Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 23, Indianapolis, Marion County, 27 October 1862 — Page 2

weekly sentinel

nu day .0 TttHV.R 7 rke I nion: it mni tor preserve Jackson To tlie Frctairn of Indiana. Ten weeks ago we addressed you on the then perilous condition of public affairs, una invoked jour attention and judgment on the measures of public joiicy inaugurated by the Republican President and Congress. As your fellow citizens, and as members of the Democratic Central Commute of Indiana, we endearored to give you, in that Address, mime of the reason why a change should be made in the Congressional repreeenta'ion, in the General Assembly, and in the otbes connected with the State Administration. That appeal was decided on the 14th day of Oc tuber, instant, and we trust in a manner which will conduce to the general interest of the peopie of the United State. The Democratic Central Committee have now the pleasure of announcing, iti this formal manner, that the Democratic and conservative citizens of Indiana have achieved a decided advantage in the recent election. The extent of this civic victory appears in the election of seven Democratic members of Congress, instead ot four as in the present Congress; in a Democratic majority in both brum. lies ot the Legislature, and in the election of the State officers, iz: Secretary, Auditor, Treasurer, Attorney General, Reporter of Supreme Court, and Superintendent of Public Instruction, by majorities averaging about ten thousand. The ultra Republicans iu the present Congress are nearly all beaten, or laid ..-;; by their friends, and none but Julian and Colfax return to vindisate their votes for the Abolition policy of their confederates in the present House. This is an indi catiou that should not be lost on those who yet defy the sentiments of the white race on this con tinent, and who are dariug enough to setthatsentiment at naught. We have a clear and decided majority of the Legislature, and will elect a Democratic Union Senator to Congress in the place of Joseph A. Wright, who holds a commission from Governor Morton for that place, and one to succeed him for six years. In every sense this victory is complete. It is overwhelming against the conduct of Mr. Lincoln's Administration, in reference to emancipation, and a noble vindication ot the Constitution against the action of the unfaithful Congress which wiil cease to exist on the 4th day of March next. Indiana places the seal of Iter disapprobation upon every act of these political Abolition ists, and holds up our glorious Constitution as the shield and protection of her people. Whatever else may happen, there can be no mistaking her altitude, and no fear of her taking a backward step in this great rebuke of our rulers. Those who have been faithless to their pledges need look for uo countenance in such "disloyal practices." Indiana h is spoken. There are persons in this State who are now seeking, for party purposes, to misrepresent the significance of the victory recently achieved by the Democratic party over the advocates of the Administration of President Lincoln. It is grossly asserted that the defeat of Mie Republican party in Indiana may be justly attributed to the growth of a sentiment iu this Slate favorable to a dis honorable peace with the South, ;md that the Democrats In Congress vote against all appropriations to sustain the army in the field anj the navy on the ocean. This has been whispered iu certain private circles, and proclaimed in the in tolerant Abolition press, which invariably seeks to prejudice the conduct, aims und de-igns of those who stand in the way of their schemes for the miner- il emancipation of the negroes of the South. There is not one won! ot truth in this ascription of disloyalty to the Democratic party. The record is plainly marked, and its policy opeu aud honest. It has lelt nothing lor doubt. The resolutions, the canvass just closed, and the addresses made by its prominent candidates before the people all put th -t imp of i-iI-im.iu.I on the assertion that the Demotratic party intend any thing but fidelity to the Constitution and the Union. The Democracy of Indiana, s well as the conservative Republicans who voted our State, county and Congressional tickets, have no desire to conceal from the country their past and present opinions iu regard to the war, and the aims for which it should be prosecuted. They adopt the written declarations, of Congress, as expressed iu the Crittenden resolution, and are ptepnred to stand upon them now as heretofore. "Let facts be submitted to a candid world." The party now in power, hail thev been true to their pledges, would never have interfcied with the domestic institutions of the Southern States, as a reference to the declaration of the President and the Republican majority in Congress, will incontest iblv show. They carefully withheld from public view the policy of a general emancipation of the .-laves on the pretext that slavery was the "cause of the war," until after our gallant army, to preserve and defend our constitutional union, was embodied and in the field. So far from m i king an avowal so well calculated to "discourage enlistments," the popular branch of Congress on the 10th day of February, 1861, three weeks before the inauguration of President Lincoln, by a vote of 115 to 4, adopted the following re-olu tions : Resolved, That neither the Federal Government nor the people or governments of non slaveho'ding Stales, have a purpose or a constitutional r bt to legislate upon or interfere with slavery in any of the States iu the Union. Resolved, That those persons in the North who do not subscribe to the foregointr proposition are ton msignilicant in Humbert and influence to excite the serious attention or alarm of .my portion of the people of the Republi , and tint the in crease of their numbers and influence does not keep ;a e with the increase of the aggregate population jf the Union." Nothing could be more plain and emphatic than these resolutions They were well calculated to satisfy ilte doubts of conservative men in the North, and to allay the apprehensions ot loyal men iu the South, as to the intentions of the leaders of the Republican party in respect to the institutions. State and National, of both classes of State- Nor did the alteration, which was subsequent!) adopted in the tii-t ot these resoiu tions, at the suggestion of members who could not conscientiously subscribe to the secoud, at all imp-i!.' the force of the solemn pledge given to the nation against converting the impending conflict to subserve the fleeting interests of party. That resolution, which was adopted by the unanimous vote of the members present (161 ayes), is iu these words : "Resolved, Thst neither Congress, nor the peo pie, nor the governments of the non-slaveholding States, hare the right to legislate upon or interfere with slavery in any of the slaveholding States of the Union " So much for the action of the Republicans in Congress, in resjtect to this subject, on the eve of the installation of their party into power in every department of the General Government. Their chosen standard bearer in the sectional contest initiated by tbe Chicago platform in lt6) was no less explicit and emphatic n disclaiming all intention or authority whatever of any inlerler ence, on his part, with the unquestioned constitutional rights of the southern people to control, in their own way, their domestic institution. In assuming the Executive functions on the 4th of March, 1861, alter taking Lis oath that he would, to the beat of his ability, " preserve, protect and defend tbe Constitution of the Unite! Stales, " Mr. Lincoln declared, in the presence of lite as sembled thousands before him, as follows : " I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists, I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and have no inclination to do so " He said (and who should know better 1) that he hail neither " the lawful right," nor "the indi nation" to