Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 36, Indianapolis, Marion County, 26 January 1863 — Page 2

WEEKLY SEXTlTEL

MONDAY, JANUARY 2f. Election of state Printer. We uke ibis occasion to express our heartfelt acknowledgments to our political and person! friends in the Legislature for their unanimous Tote in the election of Stale Printer. It is a rindicaCo" most gratifying, after the trials, editoril anJ personal, we have passed through during the past two years; and they have been indeed ho'-.rs, days, weeks and months of trial. We have done only what we thought was right, with an eve single to the best interests of the country, regardless ot personal considerations. Our bark h is been upon a tempestuous se.t, beset with perils and dangers upon every Me, but with the Constitution as our chart and with the principles and sympathy of the glorious old Democratic party to sustain ua, we have thus far safely outridden every storm. Although light is bi caking, the perils of the naticn are not yet encompassed. There is a gre.it work yet to be done a work which will require' energy, and zeal, and labor and the best ability of every true patriot, to accomplish. So far as we are concerned, we shall in the future devote ourselves more diligently, if possible, in every honorable effort to maintain the Constitution as it is as it came from the hands of the fathers and to restore the Union as it was a Union which conferred upon the nation blessings and prosperity and progress in an unparalleled dc?ree. Malice and envy and detraction hath directed at us its envenomed shafts in every form that partisan mrügnity could devise, but all has fallen harmless at our feet. A it ever h is been, the inventions of the foolish and wicked have returned to plague them, verifying the old adage that "Curses, like chickens, come home to roost." "Traitor" and Treason." The partisan opponents of the Democratic party are again applying these terms to their political enemies with renewed vigor. Joe Wright, in a speech in the Sen ite the other day, said with gre.it virulence that if the Abolition war policy of the Administration was unsuccessful, it would be owing to the "traitors in Indiana," meaning, of course, the partr which ousted him from his seat in the Senate. Such is the term he applies to the men with whom he has long been politically asso ciated and whom he knows hive the welfare and permanency of the Government at heart in all that they do, ti say the least, equally with himself. Only an ingrate and slanderer could thus rill'ify more th m one half of the people of the State who have heaped upon him undeserved honors. The other night, at a so callel "Union" meeting in this city, the speakers indubzed in the same epithets against a citizen whose erery interest, every sympathy and every sentiment is for the preservation of the Government in its integrity. The Republicans have a new definition of treason He is a traitor who will not render unconditional allegiance to the Administration and vigorously prosecute all its measures. It is treason in their estimation to question the immaculacy of Abraham Lincoln and to condemn his unconstitutional acts. Those who do not ininlicitly and blindly follow the lead of a weak, irresolute and aimless Administration, are pronounced traitors. We have, indeed, fallen upon evil times, when a people, whose boast and pride has been their belief in the capacity of mm for (self-government, cannot express theij sentiments upon the condition of public affairs and the acts of an Administration, without being denounced by a portion of the strae people as ' aitors. What a commentary is it upon the virtue and intelligence of the people when a man like Joe Wright can set himself up as the standard of loyalty and deuounca all who differ with him in opinion or judgment as to the true interests of the Government, as disloyal, as traitors. "Upon what meat hath our Casar fed, that he has grown o great?" Contrast Setuoc. and Lincoln. The former discusses the crisis in our public affairs with the grasp and ability of the statesman, while the lat'er as yet gives no evidence that he even comprehends our national difficulties and necessities, much less the remedy for the disease H is Seimoi r a whit lese interest in the n itioi.'s honor and welfare than Lincoln? What motive or consideration can the latter have greater than the former in sustaining the integrity of the Government, and in promoting its prosperity ? None whatever. Yet the followers of Lincoln charge Sktjioir with being a "traitor." What impudence and folly! Thought and reason must be fettered before men can be made to thiiik alike to agree upon the beat means of accomplishing results and the remedy for the exi-ting troubles of the country. The professed object of all is to preserve the Gov ernment and the Union, and men can honestly differ as to the best menu of doing it Some may think that war is disunion, while others may be equally confident th it the Union can only be maintained by wr, and both may be equally patriotic. The Government has had all the men and all the money it has asked for to suppress the rebellion by force, and near two years have been spent in the attempt to pin the Union together by bayonets, but apparently we are not as near accomplishing that object as when war's grim visage first showed its front. With this experience, who has the right to say that those who have opposed the policy of the Administration are "traitors?" Have popular rights been advance! since the war began? Despotism and demoralization are the fruits of civil war. This has been painfully illustrated in the developments of the past two years Who then are traitors, who guilty of treason those who labored to prevent those evils by an amicable adjustment of the national differences, or those who, refusing all overtures for compro mise, force! the fearful internecine war 'upon the country, with its sacrifices of blood and treasure? The men who advocate the continuance of a strife which strikes a blow at the prosperity, progress and power of the nation cannot be its friends. History will write down such acts as treasou and the men ho advocated such a policy as traitors. But it is time that criminations and recriminations should cease. It is time that reason should resume its sway, and an earnest effort made to stop this unnatural and wasting war. We are citizens of a common country, and we should be influenced by a common purpose to save it and oar free institutions from destruction. If this pint animated the people a spirit of conciliation Insre id of strife, love instead of hate the cla-h of arms would aooo cease, unity would be reStored, anJ peace would again bless th"e land with prosperity and happiness ic? The Pope wis too unwell to officiate at th Christina festivities in Rome It is s aid that Lis nervous system is eriousiy affected by any sudden change In the weather, and cauterization in his leg produces a feverish excitement. fS"Late advices state that the mental powers of the Sulian are deranged, and the Turkish M.n ister often tnee; i:i secret council to consult upon the measures to be taken for the moment when the incre u-'Dg mental alienation makes him altogether unfit to reisn- A regency ia too much at variance with the Oriental ideas, and the Sultan's heir ia not jet of aze. 3?"At supper, the other day, in Albany, there were presentone father, three daughteis, one son, one mother, one brother, three grand daughters, three sisters-in law, one brother in law, three aunts, four cousin, one wife, one nephew one grandson, three niece, one husband, and three tdsters. And jet, strange to say, there were only four persons present.

