Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 36, Indianapolis, Marion County, 26 January 1863 — Page 1

71 r J LJo VOL. XXII, NO. 36. INDIANAPOLIS, IND., -MONDAY,' JANUARY 26, 1863. WHOLE NO; 1,229.

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WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL PaiXTIB AVD rCIUUU ITIIT MOSDAT AT TIB IEW SErVTIXEI, OFFICE, SO. 1 SOUTH MERIDIAN STREET, OPPOSITE THE OLD POSTOFFICE.

ELDER. IIIRKXESS, & BINGHAM, k-. mm m - v-m. TERMS of weeklt SESTI5EL: One copy one year $ 1 50 Ten copies, and on to the maker of theclub ...... 15 oo Twenty copies, ami two to the maker of the club. . 30 00 AiaitionscnbmaJetoClab.atnytimeAtthebove rates. The names will be printed on each paper, without xtra charge. . ,m.S. reatlMlBaA. One square, one insertion f 0 75 two " 1 00 " four " 3 00 For each subsequent insertion, and for each insertion of each additional square 33 ... . ...... . . Advertisements published in both the Dally and the rrdekiy sxt..i, will be ch.rg.-d the fall Daily rate., with ooe-hair the Weekly rates added. Annoancintr deaths with funeral notice attached, 1; without notice free. SÄSS Ä Excnrstons, .ott.n up by inUividnaU or aasociaiiona, or by churches, at the regolar price. . .... . . . . . k . i Advertisements leaded ana piacea nnaer me neaa ci opccitl .iwicci, iilcu uuea ot vfcrtwiiiuccnflTcuuvuuie the usual rates. Tearly advertisers to pay quarterly. Announcing candidates f.-r o!Tlces of every description to be chrr-d at the rate of tl 50 for each name in the Daily, and t'i in the Daily and Weekly, the same to be, In all cases, paid in advance. Letral advertisement inserted at the expense of the attorneys ordering, and not delayable for the legal proceedings, but collectable al our usual time. Publihherrnot accountable for the accuracy of legal advertisement beyond the amount charged for their pnblication. ELDER, HARKNF.SS4 lilXCHAM. Proprietors Indiana State Sentinel. J. M. T1LFORD, PresidentI odianapnlbJournalCorapany . THE JDA.IXj"5T SENTINEL Will be sent by mtil or express to subscribers at any point for fifty cents a month, or six dollars a year. All subscriptions invariablv In advance. Address ELDER HARKXESS, BISO HA 31. tVhs Are the DisnnlsnltU-Who for Disunion X I. Massachusetts, in 1812-15. Her Hartford Convention ; her Declaration of Dissolution on the Admission of Louisiana ; her class of Garrison pipers and Wendell Phillips lecturers ;her J. Q. Ad inn. in l!l42, presenting in Congress a pe tition for dissolution, and his powerful eloquence advocating the right cf dissolution. See Con gressional Globe 2 Abraham Lincoln, in 1843, advocating "the sacred rights of any people, anywhere, throwing off the government they dislike, und establishing a new one th.it may suit them better." See Congressional Globe. 3. Senator H tie presenting petitions for dissolution. See Congressional Globe 4. Senators Seward und Chase, of President Lincoln's Cibinet, both voting for petition for a dissolution See Congressional Globe 5. The Republican Presidential Con vention, in lr5G, which raised a disunion flag, with half the st irs struck out. 6. The New York Tribune for years strongly urging and insisting upon di-solution. See its files 7. Massachusetts Major -General Banks declaring in Congress he would "let the Union slide." r ' . Senators Sumner, Wade and Wilson urging treasonable measures, which they knew would, and whiclr they intended should, cause dissolution. p3ee Congressional Globe 9. Lovejoy, Giddings, and members of that ultra class, doing what they knew must inevittblv cause disunion. See Congressional Globe 10. Massachusetts' Legislature, Courts and Governor officially enacting and proclaiming acts of dissolution, which Mr. Webster denounced (May, 1851) as violationsof the Constitution and treason . II. The plan, object and design of the Abolition party, proclaimed by Senator Wilson, in Bosron, Nov , 1?C0, to be the 'crushing out" and "wiping out" of Southern States, and, therefore, unquestionably for disunion. 12. The overwhelming power sent by Massachusetts to defeat Crittenden's or Virginia's or any other "peace" propositions designed to prevent dissolution; and the absolute demand for war, and nothing but wae, which Senator Douglas said. "Meant an eternal dissolution of the Union." Hence, it follows, from historical fact, that the caue of disunion is evidently and undeninbly attributable to Abolitiou and Abolitionists. Tlessage of Gorernsr of !New Jeraey. Trestox, N. J., Jan. 20. Governor Parker delivered his Inaugural to-day. Much space is devoted to National affairs. He thinks it our roost solemn duty to examine into the causes of the war. He discusses the nature of our Government and declares each State expressly retains its sovereignty, and that every right and power not expressly delegated to the" United States is reserved to the States. The sovereignty of each State is as complete and real in its sphere ns the sovereignty of the United States in its sphee. It is the duty of the States as well as of the Unite I States to assert and maintain their sovereignty. The framers of the Constitution supposed" sufficient powers were surrendered and granted to the General Government to answer all the end for which it was created, whether in peace or war. It was not providnd that the Constitution should be ouly for peace, and that in wr there should be a power above the Constitution, limited only by individual opif.;on and discretion. The reserved rights of the people of the States were to be re spected at all tiroes, and especially iu times of discord and angry strife. In cases of doubt the doctrine was always against enlarged powers. He contends thai secession is unconstitutional and not b ised on the right of revo.ution.but on the alleged right of a State to constitutionally withdraw fron the Union. This is political heresy. The States ntifieJ the Constitution with the distinct understanding that the Union was not to be broken at the will of any one of the parties. The idea was, this was to be a permanent Govern men'.. The Governor refers to Northern fanaticism, and say, in consequence, a minority of ultra fanatical men in each section controlling the current of events had brought the country to the verse of destruction. The Governor then speaks of arbitrary arrests, and insists that such acts were in clear violatiou Of the provisions of the Constitution, and in vio lation of the right of the people, and not called fr by the exigencies of the case He add: Whatever legal powers are vested in the Gorernor shall be exerted for the protection of the lawful rights of the citizens of this State The right to suspend the writ of lube is corpus be declares belongs exclusively to the Legislative and Executive branches of the Government. It was never in the power of any one individual, and it is so declared in the court. He declare the pie of military necessity is illegal and dangerous. The emancipation proclamation is classed among the illegal acta of this new war power. He concludes by hoping for a speedy conclusion of the war and restoration of peace on the basis of the Union as it was a Union of all the States with their equality and right unimpaired. From Fraxifort. Kr. The special dispatches to the Cincinnati Gazette from Frankfort, where the Legislature of Kentucky is now in session, The LfirisUtnre is unanimously opposed to the esnantfution proclamation, and its Union members to secession. It Is determined to pre serve the Union and slavery, and will not admit a doubt of saving loth 1 1 clearly distinguishes between the Administration nd the Government, and relies upon the people of the lojal States to assist in driving the Republicans into political exile awl destroving the military power of the rebels. It wishes to preserve the material wealth of the South and the institution of slavery. Hence it U opposed emancipation and confiscation, but sys to the President: "Lay on the military arm of the Government heavily and raptdlj.'" Nashville, Jan. 21 .Five hundred wounded rebels 'captured at Morfreesboro' arrived here to-day. and will U sent Sörth. Several citizen eurgeon are ordered to accompany them.