interfere with the institution of slavery in tbe State where it exists, directly or indirectly. Not satisfied with this disclaimer of power over the subject, tbe President thus proceeds to give b reasons far his convictions, which, il would seem, wave col the result of sudden impulse, but of opinions long entertained, lie says : Tt o-e who nominated and elected me did so with the full knowledge that I had made this, ami .aanv similar declarations, and hr.re never re canted them And more than this : they placed iu the pi tit'orm for my acceptance, and as a laic to thrmetritnd tome, the clear and emphatic res olntioti which I now read : ' Resolved, That the maintainance inviolateof the right of the States, and especially the right of each Slate to order aud control ita own do mestic institutions to its own judgment exclusive ly. is eiiiil to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance Of our political fabric depend." From this it will b seen th it he was a confes see of the faith thus promulgated in his inaugural umiiar occasions, and tum " oe-er in;" and. in addition to his personal r convictions, wis pledged to the m by one of the resolutions of the Chicago platform, which he thus quotes and incorporates in his address, in order to dissipate every apprehension that he could ever depart from the principle thus enun elated. At the extra session of Congress commencing the 4th of July, 1861, that body, after the tenet ample dscnsioo of the subject of slavery in the

States, passed, by an almost unanimous vote, a resolution introduced into the House by the en et able Crittenden of Kentucky, which not only fully endorses the doctrines in reference thereto proclaicjc-l by the President and the House of Representatives, but (ignoring the idea that the war was for abolition or emancipation.) declares it to be for the preservation "of the Union, with all the dignity, equality and rights of the States unimpaired." Put it is unnecessary to acciimu late further evidence as to the original objects of the war as declared and reiterated by the Executive and Legislati-e Departments of the Govern men. The resolution, passed under such solemn circumstances, is in these words, and leave but little further to add : " Resolved, That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country by the disonionists of the Southern States, now in arms against the constitutional government aud in arms around the capital ; that in this national emergency, Congress, banishing all feeling of mere passion and resentment, will recollect only its duty U the whole counrry ; that this war is not waged on their part in any spirit of oppression

or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the ritfiis or established, institutions of those males, but to defend and maintain the supremacy oi the Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several States unimpaired : and that as soon as these ob jects are accomplished the war ought to cease." This resolution was passed the day after the battle of Bull Run, (July 22. ltbl,) and when the capital was beleagured by the hosts of the rebels. L was hailed as an omen of good to the land, and thousands rushed to arms to save the Government from disgrace and disaster. We have thus shown the character of the sol emn pledges made by the Republican party in eluding the President and Congress in order to fill up the army with the gallant men who have since tiven their services or their lives to the country. These promises were patriotic and just, and touched the hearts of the American people. Thev braucht 75.000 men into the field then 500,000 and but the other day 600,000 more sprang to arms, and are now bi easting the storm of battle, or preparing to enter the field. Never did any nation manifest a higher or nobler trust in the promises and pledges of those in charge of its affairs. The people of Indiana performed their full share in this work of patriotism, and her re giinents were filled up as if by magic. Men of all pirties spring to arms, and the Democracy, loving the Union as the Jirst principle of its creed, were amongst the foremost in the onset for its preservation. The First, Second, Third, Fourth, and Seventh Congressional Districts, where the Democracy have long held acknowledged supre macy, were quite iu advance of the other Dis tricts, and their quotas entered the field before all others. " A war lor the Union" was to them a sacred coutest, and they sent their brave and gallant sons, without stopping to inquire trAo stood at the helm of our National ship. These brave volunteers had no father or relatives in the civil service they had no kinsmen in the Cabinet they had no brothers in the grand army of con tractors, whose purses were made plethoric by the gains of hard bargains and unjust exactions upon the poor soldier and the Government. None of these had they. But they had hearts to feel for their beljve.i country, and principles which taught them that the temporary ascendancy of an adverse parfv in the conduct of the Government could release no man from his lovaltv to the Uuion. Every intelligent Democrat of Indiana tho'jght so then, thinks so to day, will think so to morrow, and in all time to come. We all acknowledge fidelity to the Union as the chief of political and personal duties. None but slanderets have ever charged upon the Democratic party contrary sentiment. But how has Mr Lincoln and the Republican Congress kept their promises to the countrv ? Have they conducted the war to restore the Union, " with all the dignity, rights and equality of the sev eral Slates unimpaired" ? Has that been tbe sole object ? Have the Executive and Legis lative branches of the Government been faithful to the pledges this made to the nation ? To the shame of both Departments, they have been untrue to their own professed doctrines, and faith less to the country. Congress has been wickedly untrue ; while the President has permitted lanat ics and pretended religionists to institute a "pres sure" upon his conduct, and a restraint upon Iiis judgment. The acts which the President and Congress have put into effect were never neces sary to restore the Uniou. They are not so now, aud never can be. We will name the following as a sample of the Abolition legislation of Con gress and the individual acts of the President, to which all National men must object, aud to which they will never consent : 1 They have pledged the country, by solemn enactment, to pay for such negro as any Southern State shall emancipate by State authority, and to pay lor them all would involve the people in a national debt of two thousand millions, es timating these negroes at half their present value. 2. They have abolishel slavery in the District of Columbia, and are now pat in for these ne groes in the promises to pav of the people, to the amount ol $1,000,000 3. They have made negro testimony valid in the Courts of the District of Columbia against white men, and a bill was pending at the adjourn ment of Congress making negro testimony valid in all the fours 0f the United States within the seven States 4 They have recognized the negro despotism ofH-iytias a sovereign power, and will, consequently, receive a negro ambassador at Washing ton. 5. They have passed Confiscation acts, in defi nnce of and against the letter of the Constitution against the protests mid the votes of the venerable CaiTTfcNDKN and his colleague- from the bor der slave Union States, and against the advice of the Union newspapers of Kentucky, and else where fi The President Ins issued a proclamation setting forth that all negroes iu the rebellious States, on the 1st day of January, i -0 I, shall be forever free, thus throwing upon the free States be burthen of a negro population, and as Mr. Clay said, " to enter into competition with the white German, Irish and American laborer, and thus degrade them to the level of (he blacks." 