Porlc Packing; In (he Weal. The Cincinnati Price Current, of Wednesday,

gives the number ot nogs siaugmereu in tne, - i i . i . i West, up to the 10th inst., and an estimate of the packing for the season. 1 he total number packed in Indiana during the season of 1661-2 was 307,604. The number slaughtered up to the 10th inst, was 3GJ.675, and the estimate for the whole season is 387,778. In Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Kentucky and Missouri the total number packed last season was 1,892,219. The number slaughtered up to the 10th inst. was 2,231, 1C6, and the estimated packing for the whole season is 2,645,143. These figures show a large increase in the packing over last year. Up to the 10th inst. the increase was 33,?47, and the estimate of the total number slaughtered and tobe slaughtered is 752,924 greater than the total number slaughtered at the places specified in 1661-2. The Price Current states that the average weight of the hog and the yield of lard is generally below that of la-t season. The falling ofT of weight is estimated at from 9 to 10 per cent. Aid and Comfort to the Enemy by holrsalr. One of our Abolition organs of this city pub Hshed a letter yesterday, purporting to come from the "Headquarters of the Army of the Potomac," which is a contribution by wholesale of "aid and comfort to the enemy." All the declared treason able or disloyal publications of all the newspapers heretofore suppressed by the Government amount to nothing compared wun tne miscnievous uisclosures. if true, of this sensation letter of our aforesaid Abolition eo emporary. It tells the world and the rebel army in front of onrs at Fred ericksburg that the "Administration looks with distrust ou the Army of the Potomac," and that that army "looks ith distrust ou the Adminis tration;" that General Halleck has denounced this army as "disaffected and dangerous," and that, in "fact, "the Army of the Potomac has ceased to exist;" that "the animosity in Washing ton toward the army is amply repaid by the bitterness of the army toward the Cabinet;" that Gen eral Bumside had been ordered to move against the enemy "last Thursday week," and that the order was countermanded, with the discovery that some of his Generals"had no confidence in him," that the army itself had r.o confidence in him, that the army is demoralized and in a dangerous position, and" that the Cabinet is debating whether to break it up, to appoint a new commander, or to try nnother advance under its present organizition and leader; and so on to the end of the chapter. Had a spy been employed by Jeff. Davis to come over into our lines and gather all the information that he possibly could calculated to demoralize our army, to strengthen the enemy and to weaken the Government, he would have relumed abundantly satisfied with a copy of this aforesaid letter. In the simple fact that the Army of the Potomac has rem lined stationary since the Oattle of Fiedericksburg there is evidence of something wrong; and from the numerous idle rumors, nod bits of fact, ard ingenious exaggeration, afloat in Washington, it is easy to understand how the disclosures rf the letter in question were woven together. But, whether false or true, if such e Torts anion;; our profess edly administration journals to hold up to the contempt of other nation and to the advantage of the enemy, our army and our Government can beqnietlv permitted at Washington.it may 9 well be proclaimed at once that the loyal States I are open lor the establishment 01 newspajtcrs diree'lv in the service and pay of Jeff. Davis New York Herald. A 1'lea or I'furt, The Metropolitan Record, the official organ of Archbishop Hcgkes, is strongly in favor of peace and a convention for the settlement of our national difficulties. It will be recollected that the Archbishop was a decided advocate for the vigorous prosecution of the war when its declared object was the restoration oi the Union and the maintenance of the Constitution, but now his mouth piece is outspoken in favor of a different mode of reconciling the sectional differences of the country. It is now for stopping this unnatural war; and urges reasons for so doing which should have consideration and influence with e7ery true lover of his country. We commend the following extracts from a leading editorial in the Record to the attention of our readers, and they have significance at the present time, considering the source from w hence thev come: The people long for peace; even as "the heart p anteih after the water brooks," the. pant for it. To obtain peace they would sacrifice every thing we honor; but the miserable fanatics w ho brought on this war would not give up one of their paltry prejudices to save the country from annihilation With a ruthless exultation, worthy of savages, they drive their miserable hobbies over heaps of slain and through t-e 13 of blood, over that revered document which patriots call the Constitution, and foul mouthed radicals 'sheepskin " over the wildly throbbing National heart, over the mam moth graves of our slaughtered citizens, and over the mangled form of prostrate Liberty. For what? Toredize the Eutopia of some fanatic uitraist with little brains anil le-s ballast; to carry out the wild scheme ot some heartless vi-ionarr, though the result should paralyze a nation and set the clock of the world back a century.'' Shall they be permitted to drown, with their noisy clamor, the still- small voica of wisdom inculca ting pcice? Shall the pissions and prejudice-1, the vices und follies, of a contemptible minority be permitted to work th ruin of the country? To prevent it, eirtiet thought is as necessary as prompt action, and wh it is earnest thought with out bold utterance? The longer this war is continued th more cm t-ittere l will become the feeling between the con tending sections; therefore, "let hostilities ce ise, and lt an armistice be declared, which will gie angry passioiis an opportunity to cool dow n and reason to assert her sway." We, the con.-erva tive masses of the country, have freely given to the country our blood and treasure; is it too much to ask. that radicals shall sacrifice their darlintr isms? Let the radicals iu longer sit with folded arms, calling upon every one to save the country. Those who have been so careful to preserve their lives, should at least be willing to sacrifice their hobbies; and this done, "let the people meet in convention, and agree upon the basis of Union for all time. As an aggregate of sovereign States, it behooves us to cultivate a regard for the rights of others, and to show respect for the opinions of others. One section should not assume to be the conscience of the whole, nor claim that it ideis of rifriit and wrong should dominate the entire Confederacy. We have had enough of political Phariseeism. We, at the North, have been too long in the habit of regarding our-elves ns betier than our neighbors; the war has done a good deal toward dispelling this illusion. Surely, then, it is a good time to "meet in convention," and settle as best we may our National troubles bv home intervention, the only intervention that is not derogatory to the dignity of a great nation nor distasteful to the pride of a true patriot From the Albany Evening Journal, Jan. 12. VIi-re Are Vc And Where Drtf( In if! A Significant Article from the Feu of I liurloiv Weed. In lcGO. when only distant muttering of re beiliou were heard, wa were among the lew who recognized, iu those threats, the tertaitty of war; and who, ui a measure, comprehend.' both i's magnitude ami U horrors. It is alwnya au Offense, in an individual, to foresee evils, and es pecialiy so to attempt to avert or even to be pie pared lor them. For an article then written, asking the President, Congress, and our reiders, t raise their eyes and thoughts above the horizon ol party, and contemplate a crisis which would tax the energies of the people, and teat the strength of our Government, we incurred the denunciations of in my, and the friendly censure of moat of the Republicans journals. Subsequently, when rebellion was rampant in the extreme .Southern Slates, a question whether North Carolina: and Tencessee should remain ir the Union or go out of it. arose. We all remember the "Border Slate Propositions," upon the adoption of which, by Congress, re el lion, from the Mississippi to the Atlantic, would have been bounded by the Southern Imej of Tennessee and North Carolina. With a modification which the Border State Representalivesoffered to accent, we advocated that "compromise." And for this. I also, we were severely denounced. In the "Peace Congress, where the Legislature honored us with a seat which we resigned in favor of a distinguished citizen, the "Border' State Proposition" was again rejected, and consequently two States, a majority of wltose citizens yearned to remain in the C'.on, were lost. With North Carolina and Tennessee in the Union, Virginia could not have gone out of it. We should, therefor, instead of sacrificing hundreds of thousands