"Hew It To lie Done." A most infamous article under this caption appears in the Journal of Yesterday, and evidently "by authority." It expresses not ouly the senti

ments of Gorernor Mortox and his confederates. and in hii language, but mischief is intended in its publication at the present time. There mar M who entertain the views and , purposes charged in the article alluded to, but if so, they are few in number and exercise no control over the public mind. So far as the Demo era tic party is concerned, we know that the imputations are deliberate falsehoods. They are : known to be such by the autnor of the article, and only one with a bud heart and evil intentions could hare conceived and penned them. j We quote an extract from the article as a text for i a few comments, and to show the nature of the ' charges ngaiust a large portion, if not the majori 1 ty, of the people of Indiana: ' The reparation of the North Western States : from the Union and their attachment to the rebel r- ... , , . i. i . i Confederacy, in the hope that so vast an addition I ,t! power will make it the predominant Gov- . ernment of the country, into which the other i States, except Nw England, will be forced to ! "-. "the avowed object of the radical Dem ocracy of Indiana. It has long been known by ' those who had means of reaching the real de- ... . . . gIj,na of the leaders that thev aimed at this", and in ti quiet way, without shocking public sensibility by an opeu advocacy of secessiou, they have becu working toward it." Who was among the first, if not the first, to broach the idea of a disintegration of all the State of the Union in case of the success of the Southern rebellion? It was Governor Morton himself, in a speech iu Washington City months ago. He then declared it would be impossible to bold together the Slates which now yield alle giance to the Federal Government, in such a contingency. Immediately after the Presidential election of IfcGO, the leading Republican papers, including the central organ of that pnrly in Indiana, openly and strenuously advocated the policy of permitting the dissatisfied States to withdraw from the Union in peace, and to establish an independent government. For months this policy was urged uoii the people of the Northern Slates. It was contended that the advantages of a separation were infinitely greater than any attempt to pin the Union together by bayonets. Even the right of the seceded Stales to withdraw from the Union was conceded, and that, too, upon the doctrines on which our government was founded the right of revolution. S lid the Indianapolis Journalihe New York Tribune and p.irs of that class, "secession is revolution." And only a day or two ago the le.ider of the Republican p.irty in the Indian a House of Representative admitted that secession and revolution were identical, and that minorities had the constitution il right to revolution ize or secede, for the protection of their rights when invaded by a m ijority. If these doctrines be admitted, and the New York Tribune says they cannot be denied without repudiating the principles set forth in the Declaration of Indepen deuce as (he justification for the American Revolution, then the right of the Confederates States to withdraw from the Union and establish another government cannot be successfully dis puted. This conclusion necessarily follows from the doctrines set forth by the Republicans themselves. We know not the motive which influenced the leading Republicans in 1C6'J to advocate the policy ot a peaceable separation of the States. Our opinion at the time was that the object in view was to secure the permanent domination of the Republican party in the Federal Government, regarding the division of the Union as inevitable at no distant day. The cost of coerci ng the dissatisfied States to rem i'ii in the Union may have been regarded as far greater than the advantages to be derived by thus holding it together. The radical Republicans may have thought they could thus get lid of all connection with and responsibility lor slavery, while other members of that organization may have been w illing lo consent to separation upon the ground that minorities had the right to withdraw from the General Government when in their opinion it failed to protect themu their rights, or in the objects for which it was established. Whatever may have been the motives for so doing, it cannot be denied but that the leading Republican pre for months after November 4th. 1J"69, ns soon as the election of Mr. Lincoln was known to be a fixed fact, were willing to let all the Slates that desired to letve the Union go in peice. More than this, from New England and from other portions of the North, petitions, numerously signed, h id been presented to Congress since 1S35, praying for a dissolution of the Union, and Abolition newspapers and orators during the same period had openly advocated and elaborately set forth the benefits of a scp-uation' from the slave States. During all this time the Democratic party was the bold and determined friends of the Union of the States. They believed that the Government. an established by Washington and his compatriots, if rightfully, justly and impartially admin istered, was of general advantage to each and all of the States. Thev believed that Union coin posed of free and slave States was not incompitible. These views ibev entertain now. Secession woulJ never h ire been attempted if the equality and the right of fhe States, ns advocated by the Democracy, had been miintained by the Federal Government. If there had Leen a peaceful separation of the States in ltd), as proposed by the leating Republicans, would the disintegration of all the Slates have nece-sarilv followed? Would the same ef feet have followed if the disunion of the States, as for years prayed for by the Alwütionists, had taken place? The same considerations and causes would have influenced and controlled the remaining States, in these events, as if the rebel lion should now become successful; and iu the latier case Governor Morton says the disintegration and reconstruction of the Slates now voluntarily in the Union must necessarily rcult. Those who have for years labored to bring about a dissolution of the Union, and those who, in 186-61, advocated a peaceable separation of the States, are responsible for the very state of affairs which Governor Moutos and his party profess to deplore. There are others equally acd more directly responsible. They are the party and tho men who, in the winter and sprug of 1861, refused every overture to com pro n ise the sectional difficulties of the country. Ths Carrtendex amendments would have held the Union together, and all danger of the Northern States disintegrating and establishing separate con fed eracies would have been . avoided. Governor Moktox used the influence of his position to do feat tint and every plan of compromise which would have satisfied the border slave Slates; and behold the evils which have followed! Who can enumerate them? Look at the vast debt which U rapidly accumulating and swelling, and the waiU which ascend from nearly every household in the land for the slain in this unnatural and un necessary war. Governor Mobton says the rebellion rou?t b suppressed the Confederate States mast be subjugated, or else a disintegration of the North

