Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 21, Indianapolis, Marion County, 13 October 1862 — Page 2

WEEKLY SENTINEL

MOMDAV O, I out it 13 Tit I nlo: it auaet be preserved.. Jackon Democratic Union State Ticket. Election Tuesday, October it. rOE 9 ECKET AKT OF STATE JAMES S. ATHON, Of Marion Count) . fOK AUDITOR Or STATE, JOSEPH K I ST INK, Of Fountain County. POK TBEASLKEK Or STATE, MATTHEW L BRETT, Of Davie County. rOK ATTOBNKT (jKVRRAL. OSCAR B HORD. Ot Decatur Cotntv. rot a k porter or suras a con sr. MICHAEL C KERR, Of Floyd County. rOK IITKRI NTE N l KNT OF H1LU I JfSTSrjCTIOIt , SAMUEL L. RUOO, Of Alien County. COJRF.iSIOVl, OVll ATIONS. 1st District JOHN LAW

2d " JAMES A. CRAVENS 3d " HENRY W. HARRINGTON. 4th " WILLIAM S HOLMAN. 5th " EDMUND JOHNSON. 6th " ALEXANDER B CONDUITT. 7th DANIEL W. VOORHEES. 8th " JOHN PETTIT Hh " DAVID TURPIE. 10th JOSEPH K EDOERTON. nth " james f. Mcdowell.

soldiers Voting. We understand that nearly all the volunteers who hare lately been in camp in this neighbor hood, bare been furloughed for the purpose of giving them the privilege of returning borne to vote A large number have already left and uearly all will probably go. The Attorney General has given the opinion, unhesitatingly, "that volunteers have an undoubted right to vote in the townships in which they have a legal residence," but he did not state, as he should have done, that the "legal residence" of the volunteer waa the township or precinct in which he resided at the time he enlisted. Voting Against Army Supplies vit-atts The Republican press and Republican speakers charge "disloyalty" upon all who question the wisdom and justice of all the measures of the party in power. It tbe tax and tariff acts are pronounced unequal and unfair in their operation upon different sections of the country, those who take that view of the question are at once denounced as "traitors." Circumstance often alter cases. Never before has any party exhibited the patriotism the unselfish devotion to the country that has distinguished the Democracy since the inauguration of Mr. Lincols Nobly, generously and cheerfully have they sustained the Administration in its effoi is to overthrow the rebellion. AH the men and all the money it has asked for have been promptly furnished by Democrats equally with Republicans. How different would be the condition of the country now if the Democracy bad ret used to sustain the party in power if they had kept aloof from the terrible struggle which even yet threatens the destruction of the Uniou. If the circumstances were reversed if Democrats instead ot Republicans were in power, judging from the experience of the past, there is no probability that the Republicans would give that generous and hearty support to tbe Government which the Democrats have. In 1812 the Democrat? were in power, and the nation was engaged in a war with Great Britain. Did the Republicans of that day sustain the Administration in that fierce struggle with our ancient enemy? No. They fiercely opposed tbe war, bitterly denounced those who represented the Government and thus gave "aid and comfort" to tbe enemy. The same role waa re enacted in the war with Mexico. We then had a Democratic Administration For that reason the war was denounced by the Republicans of that day It was by them pronounced an unholy war, and every obstacle thrown in the way of its success. In Congress tbe opposition to the Democracy voted against the appropriations for our army in Mexico for our own citizens who had volunteered to vindicate the honor of the Government upot, a foreign soil. They voted against the pay of volunteer;, they voted against pro-iding for the comfort of discharged and disabled soldiers, and forwarding destitute soldiers to their homes; they voted against the subsistence of volunteers, and tbey voted against appropriations for the medical and hospital departments. No such factious conduct has characterized the Democracy under the present Republican Administration. Believing that the troubles uow upon the country could have been avoided, and that they should have been, yet when the Government was assailed, regardless ot who stood at the helm to direct the ship of State, the Democracy manfully came to the rescue, and without their aid ere now she would have stranded. We call the attention of our distinguished friend, Mr. Secretary Smith, to these facts. Situ ated as he is he can appreciate the value of a cordial support of the Government by men of all parties when engaged in a foreign war or in civil strife. But in 1847 be thought and acted differently. He was then a member of Congress. He did not then think it wrong to oppose the Administration. He denounced the war. With Giddimos he voted against supplies for the army then vigorously prosecuting the war. He bad then no sympathy for our brave volunteers engaged in a struggle which added an empire to our dominions. These facts Mr. Smith and the Republican party generally should not only remember but it should teach them the propriety of toleration toward political opponents. In 1847 they did not think it inconsistent with loyalty to the Government to criticise the acts and oppose the policy ef tbe Administration in power, notwithstanding tbe country was engaged in war, and the same rights and privileges they claimed for themselves then they should be willing to concede to their political opponents uow. "The Difference.' There is just this difference between Democrats and Republicans. The latter bare nothing to sacrifice in tbe support of the Administration, while the f.-rmer yield long rheri-hed political principles to sustain the representatives of the Government. Without the voluntary support of tbe 8th of January Democrats, tbe men whom tbe Republican journals constantly deride as "disloyal," aa "traitors," today the rebel flsg would be float, ig in triumph on the Federal Capitol. But for all this the Democracy receive nothing from their political opponents but reproach. Mark the difference in the peril of the OOMOOry between Republicans ami Democrats. We challenge Republican to show a single instance in which they bare repudiated party for their country. We ask them to show what Republican dogma, doctrine or sentiment tbey have abandoned "that the country may have an undivided support?" JVefeee. Where then their patriotism? In what single instance have they, except in name, discarded party distinctions? Throughout the whole controversy the country has been made subordinant to party. Tbe Democracy hsve been honest, while tbe Baputi beans bare not been. The Democracy, while cheerfully sustaining tbe Government, bars adhered to then principles and organization without disguise But the Republicans at