of lives and hundreds of millions of treasure in

North .Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, have reserved those troops and that treas u.-e to crush out rebellion in the cotton States. The rebellion as wanton and wicked as any that stains the pages of history thus embracing more States than was necessary has been nearly two years in progress, with what measure of success and what promise of a termination we can judge, one as well as another. Its lessons teach us that it requires all the strength ot & united North to preserve the Union and uphold the Government. We had at the commencement of the war a united North. The culmination of treason, in its attack on Fort Sumter, kindled a blaze of indignant patriotism over the whole North, East and West. AM merely partisan feeling was merged in higher and nobler im pulses. All good and true men, in imitation of their ancestors at Concord and Lexington, in 177Ü. rushed to arms or contributed money. Then we were, in the language of Mr. Jefferson, "all Republicans all Federalists," or in other language, "all Republicans all Democrats" For the first year the war had, with few exceptions, the hearty support of both and all political parties. It was prosecuted earnestly, but with indifferent success with more heart than head more zeal than knowledge. We had gallant troops commanded by incapable Generals, made so, probably by newspaper and other interference. At any rate, the ill success of our armies caused popular impatieuce, of which those whose ultra anti-slavery viewä enabled the secession leaders to mass the sentiment of the cotton States availed themselves to impart an abolition character to the war. The evidence before us in tne rivers of blood lfiiej amj j,e millionsof treasure expended that the preservation of our Union and Government demand the best and united energies and efforts of the whole people, is valueless. What all united have so far failed to accomplish the Abo lit ton chiefs and journals insist upon undertaking as a party. They demand that the war shall be prosecuted under their auspices and for their pur- . . . . . . i i . : poses. Men s opinions on tue aiavery question must be lengthened or shortened, in accordance with Procrustean example. These impracticable, one idea lecturers and journalists, aided by the untortunate"On to Rich mond military disasters, have already withdrawn New York, New Jersev, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois from the political support of the Administration. Too many of the Democratic leaders in these States especially in Ohio and Indiana are of the Vnllandig'.iam school. This false, disloyal man, with shame be it confessed, found sympathizing friends to welcome and fe ist him at a Secession hotel in the c ty of New York! Still the masses of the Democracy, tnd most of their prominent men, are truly devoted to the Union, and remain willing to contribute their money and peril their lives to su tain the Government. But in this there is no merit, unless they adopt the anti-slavery platform and accept the dogmas of the New York Tribune. Will those of our old Whig friends, now so impatient with, and differing so widely from, us, turn ther minds a few years backward and remember what they then thought of Abolition, and what its course and action wad Was it not narrow, perverse and mischievous? Did it not exert a vicious and malign political influence? Did it not, for twenty years, at our elections. State and National, ever play into the hands of pro-slavery Democrat?? While we were laboring for the right, doing all we could for the Union and the country, were we not embarrassed and thwarted by this fractious, impracticnble "third ptrty?" "Who were its leaders then? Messrs Garrison, Phillips, Sumner. Gerritt Smith, kc ; ite. Did we trust to their judgment, or follow their lead, or vote with them then? Are not the same men, w ith Mr. Greeley fully developed as a disciple, the Abolition leaders now? Have they grown wiser, or is your own intellect dw.trfel. or has jour common sense collapsed? If the North rejected Abolition as a merely political lest, will it be accepted when the lives of our soiu and brothers ami the preservation of our country are involved? If we refused to follow "one idea men" when it only cost us votes, shall we commit all that is sacred and precious to their leadership? We ask these questions now in view of the concerted effort to narrow this iniithtv struggle for national existence down to an Abolition crusade. We ask them in the hope of arresting a popular delusion which is drawing tens of tliousai tls of patriotic, devoted men into a vortex which bodes inevitable ruin ami destruction to themselves and their country. We ask them, at this moment, und in view of the studied attempt to classify all who do not work up to their standard, as enemies. And finally, we ask earnestly whether the experience of the first year and a half of war, with all parties heartily engaged in it, justifies the hope that the rebellion .can be crushed and the union preserved with a uui'ed South and divided North? From iiolinijfioii. BlSCLTS OK IIaI.LKCK's AND StANTi.N'S Ma.N'AGEjihNT for Six Months Alabmino DisisteGBATIOX OK THE AkMT PoKTKNTS OF THE Revolution Certainty of Fklnch Interventionix the Spuing. Special Correspondence of the Chicago Times. Wasuingtox, Jan. 22. The Army of the Potomac is in motion again, and again the rebel capital is threatened with capture. In order to avoid giving information to the enemy, 1 will refrain from any mention of the routes upon which the Union forces aie now advancing on Richmond. Besides, by the time this reaches you. the telegraph will have informed you on these points, and you will be able to judue whether or not it is probable ih it the expedition will succeed. There is no one here, however, except those whose judgment is clouded by their hatred of ihe South," who expect any more military successes as long as the war is conducted by Messrs. Lincoln, Sianioii and Halleck. Under the direction of that triumvirate of stupidity, reverse has followed reversi. defeat has succeeded to defeat, and one disas'er has only given place t another with still more deplorable results. The records of disasters and dele. its which our arms hive suffered since Halleck has lud thediiectiou of the army is appalling. Here is the list. First The failure to take Richmond in July hu I August, when McClellan's army was within fifteen miles of that place, and when, as I h ive shown in a recent leiler, the Governtment had 1110,000 disposable trooos whom Halleck could have sent to reinforce Gen. McClellan. Second The disgraceful failure of Pope's campaign against Richmond, by the overland -route, in August, which resulted in the shameful retreat of our army to the shelter of the Wabhington forts. Third The advance of the rebel army under General Lee, iu the first days ol September, in such force, and to a point so