em States will take place. This result, in his opinion, cannot be avoided Then the men who brought on this war, ii it is not successful, will be

responsible for the consequence w Inch he pre diets. There is a growing conviction in the pub lic mind, as foretold by Mr. Docclab, that "war is dit union" that it must result in disunion. Already a large majority can only see evil con sequences to follow its further prosecution, and that majority is daily growing larger. A wealthy banker in this city who has acted and sympathized with the Republican leaders until recently, informed a friend of ours a few days ago that he was for peace, even if it was necessary to acknowledge the independence of the Southern Confederacy to stop the war. Its farther con ttnuauce, in his opinion, must result in renewed disasters and inflict still deeper injury upon all the material interests of the country. The d tnoraliz ttion occasioned by the war will never be comprehended until it shall have ceased, and the evil consequences of that demoralization spread over the North, as they will be. These consid erations are fast becoming: convictions with the conservative meu of all clashes, and we mean by conservative men those who give and have given the country its prosperity and w ealth, and thus its power. We concede that there is ä growing hostility in the North west to the selfishness of New England. It was said by some Republican or Abolition orator recently, in Massachusetts, that this was a war betweeti South Carolina and Massachusetts. In other words, that it was a controversy for the supremacy of the contending bee tional interests represeuted by those StatesFrom Massachusetts has sprung the Abolition doc times which, upon one side, have forced this crisis upon the country. Viewed iu this light, it is a Massachusetts war in which the North is engaged, and we have been dragged into this terrible contest to give supremacy to the politica' dogmas which prevail in New England, and permanency to her material interests. New England has profited by the war. She is growing rich, while other seciions feel its blighting influences. Now the policy, as avowed iu a speech by the nefarious I'ltlkk. nt Boston the other day, is lo subjugate and exterminate the white race in the South, seize upon their properly, distribute it, und as subjugated provinces make them to contribute to the further aggrandizement of New England. Is it probable that the people of the North west w ill with iinliflerence lock upon these scheme?? Will they be willing that the war shall be prostituted to the upbuilding, to give additional power and authority to the manufacturing and cunrnercial interests, of one, and that a small, seciiou of this country? We trow not. If vcr the people of the North-west senacite fro me New Enj-lan.l. it will be from similar considerations that induced the colonies to separate from old England. The people ot the North western States will never consent to become the hewers of wood and drawers ol water for cither South Carolina or Massachusetts. An individuality and Slate pride will hereafter make them a power. To this end Governor Morton has unintentionally, but none the le;s successfully, labored. It i. not the "radical Democracy," as Governor Morton charges, who will, by some hocus pocus, and without anybody knowing it, separate the North western States from New England. It ii is ever done, it will result from the conviction of the people of the North-west that a continued affiliation is detrimental to 11 her interests, h nd this is nil ill cro is in the silly charge of Governor Morton lint anybody in Indiana is using either open or secret agencies to separate "the Northwestern States from the Union and attach them to tle Southern Confederacy." The fact that he i ucing every means to impress (he conviction upon the publiu mind that there are powerful sect et nrgaii'Zit'oiis al woik to accomplish those object, is doing the very work which he aflects to o;iKe. We sometimes think he is iu the employ of the S nitiierii Confederacy to produce disaffection at the North by the grossest and most ridiculous misrepresentations, for upon no other ground can we satisfactorily explain his course. So much seriously. Governor Morton occupies nearly t wo columns in the Journal, with the most contemptible insinuations and inuendoes and the vilest misrepie-entations, iu the attempt to prove that "a secict society is in existence, the ohjeet of which is lo prevent enlistments, resist the collection of war taxes, procure desertions from the army, and assist in separating the North -Western Plates from the Union." We will briefly examine his proofs. One is, thai the Democratic members of the Legislature refused to raise a committee to investigate the j matter. They did not, for the reason that they could not be mule parties to such a farce. Tljey could not be induced to give character, and thus aid and comfort to the enemy or U the conspirators, by becoming a party to Morton's bugbear. Another proof that the Govern ).- oilers is, that a judge, a Democratic judge, upon the appl'cntion of responsible parties and for proper cause, has issued writs of habeas corpus, and this he insists is throwing the protection of the courts aiound this secret order! Bah I But when a court exercises in power, as it should do, to protect the rights of the citizen and hold the military subservient to the civil power, the Governor infamously construes its action as an interference to protect deserters, and to resist the only authority that can punish them, or preveut their crime. Throw away the barriers of the court and of civil law for the protection of tlie citizen, and soon we would have a griuding military deipotim. Strike them down aud constitutional liberty is gone. The Governor degrades his office and his mauhood, and knowingly misrepresents the action and intentions of the court by staling that i- h. d put the habeas corpus between deserters and their desiTts. What mean these labored efforts to produce the impression that there are extensive secret organizitious in existence, whose object is to assist in separating the North western Slates from the Union? Either that the Governor has become demented upon the subject, or ele mischief is intended. If he has the proof of the existence of such organizations, and he says he has, and if he desires a legislative investigation of the matter, why does he not submit the evidence for that purpose? It is a duty he owes to the public to do this, and itis criminal if he withholds it. But this not the purpose in view. It is evident that one object is to get up all the excitement possible upon the subject, to be used as a justification for declaring martial law in all the North-western - States, and 'place them under military authority. -In this way, the liberty of t.peech, and the free "dorn of the press, will be suppressed, and all in vesligationa into the conduct of public officials prevented. We cannot believe that any one is silly enough to think even that there is any design upon the part of a respectable number of the people ol In diana to to take her out of the Union, just as Tennes?ee iris, and just aa disastrously, too, as the Governor alleges. This is put forth to cover Other designs'. It la the last game or a desperate