7. The President has suspended tbj; writ of ha beas corpus in all the States, and put the free citizens of the whole country under martial law. thu declaring thai he has no confidence in the Courts, and making every man's liberty depend upon the mercy of spies, informers, bailiffs, constables, provost marshals, and their deputes. A series of measures so unnecessary and mis chievous could not fail to arrest the attention of the people of Indiana, und to call them to an active opposition. The Democracy had no choice hut that of silent acquiescence, or opeu and man ly efforts to expel from Congress the members who had treacherously betrayed the State into the hands and keeping of the New England Abo lition faction, whose agency in our natiaual mis fortunes are but too plainly marked. The inau guration of the-e measures by Congress ami the President, was a shameful departure from ! the pledges solemnly given to the country by I both, and released all good men from putting I confidence in their future promises to the Nation. The people have a right to fair and honest treat ment. They have a right to know what is to be done with their money and their lives. They have a right to know whether they are fighting lor the Uuion, " with all the disnily, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired, or lor the emancipation of tour million-of negroes, the payment ol two thousand in. bio:. s ol dollar- fori belli out of the National treasury ; and abov e all, thev have a right to know whether the blood and treas ure of the Notion is to be spilled and squandered for any purpose less sacred than the restoration of the Union and the maintenance of the Constitution . These things the people of Indiana have a tight to know, and they will be heard in vindication thereof. The eople of Indiana have lost confidence in the Administration of President Lis colh. That confidence can only be repaired by an oen and manly repudiation of all measures hostile to the early pledges and promises of Cou cress and the President. The Democracy and Conservative citizens of Indiana went before the country repudiating all the Abolition measures of Congress and the President. It lias een done without reserve and without faltering We resolved that an etrlv(lecmoii -bouid be had, for il th.- people ol tin's State were prepared to endorse these unconstitu tional and oppreaidve measures, die fact should be know to the country The issues were fairly male The Democracy repudiated all approval of the President's recommendation io Congress lo make compensation for emancipated negroes the act of' Congress em. in cipating and paving for the negroes in the Dis frict ot Columbia, and the unconstitutional con flscaiiou acts, which had for theii object more the treeing of negroes than punishing rebels iu arms. To these acts of Congressional and Executive bad faith wa soon added the crowning usurpation of general emanciMtlon, under the President s Proclamation of September 22, 1862 This was. in the opinion of a majority of the people of Indiana, the sundering of the last link which bo .o l them to the Administration of Mr Lin coin, aud created a revolution which nothing eould irrest The negroes of the noble Union men of Kentucky, Tennessee, Maryland, Missouri, and all other Stales, were alike emancipated with those of traitors, if by the fortune ot war the reel army should overrun these States and get

possession of their local Governments. The Union men who stood up against secession in the latter Stales, and had suffered because President Lincoln had not come to their relief, are under this Proclamation, to be stripped of their proiierty and treated aa telons and traitors. An edict more unjust never was issued by a civilized Ruler, be he Emperor, King or Piesident. It struck down thousands wlto never soiled their hands with tieason, and who are to day more devoted to the Union than the Northern traitors who have created the "pressure" which forced this ill starred Proclamation. It strikes do. all alike old age, helpless infancy, the traitor, the patriot all who are unable to restore the r States to the Union a thing which the President himself has been trying to do for eighteen months, with an army and navy such as no ruler of modern times has had at his command, and yet noState has been restored. Mr. Lincoln deprives cnion men in the revolted States of their property for failing to overthrow Jefferson Davis's army, when he himself has only been able to accomplish that task to a partial extent. We deeply regret that the President has deemed it a duty to issue that Proclamation. No good will come of it, and

those men ho advised und clamored for it are tue worst iocs oi ins aumnnsirauon anu ineuiresi enemies to our country and her institutions. The Democratic party of Indiana are now, and have been, most willing to aid the President in putting down the rebellion by force of arm. Tbe.v sought at first, it is true, a different mode of settlement, consistent with the national honor. They accept his mode, however, as the only one presented by himself and his advisers. One half the army of Indiana are Democrats, good and true, aud we cherish them and the Republican soldiers as our fellow-citizens engaged in the cause of the Uniou. We shall withhold born the.-e gallant men nothing which will add to their comfort in the field, or to their prosperity when they return to the walks of private life. But we have a right to say that the war has not been conducted in a mode which is likely to restore the Union in the quickest way, and with the least possih.e loss of hie. W c believe that the radical enactments of the present Congress, as well as the President's proclamation, has made the rebellion more compact, and has incited the South to more determined resistance. We be lieve they will cost the nation thousands of lives and millions of treasure. These measures are direct and palpable violations ot the promises and pledges of the President and Congress, and, being so, are calculated to divide the sentiment ol the country at a time when it .should net as a unit. For this the Democratic and conservative men of Indiana are in no way responsible. Those who hav e sought to change the character of the contest to an emancipation scheme tue alone chargeable with bad faith, and must lie respon sible for its continuance and the waste which it occasions. We believed a year ago that the war would soon end by the triumph of the national aims, if all measures looking to the em.mcipa lion of the slaves were kept out of Congress We think so to day. The Border Stale members of CoLgress, with th Democrats of the House, steadily voted ;. gainst all these ruinous enactments, knowing that such violent distm bances of the industrial interests of the country would bring wide spread ruin upon the land. The.-e opinions were entertained by the be.-t patriots in Congress, and their votes were given against them. Johu J. Crittenden and Governor Wickliffe resisted them to the last, as did (he other Bonier State Uniou members of the House, with every Democrat from the North and West The gallant and devoted band of Union members had a right to be heard by the President and Con gress. Thev had made great saci i dees, and were eminently entitled to respect. Thev met with nothing but neglect and reproach, and every offensive measure of an Abolition majority were carried over their voles and their protests. Now that the Democratic parly and its highly prized conservative allies, have obtained power in the State Governments, and a majori ;y of mem hers iu Congress, there are those malicious enough to predict that we will make a bad use of our victory. That will not be done to the detriment of our beloved countrv. One of the charges already made is that we mean to force the nation into a dishonorable peace with the South. Never will that be done by the Democracy in Congress or elsewhere. The next charge is, that the members ol Congress from Indiana will refuse to vote for appropriations of money to pay the soldiers in the field and the sailors on the ocean. This, like the first charge, is groundless and