near Washington, that the Captal was really in peril, and was indeed only saved from capture by Gen. Mc. Clellan. Fourth The massacre at Fredericksburg. Fifth 1hedeftf.it t: lid iepul-e of the Union troops under Gen. Sherman at Vitksbuig. Sixth The failure of the expedition sent against Fort Hudson. Seventh The loss of Galveston. Eighth The loss of the Harriet L ine. Ninth -The loss ol the whole oi Texas. Tenth The pre-enceof General Smith's cavalry in strong force, not onlv at 0:coquan and Dumfries, beta ecu General Bui nside's army and Washington; but even within bight of the Capital. Eleventh The loss of five large steamboats loaded with army supplies, and a gunboat on the Cumberland river, ne.ir Nashville. Twelfth The presence of a Confederate force in ihe rear of Rosecrans' army. Thirteenth The peril which the army of Rosecrans is iu, in consequence of litlleck's failure to provide Rosecrans with the means of reaping the fruits of his victory at MurlieesbW. Fourteenth The alarming demoralization which prevails ,iu the army of the Potomac, and the rapid disintegration of the army in gen eral. Every one of the! disasters ia owing directly and solely to the mismanagement ol Lincoln, Stanton and Halleck. Our soldiers, and our Generals hi the field, have not failed in their duty. They have endured hardships which have few parallels in military history, and fought with the steadiness of veterans. Uut the heroic bravery of even 700,(K)0 troops cannot supply tha brains and capacity that an needed here. And, whether our armies amount to 7U'J,U00,or only lobdO.OUO troos and the latter is no doubt nearer to the truth than the former they w ill not long remain even at that figure. In the spring, the lime of more than 10O.IKK) of the best disciplined 'roops will expire, and they will leave the service. It would not have been difficult to luve nduced lluin to re euli.-t, if the President had observed ihe solemn pledges of his Inaugural, and if the war had been made a war lor the Union and the Constitution. But they are disgusted with a war for the negro, and will take no further part in a war meiely to liberate four millions of blacks, and turn them loose to uiutder their masters and make the South a desert. In view of these facts, it is not ttranpe that no

confidence ia felt here in the result of any expedition planned by either Lincoln, Stanton, or Hal

leck, or all ot them. Eveu the rvew lorn uerald of yesterday, which has until recently delenaeu tne Administration, s ys, euiior-auy. e tell the President that his administration has for feited the confidence of the cou-itry. Without that confidence it is impossible to conclude the war successfully." And 1 will aaa mat tnat cou fidence can never be restored by any Administration of which he is the head. To me, who witness from day to day the shameful manner in which oi;r splendid army is mismanaged by the stupid and imbecile triumvi rate who control matters here, it aeema uuac countable how the iiUion and the army can endure it any longer. In two years of war the Government has called out and had under arms 1,2ÜÜ,ÜÜU men. Of these, 4D0.OOU have been killed or permanently disabled, leaving 800,000 now under pay. During this tune the Government has spent two millionsof dollars every day, or contracted debts to that amount, besides over whelming the country with a weight of national debt that can Lever be paid. This vast military strength, these boundless resources, are utterly useless in the hands of the present Administration. Ia there no Cromwell, no Napoleon, in Ameri ka? Is there not even a General Monck? Was the Parliament that was dissolved bv Cromwell half as corrupt as the present Congress? Were the crimes that cost Charles 1 his bead halt as flagrant as those which have been committed un der the authority of Abraham Lincoln, and which w ill be instigated bv his emancipation proclama lion? Was the administration in England, at the time that General Alonck restored her constitu tional government, half ns imbecile us the ad ministration ol Abraham Lincoln? These are questions which the people are beginning to ask. 1 he American people are patient ami long sutler ing, but the day must come when their patience will be exhausted. Mr. Seward has cau-ed the announcement to be made that the State Department is in receipt of oews from abroad of the most cheering nature, in regard to our foreign -relations. That shows exactly how well posted Mr. Seward is in regard to our foreign relations. The news he refers to conies from Mr. Dayton, the man who cannot speak a word of the French language, and whom the Emperor Napileon so completely mystified by w hat he said to him on New Year's day. The fact is, we are 011 the eve of anope rupture with France a war with France, unless w e choose to look on and see Napoleon aiding the rebels with men and ships, and breaking the blockade of the Southern ports. For that is what Napoleon is going to do in the spring. My information is positive and direct, and 1 know it to be true; and 1 place this statement on record now, in oppo sition to Mr. Seward's placid assurance. The resolution introduced inlo the Senate yes terday, by Mr. McDougall, of California, shows that he, too, comprehends this danger 111 its full extent. It is evident to those who choose to use their eyes and reasoning faculties properly, that Napoleon has completely befooled Mr. Dayton, and that he is playing a game 111 Mexico which will give him, in the first place, a foothold in tint country for the French troops, w ith which he designs to aid the Confederate in the spring: and, in the second plate, which will uive him, as a possession forever, the whole of Mexico, nud. it may be, of California also In the midst of the gloom that invests every thing here, we see a ; learn of hope in the elections for United States Senators recently held by the Legislatures of several States. Illinois has done nobly in sending the able rnd eloquent Richard son here. Pennsylvania has responded "true to theLnioii as it was by seuddiif Mr. Lut kalew in-lead of Simon Cameron. New Jersey has shown her faith in the Constitution by her works and sends to us Mr. James W. Wall, one of the Fort Lafayette victims wf Executive tyranny, u able lawyer und atme statesman As long as t ie Legislatures of the States clod men like these, and as long as Governors of States talk like the Governor of New Yoik, there need be no fear of the stability of our institutions. We are passing through a terrible resolution. But it will result in the firm re-establishment, of Ameri can constitutional liberty. X. Our Army for repontlence I' rip Down the Ohio and ,t.liti ppi Capture of Arkansas Pot-Deafii of Captain (inln. U. S Gunboat Chillicothe, ) Arkansas Post, Arkansas Rivi.r, January 13, lt(i3. ) Editors Sentinel: Since I am no longer in the Army of the Potomac, and since, in imitation of Father Abraham and others, it is fashionable to change bases, I have concluded, with your permission, to change my corresjioiideiice from a proclamatioii-emaiicipaiion shi-et to a bona fide butternut one to a paper that entertains the sen liments of ihe army and navy. I had contemplated to give you a description of our departuie over the falls from Jeflersonville, Ind., and of the entertainments given to the officers of the Chiliicothe by the very hospitable people id' Jeflersonville and New Albany, und of our trip down the monotonous Ohio, and of the sui generis appearance of Cairo by day and its very beautiful ap earance from the river at night with its gunbo its and its hundred gteuu Irauspoits and 11 description of the once fuiinidable Fort Columbus und of Island No. 10, and of Foit Pillow, and of Memphis and its piesent appear ant e in contrast with what it was before ihe re hellion, and of the magnificent tleH of transports at Helena, Alk., and of the army that is there, under command of Generals Gorman, Hovey and Slack, and particularly of the, Indiana troops t'icie, and of divers other things that might be entertaining as, for instance, the heroic, godl.ke death of Captain Gwin.of the gunboat Ben ton. (who, by the way, was an lndiaiiian.) but I tan but repeat his dying words. They were: "I give my love to my wife my life to my country ". He was killed iu the attack on Vicksburg. 