the same time have been hypocritical. Professing

no partyism, uo administration or party m power baa adhered more rigidly to party platforms, or has beeu more exclusive in party patronage. Where is the Democrat upon whom Mr Lincoln has conferred a civil appointment? On tbe other hand he has decapitated every Democrat who hel a cross road postoffice, and put in his place some reliable Republican. Under such circum stances the Journal says "there is not a solitary Democratic ticket in the State that contains the name of Republican " God forbid there should be. It would be the rankest hypocrisy if there was. There is not an honest man but believes that tbe triumph of the "Republican" policy will

destroy all hope of constitutional liberty the , consent to "taxation without representation?" continuance of the institution? which have made i Let them look we'll to the men who are candi U9 a great, a prosperous and a happy people, j dates to the men who seek to control the desTo repudiate party under such circumstances is j tiuies of the country and select "only those who only to oppose the best interests of the country i would scorn to draw pay for services never rents disloyalty to the free institutions won dered " If this should be the standard of judgby the valor and framed by the wisdom of the ment it will be difficult to find a Republican who

fathers of the Republic. The Republicans are willing to yield all to perpetuate their party rule, while the Democrats sacrifice patrouue and political power to preserve and perpetuate constitutional liberty. That's the difference between Republicans and Democrats. Who so blind that can not see it? "Cond ui M s Kecora " Duinont's Kec ortl Mil i th h . Ii ltecord-Fremont' Itecord C. M Clay's Kccerd, und Krrsrdu Oenerulljr. Under the caption of "Cosotirr s Record" the Journal of yesterday makes a characteristic mean anil malignaul attack upon Mr. Comdcitt for having failed to vote upon several proposi tions before tbe Constitutional Convention of 1850, of which he was a member. It is indelicate to bring before the public personnl affairs, but a few words will explain why Mr. Coxdcitt failed to vote as charged. On the day of the assembling of the Convention his son died, and at the same time he bad a brother at his residence who was very ill, and who died shortly after. Another brother was suffering under se vere sickness during the same period ami such was his condition that he required the attention ot Mr. C. These certainly are sufficient reasons for his failure to attend and record his vote at every daily session of the Convention. And during the setting of the Convention Mr. CosnuiTT himself lor a month was too sick to attend its sessions, but notwithstanding his illness he remained at his lodgings in this city and was taken to the Convention to vote upon all important propositions Heartless and vindictive in deed must the man be who would attack an individual for failure to attend to public business under such circumstances. Th Journal does not charge that any public business suffered by the absence of Mr. C. It was not delayed by his nor.-attendance. If any important measure was passed or ueteated by reason of his absence, he is only responsible therefor to those of his constituency who made him their representative, and they never have complained, but otherwise have confided to him since then important public trusts. The charge that Mr. Condlitt ever wilfully "dodged" a vote will be regarded as absurd by all who know him. He is a man of firmness and decision of character, and not afraid to assume any responsibility delegated to him. But the main object of the attack of the Jonr nal is to make a little capital out of the pay he received as delegate to the Convention. The Committee of accounts awarded what was due to each member of the Convention and that report was concurred in by the Convention unanimously. The Convention was never three fourths full, and delegates who are