false. The resolutions of the Conventions which nominated our candidates for Congress, without exception, pledged to the Government its aid in putting dow n the rebellion by arms, or iu any other honorable mode which it might adopt. Not one of these Congressional Conventions ev er intimated a wish or desire to have the supplies stopped, or the war brought to a close by dishonorable compromise, or bv submitting to any national degradation. Never never! Thousands of good men thousands of patriotic men would be rejoiced to see the war ended, und whenever it can be done in a way consistent with the dignity of the United States, either by the progress and success of our arms, or by accepting from the people of the States in revolt their submission to the authority of the nation, "with all the dignity , equality and rights of the several States unimpaired," we are of opinion that no time should be lost in securing the peace of the country. Our members of Con gress are known to the Democracy, and they will be the first to advocate all constitutional measures to put down the rebellion, and the first to hiil every proposition for an honorable adjustment of our lamentable national troubles. Me-srs. Law, Cravens, Voorhees and Holman have voted for all proper appropriations to sustain the war, in the present Congress, and they, in connection w ith the new Democratic members, Mes-rs. Har rington, McDowell and Edgerton, will do the same in the next, if the war should be unfortu nately protracted till December, 1 063, when the gentlemen just elected shall take their seats. The Democratic party, as such, is eminently conservative aud patriotic, and will do no act to call in que-:. on its devotion to the Union. For the army in the Jield it ha no opposition ootes to gice. It has never given one in Congress against the soldier in former wars, and its record will not now be disgraced by a vote against the gallant men who have gone forth to preserve the Government from overthrow. That sin and shame must be left alone as the legacy of those who, in the war of If 12 and the Mexican war, refused supplies to the soldiers of the Republic. The slander of disloyally upon the good name of the Democratic part i had its echo in a vindictive and malignant party press, prompted, no doubt, by renegades fiom that party. It was the eiear right of those gentlemen to attach them selves to any party where their interests, their connections or their ambition might prompt, but they had no right to become either the maliguers of more patriotic men than themselves nor the apologists for great public wrongs, while claiming the honored name which conferred u on them all the dignity and t-haraVter they ever possessed. Like all apostates from the faith, they stopped and baulked at no degradation to win the applause of the Republican party. From day to day they uttered the most revolting falsehoods ag iinst the aims and objects of the Democratic orgauiznt on against men of pure and lofty patriotism and tried integrity. Old gray headed Democrats, who had long been the friends aud supporters of these gentlemen who had taken some of them up when in political and social orph nage, and fought their early bat lbs before the people were comoelled, in the Assemblies of the voter.;, to hear them deny the faith, aud pour lava falsehoods upon the grand old party which conferred upon them (we fear in some cases) un merited honors. The spectacle was one by no means calculated to elevate our opinions of human nature. These gentlemen, in some cases, added to ingratitude aud falsehood the most humiliating debasement of all correct and manly sentiment. It was declared, on more than one o cision, before the people, that the man who would now speak of the Constitution and iu guarantees was a traitor, and should he watched! A sentiment so atrocious was befitting the lips of men who had left their party just before the battle and gone within the lines of the enemy some, we trust, with honest intentions, but many of them to share the plunder which an expected vie tory would give to the Republican party. I it - deeo, thee fugitive Democrats performed all the hard services usually Assigned to new recruit. and enabled the original Administration men to remain comparatively decent and well behaved during the canvass. The plan of tlie campaign, it is proper tj say, was left entirely to the desert ers, smI they were scattered over the State iu guerrilla bands, labeled nicely, '.'Union Demo era is," pn excellence! But few other orators of note appeared before the people, the Republican party managers and speakers quietly stepping lo the background, while the converts made opeu war upon their old friends They went beyond all others in abject submission to any tyranny which the radicals might heap upon the nation. No wrong was too gross lor their apologies. Thev seemed to have lost all serine of -h um- all rhow of decent rod courteous argument. In fact, they were worse Abolitionists than the Republicans, and manifested the highest order of malignity against Democratic principles. Oidd'ngs snd Lovejoy could not excel them in the use of cant phrases. The shibboleth of faction was on their tongues and malignant hate in their hearu. Rut why was'e words upon the perfidy of this handful of political apostates in Indiana? They amounted to nothing. They were as stray leaves

iu the midst of the mighty hurricane which rocked and scattered the foundations of their new party in the great North west. The giant tread of freemen could not be impeded by the puny arms of a thousand sieh deserters. As well might they try to arrest the movements of the avalanche, or bid the cataract stand frozen in its fill. Men are nothing in limes like these. The sucred principles of constitutional freedom can never be abandoned to Presidents, Cabinets, Congress their apologists, aiders or abettors. When men become the too" i of power, and forget that ihey were once freemen, they .-ink into the insignificance of all other defenders of despotism and wrong. The unconquerable Democracy was not to be vanquished by instrumentalities like these; and if the lessou which their overthrow shall teach to others shall be heeded, their fall will not be in vain. 1 his contest, at the end of which is a great and valued victory in favor of the Constitution and the laws, has been prosecuted by the Democjats and their noble allies, with the sword of D.imo

cles suspended over their heads. The Adininis tration has been in the field with all us vast pat ronage and power, and, to add to its success, il has been against us with its terrors. Men against whom no indictment and no known charges are yet preferred, have been sent to the public prisons, and manv yet languish in Government bastiles. Could anything be better calculated to arouse the people, on the one hand, and to deter them from a performance of duty on the other? Every thing but actual force has been used to close up the avenues of investigation, to muzzle the press, and to overawe the citizen in the discharge of his sacred duty as an elector. The whole stmosphere has been filled with rumors of arrests, with the movements of secret informers and spies, with threats, and, in some cases, charges of disloyalty against the firmest friends of the TTniom The people have disregarded these things, and the ballot box has been omnipotent. The people of Indiana, at the recent election, have decided for themselves questions of the highest interest to the Nation. These questions were thoroughly discussed before them, and though many of the bolder issues were evaded by the friends ot the Administration, the general verdict is overwhelmingly against it. We accept the following as the main points decided I 1 That the Constitution, American Union and Laws must be maintained, Mid that it is the duty of all good men to aid the Government in securing these blessings ; 2. That men and money must be voted for the purposes of equipping and tnaiiitaini.ig our soldiers in the field, to secure these