1 should also have like.llo have described Admiral Poiter and all of his officers, and particularly the Hoosier Capiainstli.it sire in com maud of boats composing the Admiral's fleet; but lean but repeat their names, viz: Captain James P. Foster, Captain Pritchet, Captain George Brown, Cap tain Leroy Fitch, as 1 must devote this letter to a de-ct iption of the great naval land victory at this Post on the lit!: iut On theiiiiihtof the 10th inst.. Admiral Porter's fleet attacked the Post, and alter a very terrific cannonade hauled off until moiuiug. In the meantime General McClernaud had flanked the enemy, so that should the gunboats attack, that was to be renewed on the 11th int , be success lul.he would be able to bag the rebel forces. In other words, it seemed to me that the programme for the 11th inst. was like the game of snipe. The army held the bag and light, and the navy drove in the' game. In the afternoon of the day above mentioned the ball opened, and after a very genteel "balance all" the woik went bravely on. Such another terrific cannonade as the gunboats kept up was never before equaled ou this c niinent. Our guns from the river dism united every gun in the fort, casern teil or otherwise. One large pivot gun was shot into; one shell struck the muzzle of a large cascmaied gun and killed every man ist it, (13.) The (ort was literally rioclcd, ami the casements, (three feet in thickness of solid oak and plated with rai road iron,) had the appearance ot a target board at a well contested shooting match. The accura y of the rhooting of the fleet has never beeii surpassed; as, for instance, two shots weie fiied Ironi the fleet at a battery outside of the fort where there w ere stationed eight regiments of rebels, viz: two from AikansHs and. six irom Texas. The first shot killed the six horses attached to the piece, the second shot killed four of the horses belongiug4to the caisson and blew it up with all ila ammunition. The explosion was terrific. Another shot of ouis killed 17 men in their inticnclmients, and actually blew one of theu a distance of twenty tt-el outside the intreuchments. It has been my fortune, not only iu this war, but in that of others, to have been engaged iu more battles than is usuatly allotted to mortals, but I have never yet seen such horrid mutilations, such ghastly unnatural wounds, us our boils inflicted on this occasion If you were to take a hum tu body and crush it in a tet cf cog-wheels it could not be more crushed and mashed than w ere the-e poor erring mortals. Our casualties are alout 609 killed and wounded, none missing. The urmy sustained the principal loss. The land fotces were commanded by Generals McCieruand. Sherman, and Smith. The los of the enemy was overwhelmingly complete. Besides the killed and wounded we took 6,0u0 prisoners, not a man in or out of the fort escaping". We also took all the guns of the fort, besides G pieces of held artillery and 6 caissons, also 6,000 stand of arms and accoolerments, and ?00 horses .nd mules, including the killed, also 100 wagons, and untold quantities of ordnance stores (the latter were mostiy rn.ttni'ac lured in England ) The rebels were warmly clad and well shod, yet their different paraphernalia were rather outre. I he dead are now buried, and the prisoners will to-day be sent out of Dixie, but K what point I am unable to say. I iola tout for the present. W. C. F. IJTThe French and English elements in Canada refuse to combine. They w ill no more "mix up" than will oil and water. We notice that a furious discussion is now going on between the orgnnsof the antagonistic nationalities, as to whicliof the two exerts the most influence upon the destinies of the Province.

Another Act of Executive Usurpation Major General Wool, who is now in command of the Military Department of the East, it appears, has made an effort to interfere with the military affairs of the State of New York. If this act is sust tine 1 by the Administration, and

Geueral Wool is reported to have said that be was empowered by the General Government to perform that duty, it is but another step toward breaking down 3 :ute lines and the rightful eov ereiguty of the States and increasing the central power; or, in other and more appropriate words, giving increased vitality to a central despotism. A strong Federal Government is a favorite theory with the radical Republicans, and all their movements tend to the accomplishment of that result. The liberties of the people have thus far been preserved by the watchful jealousy, which has been exhibited since the formation of the Government, over every movement which looked toward the centralization of power. Against this tendency the most sagacious of our statesmen have cautioned the people. The de bates in the Convention which framed the Consti tution, and formed the Union of the States, pre sent the evidence that the encroachments of the Federal power were more feared in restraining the freedom of the people, which was meant to be secured andperpetuated by that instrument, than from any other cause. And the events of the past eighteen months illustrate the danger to be apprehended from the usurpation of power by the Federal authorities. If our free institutions fail, and there are many reasons to fear such a catastrophe, their decline and fall will grow out of these usurpations of power, and the submission of the people to them, upon the dangerous and delusive plea of military necessity. The Governor of each Slate is the Commander-in-Chief of the militia thereof. "The President has no right to interfere with, direct, or conti ol the militia of the States. When he needs such troops to enforce the Federal laws or sustain the National authority, he calls for such aid through the Governors of the States. But it appears, if General Wool is to be cred ited, that an United States officer, empowered by the General Government to perform the duty, has issued orders directly to the several commanding officers of the regiments forming the whole militia iu he State of New York, toreport to him the number of such troops ready tor duty, with other particulars relative to their efficiency and the arms in their possession. If such a measure has the sanction of the Administration, it is the beginning of an effirt to break down and override State authority. And if it is permitted iu one instance, there is no security but the same usurpation of power will be extended overall the States. We hope that the powers in Washington have not authorized, and will not sanction, the orders ot uen. Wool. e can hardly believe that they will attempt such an interference with purely State affairs. But if they have, or do, it should meet with a prompt rebuke, not only from the authorities and people of New York, but from those of every Slate. It is a most dangerous assumption of power, and if successfully persisted in, it cannot fail to lead to an entire change in the character of the Government. The professed object of the war was to preserve our free institutions by maintaining the Constitution ard the Union. But if the Constitution is subverted under the plea of military necessity, and submitted to by the people, gradually but surely the disregard of the obligations and restraints imposed by what was intended to be a charter of freedom, will continue and increase until popular lights are all overthrown. We again repeat the hope that the National Adminis tration have not attempted and will not attempt so palpable and unjustifiable disregard of the rights of the State of New York; but if such is the case, and if it does not meet with the earnest and determined protest and rebuke ot the people of all the States, we hall then fear that