faction to bold on to power. It won't win, however. The scheme will disastrously fail. The people have had enough of Republicanism.' In less than two years it has divided the Union and well nigh ruined the nation. The party will be swept from political existence and from power by an indignant people. The true friends of the Union ore "prompt, vigilant and bold," and they will defeat the machinations of the conspirators to strike down constitutionalliberty and free government. The Pnbltc I'rlnting-. T wo years ago the editor of the Journal was a candidate for State Printer. On the day lhat either his election or nomination was to come off

he made the following arguments in favor of electing a Public Printer iusteid of letting the Slate-work out by contract. We reproduce them for the benefit of his political friends in the Legislature, and as excellent reasons for following the system which he strenuously insisted was the best for the public interests. We extract from the Indianapolis Daily Journal of January 22d, 1861. - - . - - ' " Referring to the law which had been passed at the previous session of the Legislature, the Journal says: Work now done honestly, according to the law, costs the State just about what the same work would cost any individual. If it is let out by contract the contractor is re-trained by no oath, and if he bids lower than a fair living price he must make up the difference bv dishonest management, for no man will work for the Slate at a loss As a question of economy, therefore, the policy of passing the work out of the hands of a sworn officer, hedged about by careful laws, and compelled to work at fair prices, into the hands of a contractor who puts himself, by low bids, in the dilemma of wcrking for nothing or stealing his profits, is a doubtful one. There is no security ngainst dishonesty like a fair compensation. It removes the inducement to steal. The most sagacious business men testify that good salaries are cheaper than poor ones. When the woik is done for the State as cheaply as it is done for private parties, the limit of safetv and economy has been reached. A step below it puts the workman on the level, not of a faithful servant of the State. but a watchful, prying, dishonest slave, ready to seize any opportunity to help hims-elf at the Suite's, expense. The security foa cood and cheap work is a fair price, an honest workman, and careful provisions against peculation. If the present prices are found to be higher than the work could be fairly done for, let them be re duced. Cut off abuses, and the office is safer at least by the obligation of an oath and the power to choose an honest officer than the con tract svstem; for in the latter the State cannot choose and can impose no oath, and if she (rusts to low bi.ls for cheap work, she will find there ia no economy in payinz prices lhat compel men to steal or work for nothing. Thus argued the editor of the Journal two years ago, in favor of the continuance of the office of Sta'te Primer. If his reasons were en titled to consideration then, they should have" additional force now. Work could be done much cheaper two years ago than it can be done at the present time. If a Republican Legislature thought it right to elect Mr. SlTgrove Public Printer in 18GI, under the compensation fiied by the hw of lfc-59, the Republican members of this Legislature certaiulv cannot object to the election of a State Printer in 1G3 under the same law and at ihe same rates of compensation. A few words in regard to the testimony of Mr. Eldfr and the "quasi quires." Mr. E. may have been under the impression that he had seen copies of the Slate Sentinel which was printed on State piper. We can produce pressmen in this city who arc willing to swear that they have seec jobs from the Journal office which were printed on State piper. Wejiave heard such statements frequently. Wc do not say that such was the case, but such is ihe belief of honest and capable workmen. Now, what are the facts in reference to the State Sentinel being printed on State paper? At one time, when we were State Printer, we could not procure newspaper for several numbers of the Daily Sentinel. There was none to be had in the city, and the mill with whom we had contracted for paper had failed to deliver its usual quantity. There was a lot of paper made for the State which was rejected on account of its hiferior quality. It was not paid for by, nor did it belong to, the Slate. 1 hat paper we procured because we could gel no other, but not at the cost of. the State. We used it in the publication of two or three numbers of the Daily Sentinel, and Mr. Eldkr, as did others, may have fairly supposed that he had seen ihe "State Sentinel printed on State paper." If these facts could have been presented to the investigation committee, would not a different lace have been put upon the affair? A word as to "quasi quires." It is the custom or rule all over the country for printers to take the quasi or outside quires of each bundle of paper, when furnished by publishers for books, as a part of their compensation or perquisites. This Mr. Sclgrove and every good printer well under stands. It is not only a eencral rule, but a rule which our predecessors in office had followed. And we presume that Mr. Sclgrove, or those in his office who managed the public printing for him, adopted the general custom or rule of printing in that regard. It is necessary to have this waste to make good the paper used for proofs, for sheets spoiled in registering and imperfect impressions. No printer can turn out a perfect printed sheet for every blank sheet furnished him. There is necessarily a waste. Mi. Sulgrov understands these matter., niul it is ungenerous, unmanly and unprofessional to take advantage of an ex parte iuvesligation in which these facta and the rules of the craft were not explained. .Mr. Sclgrove says the public printing has cost only $24,000, the amount of the appro priation, during his term of office. This he knows ia not so. Some of- the public printing was paid for out of the appropriation for legis lative expenses. A considerable amount has been paid for out of the military fund, or charged to that account. And we understand that the Printer intends to apply for 'additional appropriations for work done which the regular appropriation will not cover. When Mr. Sei grote affects superior Integrity to his predecessors in office, and claims that the printing has not cost the State aa much during his administration as that of those who held the position before him, he at least ought to be honest enough to state that it was entirely owing to the restrictions of the law and his finesse in having a portion of his work charged up to other accounts. In addition, during the time we held the office, all the binling, which amounts to a large sum, was charged up to public printing, although the Printer received no profits therefrom, and he bad no Interest iu or control of that work. The last Legis lature made a separate appropriation for the binding, which makes the public printing account appirenlly that much the less. We only men tiou these facts to show the unfairness of the Journal in its criticisms upon our management of the public printing. The Journal editor may be a very honest man, but there is one thing certain, he never permits the public interests to conflict or override hii own, Behrt will never work for the State at a los. So be says.