now acting with the Republican party recei7ed like Mr. Coxdcitt the compensation audited them by the Committee of Accounts. The Convention was in session over four months and the pay for the entire period was the pittance of $381. The Journal sums up its article thus: The voters of the 6th district will not consent to "taxation without representation " Let them look well, then, to their candidates and select a man who would scorn to draw pay for servi ;es never rendered. Eveu if Mr Conduitt could offer any excuse lor his absence, why did he draw full pay? Will not consent to "taxation without repre scntation," eh? Gen. Dimoxt spent several months home lately, leaving a very important position and withdrawing from the care of the men placed under his command, considerations which should have the highest influence with a faithful and conscientious officer His pay per month is at least $.'i'2D 50, nearly as much for one month's services as all Mr. Condlitt received as a delegate to the Constitutional Con vention. While General Dimo.nt was at home he was attending to his private busiuess. He was seen almost daily upon the streets riding with his "nigger." and during his absence fiom his official duties he had the health, the strength I and tbe disposition to visit various portions of : this Congressional District to make political l speeches, and set the triggers for his nomination as a candidate for Congress. We inquire of the Journal whether General Dcmont deducted a dollar from his pay roll, while thus neglecting important public duties? "Why did he draw full pay 'The voters :! the Sixth District will not consent 'to taxi' ion without representation.' Let them look well, then, to their candidates, and select a man who would scorn to draw pay for services never rendered." There is an old adage which reads: "People that live in glass bouses should not throw stones." We notice Mr. Secretary Smith, a very ardent Republican, upon the streets of our city. He receives a salary of $8 O'M) a year Does any public duty call him here? If on private business he should "scorn to draw pay for services never rendered " Mr. Smith draws from the public treas ury twenty two dollart every day for attending to public duties. The hard working laloring man only earns h tweuty two days what Mr. Smith gets each day Mr. Smith takes a play spell or comes out to Indiana to tell the laboring men bow they must vote. His pay, twenty two dollart a day, goes on all the while, but if the laboring man loses an hour for a little recreation, he is docked that much from his dollar a day. "The voters of the 6th District will not consent to taxation without representation." The very honorable Albert Gallatin Porter leaves his seal in Congress and comes home to see his family. That is all right, but he draws pay for services not rendered, and this the Jour nal says no honorable man should do. The Republican organ sa)s with a great deal ol virtuous iudignation "the voters of the 6th Congressional District will not consent to 'taxation without rep cementation . ' " Brigadier General or Major General Caseins j M Clay receive pay at the rate of four, or five or i six thousand dollars a year and is loafing around the country. He has no command, never reu dered any service and probably never will. But he is N member of the Republican pirty. In thie esse will the voters of the 6th Congressional District consent to "taxation without representation?" Schlylkb Colfax, a Republican member of Congress, and a candidate for re-election, leaves hii seat for weeks to visit his district and attend to his personal affairs, drawing all the time full pay as a public servant, but he does not "scorn to draw pay for services never rendered." He pockets it all, and would more too if he could get it, but the Jour mi' has no rebuke for this Republican pet. Major General John Cbables Fremont, s rep reseotative of the radical Republicans, and therefore we must accept to be a very good