the days of constitutional liberty are ended. The justification of such acts of Executive usurpation will be a greater evil than the success of the rebellion, for in that case, to use a cant term of the Aboli tionists, the lite of the nation, or in other words the free intitutions which have been the glory of our Government, will be destroyed. To maintain ihe Governmeiitol our fathers Slate rights must be recognized and upheld, and the excesses committed under the sanction of Fed eral law and authority must be condemned and stopped. We make the follow ing extracts from the messages of the Governors of several States lately delivered, to show that the popular sentiment does not and will not sustain the course of the Administration, and that voice should not be disregarded. Whether the orders of General Wool have the Sanction of the National Administration or not.it is weli for the people to wttch the growing tendency to he centralization of power in the General Government and the unwarranted usurpation of power by the Federal Execrtivc. To that end we publish the following extracts alluded to: GOV. ROBINSON, Or KEXTCCKT. Since the commencement of this civil war, there lias suddenly grown no a theory ouLside of and above ihe Constitution, ami anew doctrine h is l-een introduced into practical exhibition that military ntcegsity is not to be mearured by constitutional limits, but must be the judge of the extent of its powers. As an offshoot from this political heresy, there ha' e appe ued among us, not only anti slavery propagandists, but men who have actually presumed to override CMrowu State laws and turn regiments brought here ostensibly for our protection into cities of refuge for runa way slaves. To such an extent has this been carried, that not only have our citizens been driven from the camps where they have traced their property into the possession of the soldiers, but the civil officers have been prevented from serving any process for their recovery. This hih handed and iniquitous conduct is daily and hourly weakening the cause of the Union and paialyzing the effort to suppress the rebellion. And iu addi'ioii to all this, it is putting the State to imminent peril. It is asking too much of the citizen to expect him to fold his arms in quiet submission when Iiis property is taken from him in his very presence, ami to be rudely thrust aside at the point of the bayonet when he attempts to reclaiji it Your State laws are already ample for re-dress ol offenses against the property of the citizen, as the same have been ordinarily commuted, but I suggest to you the propriety of other and more stringent laws against the infamous practice of Abolition soldiers in this j ar ticular, and to do this effectually there should be a solemn lealfinn ition of the great tru'h, that iu all free governments the military is and must be i subject to the civil authority, and by proper leg islation give it a practical meaning by providing for its maintenance at all hazards. GOT. BUHTOX, Or DELAWARE. The subject first in importance to which I shall invite your attention, mom vitally affects the inteiests, rights, privileges and liberties of the people of Delaware ihan any other, peihapg, which ever encaged the attention and deliberations of the General Assembly of this State since the formation of thu Government, and the future existence of the Government itself is not less involved in the issuesa new and novel nse of the military power or the Federal Government, which, if tolerated and carried out in practice, w ill most inevitably result in the pervisiou of the principles and power of the Government, and iu ultimate and tobil destruction. I allude to the unwarranted aud unconstitutional arrests of our peaceful and loyal citizens, whereby thev aie deprived of thir liberty and made inmates of loathsome forts and common jails, without any charge preferred against them in a legal form being made known to tiiein, and denied the privileges of being heard and of confronting tl.eir accusers, or even ol being informed who they around of the nature and character of the charges, if any, against them. These grievances are of no trifling character, and such as the citizens of a loyal State ought not to be subjected to, and which no legitimate power under this Government of boasted liberty and freedom can constitutionally and rightfully inflict upon them. QOY. 8ETM01R, Or NEW YORK. I shall not inquire what rights States ia rebel-

l on have forfeited, but I deny that this rebellion can suspend a single right ol the citizens of loyal States. I denounce the doctrine that civi! war iu the South takes away from the loyal North the benefits of one rrxciple of civil liberty. It is a high crime to abduct a citizen of this State ' It is m'ide my 'only by the Constitution to see that the laws me enforced. I shall invesgale ever; alleged violation of our statutes, and see that offenders are brought to justice. Sheriffs and District Attorneys are admonished that it is their duty to take care that no persons within their respective counties are imprisoned, nor car ried beyond their limits, without due process or legal authority. GOV. PAIKLR, Or NEW JLRSfcT.

Peisoual liberty is one of the absolute rights of man Its protection is one of the primary objects of Government. Under our sv-stem, courts of law are established to try criminal offenses of every grade. Ihe federal and State Courts, having their defined and proper jurisdiction, have continually been accessible. The law points out the mode of proceeding against the alleged offender, and whatever may be the nature of the crime, the courts in New Jersey will fairlr in vetigale the charge, and punish the criminal if legally convicted. It any citizen ol New Jersey be guilty of ihe hi:h crime of treason, let him be punished; but his guilt should be established by the same judicial means that the law awards to the meanest culprit. Whatever legal aud constitutional rights are vested in the Exet utive of New Jersey, for the pro:ettiou of ihe lawlul lights of the citizens of the S ate, will be exercised during my administration. It cannot be that these arbitrary arrests of cititens, without due process, and imprisonment beyond the jurisdiction, are legalized by virtte of authority em n. itiiiir trom any civil magistrate. I Neither can they be justified oecauseof any power flowing from a military commandei; for the persons arrested were not iu the military service, and, therefore, not subject t w hat is termed mili tary law ; and it is a clear principle, that what is called martial law cannot rirhilv extend beyond the field of active operations of the commander. Our Ann)' Correspondence From Tennessee. MtMPHis, January 17. 1663. If ever I wrote a line or a word which might by direction or indirect! in be construed into praise of Gen. Grant, that is hereby revoked, recon sidered and recalled. He may be as wise as a serpent, and wonderfully prudent, so far as his personal safety is concerned. 