high objects ; and when tiie war is closed tuat the maimed and wounded soldiers shall be amply provided for by adequate pensions, and proper provisions for their comfort ; 3. That the people of Indiana are utterly op posed to a war of conquest and subjugation of the Southern States, and that hev will adhere to the noble sentiment of the Chittkndkn resolution, that the " dignity, equality and rights" of the sev eral States shall be maintained; and that when the supremacy of the Constitution is acknowledged by those in arms against it, the war ought to cease ; 4. That the people of Indiana are unalterably opposed to the policy of the President and the Republican Congress, as indicated in their pur chase aud payment for negroes in the District of Columbia, and their greater enormity iu proposing lo pay for all ntgn es wl.o may he manumitted by any of the States of the Union ; 5. That the people of Indiana disapproveof the unconstitutional and unwise Confiscation Bills passed at the recent sessions of Congress, and will demand their repeal, or such modification ol these enactments as will conform thorn to the Consti lutinn. in the language of Senator Douglas : " The innocent must not suffer, nor women and children be the victims." 6 That i lie suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, and the frequent arrests made by order of the Administration, or with its connivance, and the dem ', of a speedy trial to persons thus outraged, have been viewed by the people of Indiana with disgust and aim in, and the late vote given iu this State is in strong condemnation of such " disloyal piactices" to the Constitution ; 7. That the people of Indiana, always in favor of a frugal and economical administration ol pub lie affairs, have condemned the extravagant and reckless expenditure of the public treasure on a brood of pewkel banditti, consisting of contractors, speculators, favorites, cousins, brothers in law oi Cabinet Ministers, pimps, sp:es. informers, and political hangers-on ; and believe, to use the langunge of John 1. Hale, a Republican aena tor iu Congress " that the liberties of (his couu try are in greater danger to day from the con options and fr.m the profligacy practiced in the va rious Departments of he Government, than they are Irom the open enemy in the field." 8. That the eople of Indiana, remembering the repeated declarations of President Lincoln, that he had neither the disposition nor i-ir right to interfere with slavery m any of the Slates, received his proclamation of the ij2iid of September, 1862, with horror and amazement, as an indication that he had yielded to the Abolition " pressure " of New England and had aban doued the positio s he had assume:! in his luau gural and first message thus proving faithless to himself and the cosmery. These smrenieis they regard as evidences that he has thrown himself into the arms of the Radical Abolition faction of the North, and the election in Indiana must be accepted as a condemnation of the policy of that ill-advised proclamation. These were the questions decided and the meas ures of public policy endorsed by the electors, on the 1 1th instant, in Indiana. They are in entire conformity with the declarations put forth by the Democracy uiid will never be abandoned. Indiana !.as taken her stand, and the past is secure She offers ;nl her material power to put down the tebellion That is all that should or can be expected of her or her Democracy. The Government cannot be maintained, if any party is permitted to disregard the Constitution, by vir lue of which only can the Union exist. It is the duty of the President to put down all who would disturb the Union and the Constitution, and to redeem the sacred pledges made to the Nation. Let him rely on the people alone for a prompt deliverauce. mid not on a party or a fraction of a party. Armed rebellion must be suppressed by force and the insane and infuriate factiou of Abo litionists must retire before the ballots of a fre' people The first civic battle has been fought, and the first victory won in the coutest. Indiana w ill take no step backward. Let all who aided in this grand result stand kirm, with ranks unbroken. The sun of Constitutional liberty beams upon this goodly land ! By order of the Cebral Committee. Olo. McOuat, Chairmau. October 27 th, lt?62. A Contemplated fraud. A conversation that occurred vesterday in one of the hotels of this city, between au abolition editor (resident here) and a prominent official in one of our county offices, disclosed one of the plans by which Mr Isaac N. Arnold hopes to se cure his return lo Congie--Republican soldiers are to vote ; but the Irish Legion, now iu Catap Douglas, are to be remov ed before the election. These were the tactics agreed upon by the two Worthies meutioned above We will see how far the Federal and St ne officials will lend themselves to the accom plishir ent of the intended fraud If the Irish Legion is lemoved before election, and regiments w hose voters are permitted to reinaiti and vote, it will prove the collusion of those high in authority with tricksters in this county who are endeavoring to cheat soldiers out of the privileges of electors. The vote of the soldiers of Iowa is receiving daily explanation. It was procured by fraud Hiid oppression ; by stealing Democratic tickets ami burning them ; by refusing to let the soldiers have Republican tickets to change by inserting the names of Democratic candidates, and erasing those ol the Republicans; by refusing Democra tic soldiers pen- aud ink to write with, and re jetting tickets which had been altered with a pencil ; by neglectiug to hold elections iu Democratic regiments, and making false and fraudulent returns. These were some of the villainies practiced n; on Iowa soldiers by Abolition officials , yet Abolition journals have ihe effrontery to point to the Iowa vole in the army, and claim it as a fair expression of political opinion among the soldiers. If Democratic regiments are removed from Camp Douglas, and a vote taken among the remaining s K iers, the result will be heralded to the conn try by the Abolition press nt another evidence of the predominance of Republicanism in the army. Chicago Times t9 Some of the Abolitionists are abusing Gen. Scott because he advised the President to support the Cbittkndicn resolutions. Any person who does not now wish iu his heart that the President bad supported those resolutions mut be either a fiend or a fool. KWIIMWV Racks. The following is the result of lite recent great races over the Kentucky Course by the Union and Confederate horses ' Bragg 1,11. Buell 8, 1, 9. Morgen 1, 1, 1. I turnout 8, S. distanced.

Vitotner Specimen. Our Republican neighbor is striving very hard to convince itself that the Democracy carried the recent election in this State by frauds. Or else it seeks this pretense to let its party easily down from its overwhelming defeat. Here is one of its specimens. Iu its issue of yesterday it says : Brown countv in 1860 gave Lane for Governor 296. and Hendricks 744. a total vote of 1,040. Since then it has sent 4t6 volunteers to the war, of whom 400 at least are voters. Iu 1862 it gives Dunn 220, and Harrington 825! A total vote of 1,045, just five more votes than were cast two years ago. though 400 voters have gone away. A deficit of 400 votes is made cood iu two years. How? By natural increase? No. Now for another specimen. Lake County in 1860 gave 1,098 votes for Lane, and 540 for HhNDRicKs making a total of 1,638. Since then she has sent 650 volunteers to the war, of whom at least 500 are voters. In 1862 she gives Colfax l,0f6. and Tvkpie 559 ! ! A total vote ot 1,645, just nine more votes than were cast two years ago, though 500 voters have gone away. A deficit of 500 votes made good in two years. Here is another. Jasper county in 1860 cast 525 votes for Lane, and for Hendricks 278 total, 803 She has sent 439 volunteers to the w ar, of whom at least 375 are voters. In 1862 she gives Colfax 547 aud Tirpik 288, a total vote

