. The Republicans of the Albany school, under the sagacious lead ership of Mr. Weed, who, for long years fought the Van Buren regency, and finally broke it down through the agency of free soil, are also hand in jlove w ith their old opponents. Thus the army of the Democracy take the field for the next great political battie. supMrted on the left by the followers of Clay and Crittenden, and ou the right by the special friends of William II. Seward. Such a host may w ell feel confident. It is a combination for victory. The elements have been well shaped. Not in vain have the border State politicians thronged the hall of the Presidential Mansion. Not in vain has the discreet Secretary of State incurred the reputation of having bs come imbecile Not in vain has the whole Ad ministration suffered the odium of drifting with the tide for lack of a policy. They could well afford Us diseuse with the applause of the radicals, while they silently directed that undercurrent which was to refer the pijiandc question, w ith which they would not grapple, to the decision of another President I election. THE CONSERVATIVES WILL TRIUMPH. The chief element iu the accomplishment of this reactionary movement is the war which the Administration is conducting for the restoration of the Union. The war h indeed the trumpcard of the Democracy; not war for emancipation; not war for conquest; but Mr. Lincoln's war for the Union. TJiey have no fear that it will serve the end of Abolition. It has pissed that stage. Its resul's are now in their keeping. All they wish is its prolongation In the first place, it holds the nation pledged to the principle that the Union is intact, and the Constitution opeti to amendment through Southern voles. In the next place the responsibility of it being with the Republicans, it weakens them sadly in the elections. And in the third place, its effect is to wear away and depress the slaveholders, and dispose them in favor of conciliation. The war. in whatever aspect it may be presented, is an admirable instrument for them. If the war should happen to meet with unexpected success, Hnd defeat the rebellion, the slaveholders w ill be brought back just in time to join them jn the election. If it tdiould lag and accomplish no results, as now seems likely, this will inevitably insure them a triumph in the popular vote. Their theory is, and it is a sound one, that the two foi-ccs. Abolition and Secession, now iu deadly conflict, have only to be permitted to continue the fight long enough to wer each other out, and cause the political waters to 'ubside to their former level. Thus, on the basis of the war, they ha.e a complete mastery of the situation, and no earthly power can prevent their success. THE ARMY CONSERVATIVE. Nevertheless, without reference to the result of the war, 1 consider the chances of the conservatives in the election far superior to that of the Administration. Great reliance is placed by the later on the vote ol the soldier-; but, iu my opinion, this is delusive. The soldiers w ill be affected iu like manner with the ret of the people, and, moreover, will be tired of military service and anxious to return home. They w ill be dis satisfied from a thousand causes and desire a change. The suffering and indignation yet to be engendered by the unlimited issue of au irre deemable paper currency, will of itself overwhelm the Administration party, and sink it deeper than plummet ever sounded. But the Democrats, in my judgment, safely calculate that they can take is-ue on any one of a hundred necessary incidents of the war, and defeat their opponents by a large majority. THE PROCLAMATION A FAILURE. . Many suppose that the effect of the proclamation of emancipation wiil be to so thoroughly, speedily and completely annihilate and extirpate slavery, that the slaveholders will have no lonper a motive to act together. This is an egregious mistake. The proclamation will have no such effect. Its constitutionality is denied. It is still . unexecuted, and its validity undetermined. The w hole subject is yet open to debate and final set

tlement. The Judiciary Department is to teed er

its devis'on upon it; and, in the meantime, it is to te the controlling issue in a popular election for President. This state of things will undoubtedly inspire the slaveholders with a more resolute purpose than ever. 1 bei r. effort will rut, a heretofore, be to r re vent the Abolitionist from freeing their slaves, as a distaut and speculative proposition, but to rescue him from the grasp of the enemy already actually laid upon him. It will redouble their will and bring out every latent energy. sumner ms Magnus apollo. The Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Sum ner.) who has lately been re alected lo serve an other term of six years in the body he has so long adorned, should, in this crisis, point us to the proper action. His purely Northern character. nis great aoiiilies. In lulty aspirations, his sacn-. fices for freedom, the entire confidence of his State so spontaneously be-to wed upon him and that State the noble-t m America nil single him out as one authorized and required to speak w ith a decisive voice on this great occasion. 1 here are also in this House gentlemen who Words on this momentous theme the country w ill listen to with intense interest. The honorable member from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Thaddeus Ste vens.) one of the truly great men of America full of learning and wisdoir tried by long vears of arduous service in this cause, who has never faltered, and ls now re-elected iu his D.strict by overwhelming numbers, stands foremost among those ol whom the nation will expect deliverance Iroui the dangers which encompass it. Lft these men, aud such as these, speak, and tell the country what to do in this hour of transcendent peril. nevertheless, 1 cannot retrain from exntes.-in!r my individual opinion that the true Dolicv of the North is to terminate this war at once. The longer it contiuues, Ihe worse our situatiou becomes. Let the two Houses of Congress adojt the follow ing resolutions: "Ktsolted, bu the Senate and Houte of Revretentative, JfC , That the Executive be, and he is hereby requested to issue a general order to all commanders of force in the several military departments of the United Slates to discontinue offensive operations against the enemy, and to net lor the future entirety on the deiensive. Resolved, That the Executive be, and he is further-requested to enter into negotiations with the authorities of the Confederate States with reference to a cessation of hostilities, based on the following propositions: 1. Recognition of the independence of the Confederate States 2 A unifoim system of duties upon imports. 3. Free trade between the two States. 4. Free navigation of the Mississippi river. 