1 may regard him as a model in that strategy which keeps headqu ti ters well removed Irom danger, but I cannot forgive his utter disregard of my Wants and wishes in regard to transportation. Only think ot my situation' For 3 days I have wandered up and dowu the landing in search of conveyance up the river, and received the same answer from every boat, "Seized by Government," and the plea is, "military necessity." O most potent plea! Iu ihv name whit wrongs have not been comiuittel! Negroes freed, mules impressed. corn se.ze.l, and no, to cap tne climax of out rages, steamboats turned heads duwu stream, when they want lo ;o tne other wav, and it's my sell that wants them to. Don't tell me of a free country and constitutional liberty, when even sie i mho its on the highway of the Mississippi can't do as thev please Speaking ol constitutional liberty, reminds me of a grave and learned discussion 1 had on that subject the other ui iiht with a once worthy planter some five indes out Irom this place I had gone to Col. Eddy's regiment on business; though kindly offered a share in the blankets and rations of the officers, I preferred not to subject them to the inconvenience which their proffered hospitality would cause them, especially as it was raining' very hard; hence I sc tight shelter in si splendid plantation mansion near bv. The night was not such as to allow a stranger, though a supposed enemy, to be turned out o' doors; hence 1 w as invited, or rather permuted, to stav, with quite ns much cordiality alter all, as any Indiunian would likely extend to a Tennosse in, the circumstances being vice vers ied. We were soon surrounding a huge fire, for that Northen: nuis ance, a stove, is unknown here, except for cook ing purposes, und discussing matters and things in general, mid the war und negroes in particu lar. He owned some 2,000 acres of land, aud had owned a hundred or more negroes. Just how ni ihv lie bow onus he could not tell, but he sop;iosed some 75 or 80, cli.cllv women aud child ren, for the best hands had ciiner been impressed or they had taken their feet iu their hands aud gone off on private account. And his mules. too, he knew they had not run off, they had been 6tolen; ai.d what made the case particularly ag graviiiii.g, vvus that about six, and his very last, except Ins blind mule, bad been taken that day You see inv fix. It was raining terribly out of doors and grow ins colder, and at best it was cold hospitality within, and not without apol.jgy, for rnu'es and negroes had irone, ami a thousand men at .h it same hour were burning rails all around the old planter s house. I could not blame him for thinking hard things even of an innocent person like myself, inasmuch as I hailed from the same hited North I set myself to comfort the old man as best I could, mid made some siliiisiou to a mvsieiious Providence, but he couldn't sec it I toll him (h it his tribulations were not so -re it, after nil, as Job's in old lime, but he sai l Job wasn't as old a man as lie he hr.d a chance lo nioie than regain all he hail lost; but beinir :ibout seventy him-clf. he could not hope to live through his hardship, much less gel his negroes :u:d mules buck; and as for fences, they never could be le made, for the timber was all gone; so Job would i.ot comfort Iwm. Cut being pns'ed on the Constitution (evmbtaly un derstan.ls that, you know.) I determined to ifraw him out on that, for il that would not comfort him, I knew of nothing that would short .of bringing luck Iiis mules, and negroes anil fences, with a few thousand bushels of corn, and other trifles of that kind. "What d cs the President mem by exempting Tet.nessee Irom his unconstitutional edict?" said the old man. That was a poser., and I had often asked myself the same question Cut before I had a chance to answer, he continued: "Docs he imagine that slave property will be worth anything here when slavery is abolished in Mississippi?" Not being in any way identified with that proclamation, nor bound to answer for Mr. Lincoln, I told him that I suppostnl the President expected them to be thankful for small favors that the exemption was a tub for the Union whales of the border States to play with. At this he went o:r terribly, winding up with the loss of his twenty five negroes and his good mules, and leaving the blind mule and the negro women and children to Iced, mid no mule to grind corn with, and very little com left to grind. 1 told him that I knew of no clause in that sacred instrument which gave Mr. Lincoln power to free the slaves, except the one which allowed him to lake mules "Tbat isn't there either." interrupted the old man and to burn rails "No such a clause." said he and to hoot rebels "No such light! no such right, sir!" he said with emphasis. "How then," said I, "can he carry on war? If he can neither shoot rebels nor impress mules nor free negroes, there is no use of fighting." "That is just what I think," said he. "Let traitors be tried by the Courts, and if there are no Courts, let them go." I could not see just that way. But he assured me that the proclamation would not effect anything anyhow where the army did not go. "Then," said I, "the South need not make so much ado about it." His answ er reminded me of one of Andy Wallace's kind of Christians who was sine there was no hell such a thing was unreasonable and unscriptural, but on being urged to do a certain thing which looked that way, he said, "No I'd better not, for there may be a hell after all " The old man replied, "But it is unconstitutional, and it may amount to something after all." "Well, if it is unconstitutional, let us bring it before the Supreme Court," was my suggestion. But that was unkind, for it implied a return to the Union l thing which nine tenths of the South abhor as death itself, und I was compelled to leave the old man uncomforted. Neither Piovidcnce nor Job, nor my constitutional arguments availed anything while the 4rJi Indiana was burning his rails, and bis negroes and mules were non est. T. A Ü. Memphis, January 17, 1663. I wish I could carry with me through the South every intelligent, thinking Northern man who has no theory lo support, no party to sustain, and no unconquerable prejudices against the people ot this latitude, of any color or complexion, and no scheme of revenge or philanthropy to foster, but who would look upon the facti around him ns if he hud just came from Jupiter, or some other planet to examine and combine them and draw wise conclusions from them, irrespective of the notions or w ishes of others, or of his foi mer views, if he had any. Of course I would not want them nil at once, unless hotel accommodation were more capacious, or cnle-s they w ould furnish their own eating and sleeping without elbowing me any more than I am alre uly elbowed. I opine that most of .them would conclude, as a sable .brother of mine did who is a popular preacher among those of the African persuasion. One day one of his flock called upon him, and with an anxious look, said: "Brudder Moses, does you understand de ecripters?" "I humbly tlnks I doe, Brudder Samuel," was the meek reply. " Well, den, Brudder Moses, please explanify to roe what de scripters means by dat parage

what speaks ob de animal what has seven heada

and ten horns." "0, Brudder," said Jloses. "I means I ia powerful on de common cripters. but not on dat what is called de mystepbysics. When I comes to such scripters as dat I jet srs to myelf. I leave him be till Jdassa Jtsus come: be 'spain him poor Moses can't." 1 conies that I am very much in (bat fix as to the events around me. Occasionally I get a paper from the North in which are theories, resolutions, proclamations and messages which rpeak treat swelling words,' all of which may be hugely amusing to the writ ers, out which are wide of the matk, and whicn will be monuments of human folly when the storm cloud shall have passed away. You mat. be sure that it looks strange to us, hut up iu the midst of rebeldom for weeks, without a word of information from the outside world, to happen upon a paper which has in some way run the blockade, and find a series of resolutions, or a messaee from those upon whom the rebels had looked most hopefully, which, while tiiey condemn in general aud particular everything that is done by the government, yet pledge every bottom dollar to a restoration of the Union as it was, while those whj have claimed to be Union ists, par excellruce, are discussing mediation, recognition, ic. One proposes an armistice w hile terms of reconciliation may be discussed with those who never intend io be reconciled, and another says, lay on the military strokes, for nothing but armed force will ever conquer them. You are all wronsr, I am sure of that, though I am unable to say what is right. I have no theory, no plan; I just abide the logic of event. Nor do I believe the wisest man amongst us can give an approximate guess as to the results of the contest. 