Secret Political Organizations. Quite au interesting debate occurred in the House yesterday, upon a motion to appoint a select committee to investigate the rumors afloat of the existence of secret political organizations, having tor their object the overthrow of the Government. There cannot be a sane man in the State, unless exceedingly credulous or blinded with partisan prejudices, who can credit the existence of such associations for the purposes alleged. The speeches of Messrs. Brown, Ha, set, Roberts, Packard, Bcskirk, Prikst and others, upon the subject matter, were bold, eloquent, and to the point. We regret that our limited space will not allow us to give au extended sketch of their remarks. They were unwilling to impugn the loyalty of the people of Indiana by even entertaining a resolution which called it in question. Neither was any good purpose intended by proposiug an investigation of sucu idle rumors. The Governor professes to have the evidence in his possession that an order of the kind is organized and in operation, with numbers sufficient to excite apprehensTon6nhis part that its influence will be a power for evil, not only in Indiana, but in all the North-western States. If so, let him communicate the facts to the Legislature, so that it may have some justification for an investigation as to the existence of such an order, with such purposes. There are credible rumors afloat that the Republicans are organizing secret societies in various parts of the State, and that the members are being furnished with arms. What can be the occasion aud what the purpose of such organizations? Has the Governor made any effort to ascertain the character, numbers and objects of these Republican secret clubs? Is he favoring a policy, the effect of which will be to organize opposing secret clubs throughout the State, to create factions among the people, aud which will result in bitter and perhaps sanguinary feuds? If the Governor and those in authority would exercise their jiower and influence to protect the citizen in all his constitutional rights; to secure the liberty of the press, the freedom of speech and the purity of the ballot-box, there will be no apology or justification for the people organizing iu any way for the protection of the rights and privileges guaranteed by the organic law of the State and the nation. Bui it does excite alarm when arbitrary arrest are made and citizens are dragged from home and imprisoned for political reasons alone, and it is a sufficient cause for those entertaining political sentiments obnoxious to the party in power to organize, so that they may know each other and secure that protection to themselves which it hhould be the first duty of the repiescntatives of the Government to furnish. If any individual is guilty of treason iu Indiana he is amenable to the civil law, ani the civil authorities have the power to enforce the mandates of the court and to inflict the punishment due the crime. But it cannot be expected that the people can witness the arrest ol their neighbors by irresponsible officers, without "ven the color ot the law and upon the affidavits of irresponsible parties, without justifiable cause, without feeling indignant at the outrage. It is more than human, nay more than Christian to pettnil such infamous outrages. Hundreds have been arrested in this way and cast into loathsome prison cells where they have languished for weeks and mouths, and then relieved without trial or even being informed of the accusations against them. In a free country such arrests cannot be tolerated. The Bill of Rights in the Constitution is but an idle mockery if such things are permitted, and there can be no holier or juster cause than to maintain those rights inviolate to the humblest citizen in any way they can be. If Governor Morton is ambitious for fame and legislative thanks for the faithful discbarge of his trust, he can best achieve it by maintaining the constitutional rights and liberty of every citizen. This would be a fume worthy of the noblest and most exalted ambition. The Draft .flassactiuactta and In diana In the House, a few days ago, the Hon. Batljfs W. Has.va offered the following preamble and resolution in reference to the number of soldiers furnished by Massachusetts and Indiana, and the contrast in enforcing the draft in the two States. As these matters are a subject of interest to the people of Indiana, we republish the preamble and resolution referred to. and hope it will excite the attention it deserves: Wut i; fas, By the late preliminary report on the eighth census of the United States, pub lished under the authority of the Secretary at the Department of the Interior, it appears that the real population of the State of Ii diana, in lb'60, was 1,350,42. and the population of Massachusetts was 1,231,006; and Whereas, It appears that Indiana has furnished 102,700 soldiers under ihe various calls of the President for volunteers and by draft; and Whereas, The State of Massachusetts, as appears by the annual messago of His Excellency Governor Andrews, has furnished but 60,000; and Whereas, The draft was rigidly and mercilessly enforced in Indiana, and is not yet completed in Massachusetts; therefore. Be it resulted by the General Armbly of the Slate of Indiana, That our delegation in Congress be instructed to inquire into the causes of such discrimination in favor of Massachusetts. Referred to Com raitteii on Federal Relations.