of 835, just thirty-two more votes than she gave two years before, notwithstanding she has sent 375 voters away. A deficit of 375 voters made more than good in two years. Whence comes this increase of vote? Jasper and Lake are rural counties, without commercial towns, and the natural increa; s is very slow, but both give larger votes than in 160, notwith standing the large number of voters who have left them. In both counties Colfax has the majority given to the Republican candidates in 1860. when it is known that there was in both a great revolution in public sentiment. TheU. C. which exist in Colfax's district can tell tbe story. So can the Republican election judges. The learned pig of the Journal can philoso phize upon those specimens, and advise us how these nrtc voters got into Lake and Jasper. 1 tie Causes. The Journal charges that we have been seeking the causes cf the defeat of the Republican party in Indiana, hut it thinks we avoid the right one. There is no mistaking the reasons for the revolution in public sentiment which have just found expression at the polls in the lhace great States of Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania. And it is but the beginning of the end. It is but the turn of the tide which will sweep out of power the last vestige of Republicanism. The Republican party was not defeated alone by those who voteü with the Democracy in 1860. The overthrow was aided by those who had been its friends. The Democracy are indebted to thousands of honest and conservative citizens who in 160 had cast their voles for Mr Lincoln, relying upon the pledges of the Republican party to reform the alleged abuses, corruptions and extravagances which were charged upon the Democratic Ad ministration. Eighteen months of Republican rule had satisfied this class that there was no hope for maintaining the Government unless by the return of the Democratic party to power. The Democracy owe their recent victories io con verts from Republicanism to voters for Mr. Lincoln iu I860 who had merle misapprehended the purposes of the Republican party and its capacity to govern the country. Never before d d apolitical party more signally fail in the application of its principles iu the administration of the Government. These facts the people appreciate snd they have caused the defeat of the Republican party. The New York Herald, in an editorial upon the popular revolution at the polls, thus forcibly sums up the causes thereof: Now what are the causes of this wonderful revolution? There had been little or no canvass, the press and free speech had been under rigid restriction and censorship. The influence of money and contracts was all on the Re publican side Yet the people voted on the opposite side, and that of their own accord, and without persuasion or inducement of any kind. Why have they done so? Because the Republican party which ousted the Democracy from oweron the ground of its corruption, has proved itsell ten times more coarupt, while at the same time its tyranny and utter incapacity for rule have brought the nation lo the verge of ruin. The venality-, ignorance and despot-sm of Congress, violating by its acts the clearest provisions ot the Constitution, and ihe ineomietetiee of the War.t'.ie Navy and the Treasury departments, has filled the people with intense disgust and alarmed them for the safety of the republic. And these rev el.uions have been made by the Republicans themselves, one set of them laying bare the iniquities of another set Witness the reports of the investigating committees, in which the frauds and extravagance at St. Louis, under the auspices of Fremont, were exposed ; the shoddy and shoe contracts; the delinquencies of Senator Simmons of Rhode Island ; the course of Secretary Welles in giving a two and a half per cent job to his brother in law, amounting to some $100,000, for doiim what could be executed equallv well without charge by some officer of the navy ; the failure of the Navy Depart ment to co-ojierate with General McClellan iu his advance on Richmond ; the mis management and blunders of the War Department iu causing a premature movement of the Army of the West before the advance of the Army of the East; dividing the Army of the Po tomac, and afterward fading to effect a junction of the disjointed corps at the critical moment; re fusing to send reiiiloreenients to General McClel lan; the appointment to important commands of such incompetent Generals as Fremont, Hunter and Phelps; the neglect to provide the army with clothes, shoes and tents, and sufficient surgical attendance for the wounded, and medical care and other necessaries for the sick all of which has been duly communicated by the soldiers' let ters io their friends at home, producing a most decided effect. Add to these causes of the pop ular revolution the suspension of habeas corpus iu the loyal States; the summary arrests aud arbitrary imprisonments without trial; the pro gramme of universal emancipation and servile insurrection iu the S uth, and the extermination of the whole people; the apprehension of the Northern States being overrun with the negroes i f the South; the abolitioniziug of the Republican party and its rapid deveicpmeiii as a party of blood; lastly, the breaking down of the financial schemes of Secrerary Chase, partly through a lack of practical acquaintance with such busiuess, and partly through a wilful disregard of measures which would have prevented a disastrous derangement of the currency, amounting to a de preciation ot thirty percent.; and no person need wonder at what has happened at the polls. Indeed, the wonder might well be if the result were different. For the honor of the country and for our hopes of its tutute, nil who value f ree institutions will hail with joy this great movement of the people. It will enable the President, who is honest, to carry out the conservative policy which he had contemplated from the beginning, aud to apply the projier remedy to the evils we have enume rated. Heretofore he had been intimidated by assaults upon his family. For instance, in the proceedings of Hickman's Congressional committee. He had been coerced into various measures under threats of depodtion by revolution and a reign of anarchy and terror. But now that il is proven bv the elections that the ra ieals are powerless, and that he has the people to stand by him in defense of the Constitution, he can get rid of his imbecile Cabinet and appoint another which has the ability to rule and the will to carry on the Government in accordance with the spirit of our institutions. He will be iu a position towage the war with a single view to the restoration of the Union, and to put down the rebellion by force of arms in the hands of white men on the battlefield, snd not by negro insurrections or bv proclamations just as intellectual as the Pope's bull ajfxinst tlie comet. tWThe Louisville Journal, in announcing the great Democratic victory in Pennsylvania, Ohio snd Indiana, says: "We do so with a lighter heart than we hav e carried in our bosom for many weeks." ty The New York World, a conservative Republican journal, refers to Cassius M Clay as that "shining apostle of the higher law, who draws the salary of a Major Genera1 . and spends bis time going about the country abusiug those who pay the taxes."

rite-New Feaeral Aalhorltr. The Governors not satisfied with governing their own Slates seem determined to usurp Federal auihoiity. Governor Yates, of Illinois, was here yesterday to join Governor Mosron on auolher urgeut, it is said, mission to Washington, where another grand convocation of Governors is to be held shortly. These Governors had far better attend to their legitimate duties at home and let the representatives of the National Government run the Federal machinery. If they are not capable of doing it, let the people have a chance to .-elect new men. These Governors' convocations are but another evidence of tbe incapacity of the Republican party lo administer the Government.