5. Mutual adoption of the Monroe doctrine." " CAM LIVE TOUKTHER. I entirely d'sagree with those who assert that it is impossible that the North and Souih could live peaceably side by side, because there are no natural boundaries between the two. such as the Rocky Mountains or the Atlantic Ocean. This is a bugbear with which we iniHse upon ourselves. The people of the North and South can never become forriqn tialiun$ to each other in the sense in which the French and English or Russians are. They ate sprung from the same origin, speak the same language, possess a common literature, inherit similar politics and leligious views, and inhabit regions closely connected by natural and artificial ties. They will, therefore, both tie always American. The only great difference between tnem is of .- social and politii al nature, namely, that which arises from the existence of African slavery iu one, and its absence in the other. This fief, however, offers no obstacle whatever to such i. separation as is involved in independent political jurisdictions; on the contrary, it prettly facilitates il. Before the Fedeial Union was establised all the Slates were independent, and associated under Articles of Confederation, iu the nature of a treaty. The argument now adduced to show the impracticability of present separation between the North and South, go with equal force to prove the impossibility of what then actually existed and was accepted in the case of the thirteen original States of the Union. The latter stood toward each other ptecisely as the North and South would stand should they stop the war and fiiter'into tieaty. It would simply beresolving the North and the South into confederate States, resuming, as to them, the old basis of the Confederation. This w juid be the wholebf it. It is, therefore, a very simple operation. I do not suggest this, however, on the idea that should il ever be adopted, the separation it implies would be permanent. 1 believe that it would insure an ultimate reunion on an antislavery basis. I h ive confidence in the inherent vital ty of Northern civiliz iiiou. I have no fear to sot it in com i et it ion with that f the South. Let them proceed side by side in the race of empire, and we&hall see winch will triumph. T lie ('rent Adi anre In Cotton This Misiclc has reached a price iu the New Yoik market which it never bore before fince it has been known as a staple. Day before yesterday it sQidenly jumped to eighty nine cents in the forenoon, and in the afternoon sales were re jHjrtcd at the extraordinary price of ninety-six cents per pound. A party who purchased in the forenoon resold in the afternoon at a profit of $4'J per bile. At ninety six cents per oujd a b-ile of cotton h wnith $112. Before the war it sold at ten to twelve cents per pound, or at $15 to $54 per bale. From present appearances ii is Mssible that it may to;n-h 1 per pound, or $400 per bale. The present price i higher than it w-. before the invention of the cotton gin, and hen the negroes at the Sjuth pit ke 1 it w ith tb jir lingers Bryant Edwards, in his history of the West Indies, quoted cotton grown in ihe Bahamas and other W e-t Iu!i.i Island- m lTc'4 at two i-hillings and s x ence sterling j er pound say about sixty two and and a hail cents -which was picked or cteuie.1 with the Ci gers. In lTt3 the firt fie bales of roitoii were received in Liverpool from li e Southern Sutes, and which were seized as contraband, ou the ground that cotton was not nor could not be grown iu America. The-e five b des w ere cleaned by hand. In a few jears afterward Wliilney's cotton tin came into Use, which, itli increased African )abr, imparted immense activity jo its cultivation nd a great increase in itr production. Thedestruction of African t ib r by em uicipation or otlnrwi-e will be its overthrow as a staple. Nothing has more largely contributed to ihe civilization of the heathen Inn cheap cotton goods. The first step will a savage in the path of civilization has been to cover his nakedness with a cotton shirt, made from cheap raw cotton. The laboring classes in the temperate latitudes have derived immense advantages from cheap cotton goods. The jioorer d iss of females have sported in gay prone I calicoes', rivaling the liuea of the most costly fabrics, while II ages and sexes have been indebted to it for cheap and comfortable clothing, und for a vast number of household uses. This must nil tie changed. Cotton at nearly $1 per pound, w ill soon make a cotton shirt cost as much as a silk one, and a calico frock as much ns a silk gown. Such a state of things will press hard upi the joorand laboring classes. Whit will aggravate the evil will le the use of paper money with which they will have to purchase dear goods (for all kinds half advanced with cotton), worth less than half its value of standard currency belore the wnr. All this the people would willingly bear, and much more, were the war conducted for the restoration of the Constitution and the Union, and not for emancipation, threatening the permanent ruin aDd enslavement of the whites. N. V. Herald. The Wlit-ut ami Toracro Crop of 163. We conversed yesterday with a gentleman engaged in the manufacture of farming implements, and who has during the present winter visited every county in Indiana, and as a result of his inquiries uud observations he informs us that the wheat crop was never more promising at this reason of the year than at the present. He also informs us that the area of land sown throughout the State will average in acres with previous Jeasous. Our in foi uianl is eil posted iu matters of agriculture, and he estimates the wheat crop of lb63, if tire eason pro1 es favorable, at not less than 2,()0.(H) bushels. The crop of l?f.O exceeded 23,0UUHH) bushels. From the same gentleman we learn that an unusual excitement prevails among the farmers of Indiana, especially in the southern counties, on the subject of tobacco culture, and that an immense crop of this great staple w ill be planted in southern Indiana the coming spring. We are satisfied that no crop can be grown the coming season which will pay better than tobacco, and the soil and climate ot Southern Indiana are most admirably adapted to the production of this iraport.mt staple. The closing of the Southern ports, and the consequent suspension of commercial relations between the South and the treat tobacco countries ol the worid, will create a demand, at verv high prices, fjr all the tobacco grown in the Northwest. N. A. Ledger. ?S""Oohh a'mity, it's a gal t I was gwine to call dat buby A. Linkua, but dat's all up wid me now," said a Pompey. "Hush up, Pompey," said Dinah, "I's c,ot a name fur dat ah baby jist means de same thing, 'zackly. I's gwine to call dat ah baby Abby Lishin." "Jist same thing, Dinah, dat's a fac"