100.000. In May, 1961, the General Assembly appropriated $100,000 for the Governor's contingent fund. The net requires a "detailed statement" of its expenditure. Mr. Roberts, of Dearborn, offered a resolution in the House yesterday calling upon the Governor for the necessary in. formation. If it comes, it will form an intetesting chapter in the history of the public expenditures under the present Slate Administration. Losses at Mvrfreesboro'. The special disf latches to the Cincinnati .Commercial gives the osses of our army at Murfreesboro' as follows: "The total of the. killed and wounded on the left wing is 3.354; center, 2.038; right wing, 3.494; total, 8.8Ü6. Add 112 to Cover omissions, and we have a grand aggregate of 9,000 killed aud wounded. The missing of the right wing are 2,092; of the center, 450; left, not returned, but estimated at less than 1 .200. Officers killed, 102; wounded, 370. Enlisted men killed, 1.600; wounded, 7.400; missing, a little short of 4,000, a large number of whom were stragglers captured by cavalry in the rear of the armv. ToUl, 13,000. Jcpicial Decision. A new case arose on the 21st, before Juoge Perkins, the first of the kind, and was disposed ol in a manner that will check applications for a habens corpus in similar cases. A minor applied for his discharge from the 15th battery, on the ground of uon age, viz: that he was only seveuteeu. When" recruited he swore he was 'of full age. The Judge held that his 'oath of enlistment was conclusive against his application, and remanded him to his company with some good advice. tlTTbe iron clad gunboat Iudianola, commanded by Captain George Brown of the navy, went over the Falls on Monday, bound away down South to Dixit'. She is a splendid vessel, with a good crew, and commanded, by a gallant young seaman, and she will speak for herself as she carries documents that will b heard from.

The Opinions ot Judge Perklne Pol llclr Expressed, on ine Questions . Between tue South and the Abolitionists of the orih In Chronology leal Order. In his speech at Richmond, September 25th, lc'CO, he said: "What the Soulh now wants is, not aid in extending slavery into new territory, but the enforcement of constitutional guarantees to protect it where it is they want the crusade, "the irrepressible couflic" against them hushed; they want to be left in the quiet enjoyment of their political and social rights, undisturbed by Northern fanatics, emmissaries and filibusters. These wants the Democracy will give them; the Republicans will not." Again: "I cannot vote for them, the Republican State ticket, for that would be sanctioning the unholy crusade against our Southern brethren and give aid to their election, that is, the Republican State ticket, which I should regard as a National calamity, inasmuch as it would seud forth the shocking impressiou that Indiana, so long and justly honored as a reliable, conservative Union Slate, au immovable bulwark against the surge of Northern fanaticism, had, at last, succumbed to its dark aud turbid, I may say its bloody, tide." Fugitive Pieces, ic, pp 6 and 9. In April, lb6l, he wi-ote: The war, as I said before, is to enforce the powers of the Government over certaiu territory that has revolted from it. The case is this: The Republican party came into power upon a platform threatening, as the South thought, to their constitutional rights. Some of the Southern States, in fear, attempted to withdraw from under the government of lhat party. Thai party refused to secure the exercise of the jurisdiction of the Government over them by giving them guarantees that their rights should be respected, but resolved to enforce it by war. Then those States refused to come back, and other still more powerful Stales joined them in leaving; and now, as we have said, this war is to enforce bv the sword that jurisdiction over the seceded territory thxt might have been secured by amendments to the Constitution, or agreements to adopt amendments. And now lite question arises, what is the duty ot Democrats in these exigencies? Is it to aid or countenance the South in secession? Most surely not. The South can have no supKri from the ever Union loving Democracy of the North, in any attempt to leave the Union. Hence, the Democracy can never consent to the acknowledgment of her independence. Never,