Political Prisoners. In the Government postoffice building in this city seventeen persons are confined for alleged political offenses. They were arrested upon affidavits made in some, if not all the cases, by par ti- in aud personal enemies, upon which they are deprived of their liberty without any means oi redress; without the opportunity of disproving tbe charges made against them through the judicial tribunals of the country, a right guaranteed by the Constitution snd w hich should be held sacred If guilty of any crime against tbe Government ! these persons should be punished. If they have violated law they should suffer the penalty therefor. But it is palpably unjust that citizens should be taken from their homes and business and incarcerated in a prison for weeks and months for alleged political offenses, and denied the privileges granted the meanest criminals in the land. Three of the prisoners have very comfortable quarters, but fourteen are confined in cells built for criminals. In oue cell, a small room, nine are confined, and in a still smaller one are fiv e. Neither of them have side windows, but light and air comes through a skylight in the roof. Here they eat, sleep and live, shut out from the world, and only permitted to see the light of heaven through the small opening in the roof. Under no circumstances are they permitted to leave their cells, and before the iron grated door of their prison house, securely fastened, armed sentries, day and night, watch them. One pi is I oner, who came here sound in body and mind, for some days was insane through the effects of his confinement. Who two years ago would have anticipated that such arrests would have been made? Who would have thought one year ago that the President would have brought all the peopie of the United States under martial law, to be administered at his own discretion, and that in our maguiGcent Postoffice building, in a State loyal to the Government and in which 1 the administration of the civil law has never I been obstructed, seventeen of its citizens would i be confined, deprived of all their civil rights? ! Aud w hat is their offense? One ot the prisoners is Dr Tueodore Horton, of Wells County. He was arrested an I brought here upon the charge of discouraging enlistments. Dr. H. is a good citizen. He has represented his county in the Legislature. His must intimate friends upon oath say luey have never heard him express a sentiment disloyal to the Government, but on the other hand has often said that he would freely give all he was worth, even his life, if those sacrifices would put dow n the rebellion. And the direct charge made against him, as is shown it. the affidavit we publish with this, is disproved by some of the most trustworthy citi zeus ol his county. Yet these evidences of his innocence do not release him. He can not get his liberty even upon bail. In confinement he must remain with his fellow prisoners until the authorities at Washington dispose of them. The President mar think that the public safety requires these extreme measures, but it gives a power to bad men which may be exercised, and which has been exercised, to injure the best citizens Wherever civil law can not bead ministered, martial law may be necessary, but in Indiana no one can doubt that all offenses known to the laws can be punished through judicial tribunals. We publish the following affidavit iu the case of Dr. Horton, to illustrate the workings of mar tial law, and. as iu his case, the arrest of all the prisoners may have been made under similar circumstances and with equal injustice: State of Indiana, ) Wklls Cor ntt, $ We. Jerome KufT, John M. Powers, Ranira'.s Walser, George J. Cottschalk, John Gottschaik, George Duliusky, William Dulinsky, Matl.ew Long, Cyrus March. Beunville Saw ver and John A Sawyer, Amos Gehrett, and E A. Horton, of lawlul age, residents of the county and State aforesaid, upon our oaths depose and say; that on the 2d day ol October, lf62, we attended a political meeting in Nottingham township. Wells county, Indiana, which said meeting was appointed lor the purs)se of discussing the political is sues before (he countrv, by one AB J et more, candidate lor Stale Representative for the counties of Blackbird and Wells; that one John Phipps of Compuiy "A," 34th regiment Indiana volunteers, infantry, was present at said meeting for the purpose of procuring volunteers; that Theodore Horton, (now under arrest upon a charge of then aud there discouraging enlistments, which said charge, said Phipps, on the 6th of October, 1&G2, made affidavit to before one Dwight Klinch, a notary public in and for said county and State.) was also present at said meet iug; that said Horton, alter said Jet more aud said Phipps had concluded their efforts on the occasion, was ealled for by a large number present to address them; that said Horton distinctly required before he responded to that call, if said Jetmore and said Phipps had concluded their labors for the evening, and not until he had received froru those geiuietiien an affirmative response to his s.i id inquiry, did said Horton proceed to address said meeting. And deponents say that their understanding of the purse ot said Horton being so called to address said meeting and of his responding to said call was to answer said Jetmore - political seech aud for such purpose only. Deponents further say they were present during the entire remarks of Horton then and there mad;; that they paid strict and close attention to those remarks; that if the language imputed to said Horton by said Phipps in hissaid affidavid towit: "I always knew this vm an abolition war the President's proclamation tops the Abo lition 'dimax you have been asked to night to volunteer did jou do it? No, you are not a going to volunteer. The speaker called for volunteers how many did he get? Noue. You are not going to volunteer under such a policy no, not one. The persons in power are all Abolitionists, and all who uphold the Administra lion in its policy are Abolitionists. We w ill put the Democrats in power and then we will shoot down the Abolitionists," had been used by said Horton then and there, deponents would remember it; that said Horton did not use said language nor any language calculated to discourage en list men ts, but on the contrary said Horton then snd there spoke in substtnee as follows, to wit: "That the country had Iteen forced iuto this war by the disunion Abolitionists of (he North and the tire eating secessionists of the South; that there was left us but one course, uameh , to shoulder our muskets 'and destroy the rebels of the South with bullets, and to meet the Aftolitiouists at the ballot box, and by the mighty power of those little p ier ballots, w hich drop as the silent snow-flake, to sweep from power the Abolition element iu the Government ; and restore it to the glory and power in which our fathers be quealhed il to un;" that said Horton then and there uttered no language expressing hostility to the t iov eminent or calculated to discourage en liument unless the foregoing he so recanted. And deponents further say that, in auswer to any inquiry then and thcte put him by said Jetmore, in substance, whether or not he, said Horton, was in favor of putting down the rebellion, said Horton distinctly and emphatically said he "was in favor of putting down the rebellion, and (hat the war should be carried on until that purpose was accomplished." D. ponenta further say that there were present at said meeting about thirty or forty persons. And further deponents say not. Jerome B. Kuff. Bicnnville Sawyer, John M. Powers, John A. Sawyer. Rnnnals Walser, Amos Gehrett, George J. Gottschaik, John GotUchalk, eighteen vearsold, Georae Dulinsky, seventeen years old. William Duliusky, E. A. Horton, Matl.ew Long, Cyrus Marsh.