man, a very pure man, in fact a very excellent

man, pockets some $500 a month or $6,000 a year and does nothing. The Journal says an honorable man, a good man, should "scorn to draw pay for services not rendered." Is John Charles a good roan? We ask tbe Journal to respond to this inquiry. And so we could enumerate thousands upon thousands of very patriotic Republicans who are drawing pay for services- never rendered. But we notice that not one of them "scorn" to put the money in his pocket. They take it all, and like Ulivkr Twist, ask for more. Tbey like it. The Journal has made the issue. Will the voters of the Siith District would be qualified to fill any public position. Mollen for Republican Kewpapert. It is a commetidable practice of many newspaper editors to place at the head of their editorial columns pithy extracts from the speeches of the most distinguished exponents of the principles they advocate. It serves to keep the leading ideas of politicial organizations prominently before the public, so that the people may have no excuse for mis apprehension. We recommend to the Republican press of Indiana lo adopt the the practice, and have selected for them a few brief extracts for their benefit, as follows: From Charles Summer's seech in Faueuil Hall , just reported by telegraph: Thunderbolts must be hurled into the Cabinet as well us into the field. 1 he African race, slave a- well as free, must help us. From the speech of Cail Schurz in New York: The Union is gone. It can not be restored! From Mat Carpkxtku's speech at Chicago: 'I hese caviling Constitution lovers must now come to time! In war, the President exercises unlimited power. Fnitn President Lincoln's in.nigural address: Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and w lieu, after mil Ii loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you. From the Chicago Republican Platform 1860: The maintenance inviolate of tbe rights of the States, and especially the right of each Slate to order and control its own dome-tic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is es sential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric de pend. Also from the Chicago Platform: As our Republican fathers ordained that no person should lie deprived of life, liberty, or prop crty, without due process of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenev r legislation is necessary, to in linlain this provision of the Constitution against ill attempts to violate it. From Henky W ard Bkf.ch er. whose newspaper publishes the laws of the United States "by authority:" A great many people raise a cry about the Uniou and Constitution, as if the two were identical; but the truth is the Constitution has been the foundation and father of all our trou bles. From Wm H. Sewabd: There is a higher law than the Constitution which regulates our authority over the domain. From Wm Lloyd Garrison, who now sustains the measures of the National Administration: The North must separate from the South and organize her owu institutions on a sure basis. From Horace Greeley, who endorses the i nomination of Mr. Potter: The Union is not worth supporting in connec tion with the South. From Ex Lieutenant Governor Ford of Ohio: The time has come when we must love freedom (for the negroes) belter than the Union. From Wendell Phillips, who now supports the Administration: There is merit in the Republican party It is the first sectional party every organized in this country. From N P. Banks: I am willing, in a certain state of circumstan ces. to let the Union slide. The list of similar extracts from Republican leaders, might be continued without limit. It is but fair that the principles of these men should be made conspicuous at all times and in all places. The true characters of those who govern us should be known, and honesty re quires that the extracts we have quoted should be kept standing at the head of every Republi can newspaper m the State from now until the election. Net relury M ward and llie Emancipation Question. The Washington Sunday Morning Chronicle. and its twin brother, the Philadelphia Pres$, assert that Mr. Secretary Seward was the earliest and most persistent advocate of the universal emancipation of the slaves in the United States, as one of the features in the prosecution of the war for the Union. Kilher Col. Forney is greatly mistaken, or Mr Sevard Baa strangely altered his position, as taken in the letter ol the latter to Mr Dayton, dated April '26. 1MB, and : cotitaiued in an executive document. No. 3, ac companying the annual message of the President. Mr. Seward says, in urging that the existing revolution is without a cause or even pretext: The condition of slavery in the several States will remain just the same, whether it succeed or fai. There is not eveu a pretext for the com plaint that the disaffected Stales are to be con quered by the United States if the revolution fail, for the rights of the States, and the condition of every human being in them will remain subject to exactly the same laws and tonus of administration, whether the revolution shall suc ceed or whether it shall fail. In the one case the j States would be Federally connected with the ! Confederacy; in the other, they would, as now, be members ol the tinted states, out their constitutions and laws, customs, habits and iusti tuiions, in either case, will remain the same. It is hardly necessary to add to this iucontestible statement the further fact, that the new Presi dent, as well as the citizens through whose suffrages be has come into the Administration, has always repudiated all designs whatever and wher ever imputed to him and them, of disturbing the system of slavery as it is existiug under the Constitution and laws. The case, however, would not be fully presented if I were to omit to say that any such effort on his part would be uucon stitutional, and all his actions in that direction wouM be prevented oy tne juuiciai auiuoriiy. even though thev were assented to by Congress and the people. This record is official, and although the President has seen proper to as ume a different position from that assigned to him by his Secretary of State, there has beeu as yet no evidence that the Secretary of State has changed his views upoii tbe subject. At any rate, it is hardly possible , that he should have put forth a State paper with due deliberation and as the representative of his ! partv and subsequently endorse views which rej pudiate them. If Mr Seward is an honest man i he can not coincide with the President in his emancipation proclamation, but if he is not, it makes no difference what sentiments he ex presses. Beware of nixed Tickets. Look out lor mixed ami fraudulent tickets. Every effort will be made to deceive. Compare your tickets with the list of candidates published in the Sentinel, before depositing your ballot, to see that al! is right. Let not a vote be lost through deceptiou or fraud. State and county elections take place to morrow throughout Ohio, Pennsylvania and Indians