never. T here is no necessity for the dissolution of the Union. The two "sections composing it can live harmoniously and prosperously together, if both will do right." " ' Let the Uniou Democracy, then, adhere to the standard which float upon its folds, just guarantees to the South, by amendments to the Constitution, through a National Convention, or by Congressional recommendation, and State adoptiou, as the means of ending the war, and restoring fraternal union. Let such terms of peace be at once offered to the South. Is it said that the South should first ask for terms? She has loue so, lime and nguin. She ayked them in the next Congress after Lincoln was elected; die asked them in the Peace Conference; bhe asked them in the Border State Convention. The Republicans have obstinately refused alt terms of compromise and peace. May 5, Ib'G2, in an article, published in the Daily Sentinel of May 7, 1562, uuder the heading "Tie proposed Union Party," he wrote in the conclusion of his article: "I will not go into such a Union; but there is one that 1 am willing to go into; one appropriate to the exigencies of the times; one that has some thing practical in it for the salvation of the country, and our old, great aud glorious Union. It is this: A Union with all meu, with Republicans even. u;on a platform as to the terms of settlement with the South, conquered as to the rights which ate to be secured to her the privileges she is to be allowed to enjoy, Lc. If the Republicans had come forward with a call for a convention of all the lovers of justice, goodfellowship and fraternal feeling between the North and the South, upon a platform declaring that the latter were not to be robbed of any of their rights; that their slaves should not be taken from them; that their property should not be confiscated, and that guarantees should be given to them to this effect, and that conservative men should be nominated who honestly held these views to carry them out, I would, with alacrity, unite with the Republicans in such a convention. I close this with an extract from the lt volume of Scott's Life of Napoleon, p. 115. He says: "It was the will of Providence that the experience of twenty rears and upward should make manifest, that in the hour of victory itself, con cessions to the defeated, as far as justice demands them, is the only, mode of deriving permanent and secure peee.:' In an article under the bead of "Political History," found in the Weekly Sentinel of October 2d. lcf2, and ia the daily previous to that date, he wrote: In 1S19. Missouri applied for admission into the Union. She was a slave State: and as her knock at the door for leave to come in was heard by the sanctimonious Puritan of the Eaet, he cried out to her, in pious cant, that she could not come in while she wa guilty of the sin of holding negroes as slaves. To this proposMon the Southerner objected. He iiiM.-ii upon letting her come in. He sM this Union w is formed upon the platform of non-intervention bv the General Government iu the internal affairs of the States; that they wete all equal in the eye of the Confed ration, and that the North was to let slavery alone. except within heroin several States, where it might -be established or abolished as those States severally should ee fit. The controversy then arising spiead wild till at length il convulsed the nation. It w as carried on in the North by Abolition societies, papers, petitions, Ac. It continued to rage upon the general question of slavery, with more or less violence, till. 1830, being all the t;me reisted and hell in check by tint great Democratic party, now m meanly elauiiered disloyal, by tltoe who have heretofore made it extreme devotion to the Union matter of ridicule. Now, what was the cuc of all this? Why, slavery. And the trouble was, that the Abo litionis.ts would not let it alone. What were Abolition societies formed in the North for but to make war on slavery in the South? What were Abolition papers establiehed in the North for? What wtre Abolitioi. i-etitions sent to Congress lor? Why, to m ike war on rlavery in the South. Slavery was the cau.-cot these because it lurnirhed the uljr. t for Abolition meddlesotueness, and the trouble produced in the countrv was from the l:t:l ihit the North would not lei slavery alone. Thi? eo-i'y eomprehendeJ. The apple in the Garden of Eden wa the cause of tin because Ee could nrf let it aloue. And I ih here to nay ihai the irri'itifg abuse heaped upon the public men ai.d institutions of the Southern States by Northern Abolition papers and publications, in denouncing them as barbarous, wicked, thievirg, murderous, ic, iu (be style of Sumner, aud by sending among the slaves of ;tboe Sutcs incendiary documents inciting them to rapine and murder, were outrage upon the Southern people, which the Goternment of the Northern Sutes. by the rules of international law, were bound to punish and prevent, as political l.bels, or be guilty of ihe charge of bid faith toward thosv Slate. This is because the Sutes, by neglecting to punish, apparently sanctioned, the libel. Again the same article: And on Friday, (haiignu n'a day) May 18, lc6ö, Mr. Lincoln was nominated, at Chicago, for President, by this same sectional party, upon a platform embodying the sentiments of the enemies of the "reuniou of the Uniou" of lc50, and the advocates for sectional hostility to ela very, with IlKmlin. an original enemy of the reunion, for Vice. Eleven days after this fatal atep of the Republicans. Hon. "Edward Everett wrote from Boston lo Hon. Waihington Hunt, of New York: "Can such a state of things long continue, especially with the ever present risk of new causes of exasperation? I own it seems to me impossible, unless some healing course is adopted, that the ca tastrophe, which the mass of good citizens deprecate, should be much longer delayed. A spirit of patriotic moderation must be called into action