Fierutivt Authority. Judge Cirtis, of Boston, foimeriy oue of the Justiresof the United States Supreme Court, and one of the ablest juru-ts in the country, has lately published an opinion upon executive power, which we will hereafter spread before our readers. Iu it he discusses the proclamation of the President, his right to suspend the writ of habeas corpus and his power to bring all tlie people of the United States under martial law, administered at his own discretion ; all these topics he

discusses with great clearness and ability. We give the iollowiug brief extract from that part of the opinion which d,-cu--es the power of the President to place the whole country tinder martial law. If he has authority to do that, Judges aud juries may be arrested at his pleasure and punished for judicial decisions, and Legislators for words spoken in debate. If such a power is conceded the rights and liberty of the citizens are subject to the arbitrary will and disposal of the President. Judge Ci ktis says: What, then, is his (the President's) authority over the persons aud property of citizens? 1 auswer that over all persons en'.isted iu his forces he has military power and command ; that over all persons and property within the sphere of his actual operations iu the field, he may lawfully ex ercise such re-traiiits and control as ihe sucoesefal prosecution of his particular military enterprise may, in his honest judgment, absolute! v require; and upon such persons as have committed offense;i gainst the article- 1 war, he may, through appropriate military tribunals, inflict the punishment prescribed by law. Aud ihere his lawful authority cods. "The military power over citizens aud their property is a power to act, not a power to prescribe rules for future action. It springs from preseut pressing emergencies, aud is limited by them. It cannot assume the functions of the statesman and legislator, and make provision for future or distant arrangements by which persons or property may be made subservient to military uses. It is the physical force of an army in the field, and may control whatever is so near as to be actually reached by that force, in order to remove obstructions to its exercise. But when the military commander controls the peisotis or property of citizens, who are beyond the sphere ol his actual operations in the field, when he makes laws to govern their conduct, he becomes I legislator Tho.c laws may be made actually operative; obedience to them may be enforced by military power; their purpo-e and effect may be solc'y to recruit or support his armies, or to weaken ihe power of the enemy with whom he is contending. But he is a legislator still; and whether his edicts are clothed in the form of proclamations, or of military orders, by whatever name they may be called, they are laws. If he have the legislative power, confer red on him by the people, il is well; if not, he usurps it. He has no more lawful authority to hold all the citizens of ihe entire country, outside ot the sphere of his entenl opeiaiions in the field, amenable to his military edicts, than he has to hold all the property of the country subject to his military requisitions. He is not the military commander of the citizens of the United Slates, but of its soldiers. U hat John t an Huren Kays. John Van Pi kin si:-t in hi- recent New York speech: We have already, as 1 have stated to you, cartied on this war at this frightful loss of human life and this great destruction of property; we have come to a state of things when the widowed mother calls uon you to slop at the first honorable point; when the wife, whose husband goes out to battle lor the Union aud the Constitution; when the sister, who finds no brother comiug home; when the betrothed, who parts from her future lord and master, dedicates him to the service of the country; whew ihe bride, who separates from her groom at the church door to go forth to battle all appeal to you not to stop the war dishonorably. With firm lips they tell you to go forward as long as honor and justice require it, but when you come to a point where peeM can be jeenenj made, then be make it. Arid at this time und in this condition of the country, we are asked to disband the Democratic party. People who are making none but political appointments, who aie turning Democrats out of custom houses and the various offices in the United States, invite us to disband the Demociatic organization Why? Has it not a great and glorious history? Has it not added empire to the Confederacy? Has it not carried successfully through three foreign wars? Have we not had Jackson, who was the first living man who ever paid a national debt, and Pierce, who was second that again paid the debt of the United Slates? Has not the cause of freedom !een promoted by it, and an independent Treastirv established by it? It would take me hours to rehearse to you the glorious career of the Democratic party ny inheritance which I have always regarded as one of the chiefest portions of property that belongs to me A voice "We had a Van Buren then, but we have shinplasters now " Laughter. And now. at a lime w hen the traditional opponent of the Democratic party come forward to support it w hen the last Whig candidate for President. General S ott, declines to optose the Democratic ticket when Millard Filmore, the last Whig President, supports the Democratic ticket when the last Whig Governor, Washington Hunt, takes the field ai.i plants himsel: upon Democratic principles when distinguished lawyers all over the State, such ss Nixon, of Syracuse; ex Juitge Comstock, of tbe Court of Appeals; aud when Mr. Briggs and Wm Duer of Oswego leaders in the Whig party come forward and say to you, all that can save the country is the support of your organization Where would have been the country now but for this organization? Where would Gen. McClellan have oeen now but for the Democratic pirty? Where would he be to morrow if you disband this organization? Thse who know the influences Wltich it exercise, can answer this question. We propose to stop stealing for ninety days laughter and have the money raised by taxation applied to pay the soldiers, to feet! and clothe tbem. and enable them to support their families while they are in the field. Applause. I want that tried for just ninety days, for fliege contractors who have stolen all they could lay their hands on could last for over tiinety days while we carried on the war with the money. It strikts me there might be a prospect of bringing it to a termination before the President's proclamation could bike effect Cheers. It is our purpose to overthrow this Republican party, and the political sharks that follow in its wake to devour what ihey throw overboard. Laughter and cheers We propose, if we can, to frustrate thai party, because, in what observation I have been able to give to the subject, in looking at all the Gov ernments that have existed patriarchal, ecclesiastical, imperial, despotic, monarchical, aristocratic, simple or mixed in much foreign travel, in considerable pe.nonal observation, and after a deal of careful reflection, it is my delilterate judgment that the most contemptible failure in the shape of a Government is the Gov ernment of the Republican party of the non slaveholding States of North America. Good," and applause From the Hirrisburg Patriot and Union. October SI. Drmorrallr .tlajorit) on Joint Kallot in Prnniylvania-Thr n.-mmratir inte 'ticket titer ted Democratic Cong-renamen. THE NfcXT OXl.RtS The Pennsylvania delegation in the House of Representatives of the Thirty-eighth Congress will stand as follows: Democrats. 1. Sam'l J. Kandall, 6. John D. Stile, 8. 8 B. Ancona, IS. Ityern Hrone, 11. PbiU Johnson, 18. Cba. Dentsori, U. Wm. H. Miller, 15. Joseph Bailey, I. A. H. (Jom-ot'i, 17. Arch. M AIiftT. Si. Johu L Dawtou, 34. Jeasc Iatxear. Abolitionist. 1. ( harlet OM.l, 3. Leonard Myers, Wm. B. Kelly, M. Bawell Tniiver. John M. Broomall, Tbaddeiif Sieveo, G. W. Schofleld, Amos Mvers. J. a. Morrhead, Thomas Valium Independent. 13 H. W. T Tracy. 18. Julien T. Hal. Democrats, twelve; Abolitionists, ten; Independenis, two. Tbe two Independents, who are elected in opposition to the regular Abolition nominees, we think are not identical in their views. We expect to find Mr. Hale taking a conservative course; probably , in most matters, acting with the Democrats. Mr. Tracy has heretofore been fully identified with the Abolitionists, and we are of the a pinion that all we have gained by his election is the defeat of the Wilmot candidate. Wota poa Ma. SirrnaTAar Staktok Tbe New York Herald says: Is it not time for Mr Secretary Stanton to be moving again iu the work of arresting heretical Democrats? He must begiu this work et once, and not confine it to such intrsctables as Horatio Seymour and Fernando Wood, but shut up in Fort Lafayette three hundred thousand Democrats, or ihey will seise the State ot New York In November.