1 am confident of only this, that we have not rjached the crisis, but that events are transpiring which will iuteusify and prolong . ""p'"1 may add, in passing, that mote than the oue--tion of secession will be settled befcre we are through with the war. Partly by bayonets an" partly by ballots, even on Northern noil, other questions, involving the relative rights of individuals aud the rights of government, the right of btatea and the rights ot the natiou, wi'l l.e dis cussed and settled to the overthrow of n. f a few abstractions which have figured largely for ages. in intones oniy. Uul I intended to let you see the South as I have seen it within the last six months. Occasionally I have bearded the lion in his den, or in his cage rather. I have met the Dolitician who had done much to inflame the public mind. He is in no seme subdued. He admits the power of our arms, as he had not expected to see it devel. oied he admits that Yauktes can fiiihl and w ill fi"ht. but the South is not conquered, and hesavs she will not be. Here is Memnhis. where wa have had possession" sim e June last, I venture to say that not one secessionist has abandoned his wishes, though iKissibly his hopes are somewhat shaken. Men who timidly and fruitlessly odposed secession have become bold since our army came here, but these are chieflv Northen adven turers who had Lot entered fully into the spirit of tho öoutli, and who had comparatively little material interest iu ihe city. 1 have unproved every possible opportunity to ascertain the inmost and fixed purpose and views of private citizens in every walk of life Occasionally I have found some cotton steculat r who had "taken the oath" for the takeof getting a permit to trade in cotton, who was verr garru lous about the Union when in company, but when I have lound him alone iiid unrestrained, I find he eniertains the common opinion that the South cannot be conquered and ought irt to be that her interests are all wrapped up in her independence that though we may have made incursions into the interior we have found it entirely convenient to fall back again, as Buell did last fall, and as Graut h is done this w inter, aud thus he hopes it wiil ever be. I have found thoe who, more honest than the cotton nailer, reiusd to lake any oath except lhat of a i-on comkaitaiit. to give no information while left unmolested within our lines. These, when a-pured lhat a candid exptessiou of opinion will not jeopardize their security, are very frank and very firm. They see in the reverses of their arms nothing very different from the reverses of our Revolutionary fathers during the first years of their rebellious struggle. 1 hty sj-eak of the loss of their fences, their cattle and hotses as nothing strange and as nothing subduing They have sons in the army and their affections and their hopes are there. They spurn ihe idea of "reconstruct ion," and regard as their enemies those who plead for the Union as it was. Whatever else may befall them, they regard their separat on as permanent. And yet another kclass. Bv peeking bearding in prira e families when lossible, I have had frequent opportun ties to learn the minds of the women and childien. Their opinions have not nsuilly been obtained iu the air of insolence which sometimes characterizes a few o called Southern ladies, but iu the candid, dispassionate, firm tone w hich commands my respect and admiration, for, rebels though they are, they are types of true American character, and speak as defiantly of suffering and privation, as heroic dy of peril and sacrifice, as I would eipect my mother, or sister, or wife to speak, should n invading army rob them of the comforts of life. "I'll live in acorns and dress iu home spun," said a sixteener, rather defiantly, "before I will consent to acknowledge a Northern master." The fortunes of war have developed no such heroism among the wives and daughters of the North. They have nobly given up their soldier sons and brothers, but starvation and ruin have not hovered darkly over them. These often express a desire that lliechaimels of commerce may be opened again lhat they may eat and wear as formerly, but despise the Union, and desire to trade with us only as foieiguers And the children are educated iu this faith. It is sung in songs and played on pianos and preached in pulpits. It is everyw here. And the negro! He is not iu the wood pile, but he is in the question. He takes a part in the play, both objectively and subjectively In the hands of the rebels he is an element of power, in our hands an emb irr isment. with the balance slightly ou the credit side. He is degtaded, filthy and worthless, beyond description, and the system of slavery keep him so. He is capable of jimpiovenient, but improvement beyond a certain point is fatal to slavery. We cannot penettate the region of ihe rebelboit without destroying the relation of the slave to the master, and we are in no condition to jiive him a better rcl ition at present. The proclamation is not a dead letter, but it is by no means the great thing which many claim for it Thee are the facts as I have seen them, with no theory to support, xcept that which every patriot has, thai the Union must le preserved. Just how and when I leave for others to determine. The war will be lon; aud fierce yet, and many "a cherished plan, as well as cherished life, will fall before the rebeiiiou is ended. T. A. G. Bryant & Straiton's Great Cuaix or Com MF.ncuL CoLlK.i Messis. Bryant k Siratton have now, .in successful operation, wWre Commercial Colleges, located in St. Louis, Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, Buffalo. Toronto, Albany, Troy, New York, BiiK.kl.n, Philadelphia and Providence. They issue a. scholarship for $50 which becuies to the holder all the ail vantages of any or all their Colleges, for nn indefinite jeriod. A young man holding ore of these mhohirships can choose the point aim e he w ill take the course, as w ill best suit his convenience; and after completing ihe course he can review at either College, at any time, free of charge. This is cer tainly a desirable aiT.-mgemeut tor young men. We understand tint the idea of a Chain of Colleges is entirely original with these gentlemen. They employ the best teachers to be found in the proles-ion, and seem determined to afford the best j-ossihU facilities for obtaining a business education, regardless of expense. The railroad au I telegraph give such additional f icilities for engaging in great enterprises, business becomes more extended, and persons are not confined to one j:iiit, .is of former years, heuce the necessity of a comprehensive business education. We understand this chain of Colleges never was in a mote flourisliing condition than at the present time the Chicago College alone having about three hundred students in attendance. Mr. Bryant resides in Chicago, and Mr. Stratton in New York City. These gentlemen are bringing out a series of "Commercial Text books," which are said to be the!estof their kino. Thoe already published air: Commercial Law, 560 paces, price $3; 15o k ktepiu, 212 pages, price f2; Primary Book keeping, 192 pages, price 90 cts ; Commercial Arithmetic, 2-2 pages, price $1 40. These books can be obtained at the principal bookstores, or of Bryant & Stratum at either of their Colleges. They 6hould be in thr kauda of every accountant and business man. JSTThe totJl tiumber ol Catholic Priests en ga;ed in the diocese of Philadelphia is one hundred and fifty-seven, of whom one hundred and fifty are on the mission and seven otherw ise engaged. There are one liur.dred and thirty secular pries, and twenty seven connected with religious orders.- There are one hundred and ixty-. two churches and eight chapels, four ecclesiastical institutions aud four colleges, eleven female academies, one high school and one hospital. tW Cowper says that "the tear that is wiped with address may be followed, perhaps, by a smile." If it is a woman's tear, the perhaps is unnecessary; you can always dry It with a dresa.