throughout the Union, or it will assuredly be broken up. Unless the warfare of inflammatory speeches and incendiary publications is abandoned, and good citizens, as in 1776 and in 17ti7, North and Soulh. will agree to jeal with the samt elements of this evil, (for they existed then aa now,) as our fathers dealt with them, we shall - but for a very few years longer be even nominally brethren of one family. Tbe suggestion that the Union can be maintained by the numerical predominance and military prowess of one section, exerted to coerce the other into submission, is, iu my judgment, as self-contradictory, as it is dangerous. It comes loaded with the death smell from fields wet wi'.h btothers' blood. If the vital principle ) all Republican Governments "is the consent of tie governed,' much more does a union of coequal sovereign Slates require as its basis the harmony of iu members, aud their voluntary co-operation in its organic functions. Text Book, 215. But the Republicans would heed no warnings, would listen to no reasou; reckless of the hopes of the Republic, they madly rushed on, in wide awake procesaioni; Lincoln w as elected, and soon the air began to be tainted with "the death smell from fields wet with frottiere' blood;" the songs before the throne of God were suddenly broken by the anguished cry of the weaping spirits of Webster, Calhoun, Clay, Mangum, Berrien, King, aud other sainted patriot statesmen, "Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do;" and would the Republicans then relent? Not they. I he first Congress elected, to meet under Mr. Lincoln, determined that the "reunion oTthe Union" ofl&50 should be utteily broken up; weut on and abolished slavery in the District of Columbia, excluded the South from settling with their slaves in the common Territories ot the Union, and did other act that wiped out forever the healing measures of lb50, which restored peace, and, bad they been adhered to, would have perpetuated the peace of this now distracted country. Thus was destroyed the reuuion of 1&S0. May God, in his mercy, if the crime ia not beyond tbe the reach of infinite grace, save the souls of those who perpetrated it. at the last great day. Further extracts of like import might be given. The Judge has expreved no opinions at variance with the foregoing. He has sjU, in conversation, both to Democrats and Abolitionists, that if the latter were determined not to lire iu the Union with slavery existing iu the South, and to make war on it till it was abolished, he hoped they would finish il iu this, no that we could know when we could have peace, as the country could uot survive two wars for the abolition of slavery. The Judge will hive no controversy with any man who puts himself without the pale of honor by pretending to disclose private conversations. Rut it strikes u a a lit.'e singular how the Journal came, wheu making out its roll of honor of Democrats who had sustained tbe Republican policy, eo long ta forget to enroll Judge Pi:akins among them. Xew Englandlam. Senator IIimlkmx, of Missouri, in a peerh, the other day, upon the subject of emancipation in Missouri, gave, by implication, as a reason why compensation should be made for emancipated tdaves, that New England was engaged ia importing slave into the South twenty vesrs after the best feelings of that South were opposed to such tnfliL'. Now it is demanded that the whole country should bear the burdens imposed by the cupidity of New England, whose conscience and philanthropy have er er been metis' ured by sordid considerations. The commerce and capital of New Enzland wete for years engaged in importing Africans to be fold into Slavery in the Southern States, and now the same New England is urging a war to emancipate the negroes in the Southern, Sutes and to confiscate private property contrary to the usages of civilized warfare and the laws of nations, to be apportioned among the captors. What other ideas of morality or justice could be expected from a cold he trted. el6 m, avaricious people, who with plaudits welcome one of their Generals charged with having plundered a captured aud defenseless people of millions to fill his private coffers? Look at ihe hUtorr of New England. Her people first import slaves and engige in the traffic as long as the laws of the country will permit it; next ihe permits Abolitionism to do all in its power to over turn the system of labor she had materially aided to fatcn njioii the South, and now she sustains a Presidential elict to free the slaves, involving servile war and insurrections, with all tbeir hor rible consequence. Such are the morals, the politics and philanthropy of New England, whose firet object has ever been to direct and control the destinies of the country to advance her sectional and jeculiar interests. Xol Exactly The editor of the Journal, in the issue of that paper on the 21st. attempts lo get out of an unpleasant predicament by misrepresentation. Mr. Brows, of Jackson, iu a t-pcech the d.y before, referred with telling effect to the ron.ancingdis-po-ition of the Journal editor. Ist year, in re ferring to a .md enttroj lie which happened on ti e railroad near Sullivan, he avowed most posiiircly in an editorial in his pvper, that he bad the evidence of a plrit among the Demoi-racy of Sullivan county to violently take the life cf his Excellency, O. P. Mowtox. on that occasion. The Grand Jury of that count tumoned the editor aforesaid, to give to them the testitnonv in his possesion which would convict the authors of such a diabolical plot. He went and testified. When asked for the information, he replied that he had none that his editorial charging this crime upon tbe people of Sullivan county was ouly lomance, and that be had drawn upou his imagination for his statements. These are the facta which Mr. Baowx referred to in his speech, liOt that the editor of the Journal had been summoned before a Grand Jury to testify or give Information about secret nocieties. Ill connection with this statement, we ask every candid reader, what confidence can be placed ia any of the statements of an editor who will thus admit that he has drawn upon his imag. ination ia making grave charges against a community in fact, that he has manufactured a deliberate falsehood to serve a party purpose? A Scanpaloi-s IvrosiTiox. A roan named Foster, appointed by Gov. Morton to collect the sums assessed against citizens of White "county opposed to bearing arms for "conscientious serapies," collected $650 from such citizens at Monticello, and ran away with tbe money. He also collected a considerable amount at Reynolds. The White County Democrat thus mentions tbe sffain "The disgraceful imposition of Foster in collecting some $653 from one of our religious so- -cieties opposed to bearing arms, in this county, remains unexplained. But we understand he was appointed without the 84roty of security. Will our member of the Legislature, at the proper time, inquire how the Governor disposed of this flabby efftir? We understand, too, that this runaway Abolitionist imposed quite liberally on miny of the citizens of Reynolds." Gov. Morton tells us, in bis message, Lhat ha has been unable to mike collections of these conscientious exempts for want of legislation, and gives the people to understand that no off ort had been made to enforce collections. Nevertheless, there is something rotten in the matter, as would appear from the Whi'e county transactions ol the Governor's agent, Foster. N. A. Ledger. T t"0n Monday ths weight of the snow a the roofs of the houses in LoukvUle, Kentucky, . crushed several of them In. This was only a continuation of disasters la that line.- Yesterday morning the snow had commenced melting there rapidly, and a flood in tbe streams is expected.

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