send in the Returns. We will be obliged to our friends throughout the State it they will forward to us, as early as possible after the election, the result of the vote in the different townships and counties. Tne Tax I. aw. The Journal finds fault because we published the tax law. It -tates that our object in doing so is to " prejudice the law in the public mind byexhibiting it in an Incorrect form " We copied the schedule list just as it appeared in a Republi can paper, and therefore thought it correct. We will however compare it with the law and correct errors if anv there be We printed it for public information no other purpose but it is a new idea that the publication of a law is calculated to make it odious. Xbe Election To- Tforrow. Says the New York Frttmant Journal: Wc wish to do everything in our power to rouse to the utmost the exertions of our friends for a Democratic success at the coming election If

the election shall result in the return of a Demo cratic Majority to the House of Representatives, j in Congress, and in the election of Democratic ! Governors in the great Middle States, we may afterwards breathe freer, and hope, whatever our losses and sufferings, that all it not lost. We may still be freemen, and not altogether ashamed of the name of Americans. If we lose this election in these Central States, the country is gone gone as a Union, and gone as a habitable part of the globe for real freemen We wish to impress it on all our friends that the issue is in their hand. Have you a vote? Do you knoto of a vote that can be brought fß by your efforts? If so, do your best that at least IlO blame may attach to you. If our own friend exert themselves all will be well. Let them see to it. Tesrro imitilsrratlon. Do the people ot Indiana desire tleir State to be overrun with lazy, helpless and thriftless ne groes? Do they want the Slate to be African ized? Large numbers have already been brought into the State in violation of our Constitutional provisions against such immigration. If Lincoln's proclama'ion is carried into effect, our State will be flooded with a population, which, by an overwhelming vote of the people it was determined to exclude. By order ol the Secretary of War thousands of contrabands, men, women and children, are being carried into Illinois. The - ime thing is going on in Ohio Unless protested against, the Federal military authorities will Africanize the Western States. We do not want that population amongst us. We do not want the industry of the State taxed lor their support. We have already burdens enough without this addition to them. If Abolitionism triumphs at the polls to morrow our State will be flooded with tiegroes, devouring our substance like the locusts of Egypt. The only remedy for this threatentd evil is to elect men to Congress who wiil insist that the local laws and policy of the State shall be respected by the officers of the General Government, and by the election of a Legislature and public officers who will see that the laws are faithfully executed. There is no hope that a Republican Legislature or Republican officers, unless constrained by heavy tines and penalties, will do their duty in . . . . . . m rmy preventing tne immigration ol negroes. i ne white men of Indiana must not De degraded by placing the negro in competition with them in the , . . . . workshops or in any department ot labor. '(Where Did They Learn the Lrsnon!" The Journal make.- this inquiry in commenting upon the recent difficulties in Blackford county It says "where did these men leim the lesson of rebellion?" This question is easily answered From the teachings of the leading men in the Republican party. They have taught that there is a law higher than the Constitution; that that charier of Government was "a league with hell and a covenant with death;" in the language of a Republican Sena tor that "any person claiming a strict construction of the Constitution is an aider and abet i er of the rebellion," und similar sentiments which we could quote indefinitely. When men are taught thus to disregard the fundamental law of the land, those who teach the lesson, and "led then along the latal road that has ended in so fearlul a catastrophe," are responsible. The Journal l.selt taught the lesson f rebellion The misguided men, wherever they be, who have resist ed the laws of theStateand of tbe United States, in attempting to defeat thedraft, can and will charge that print w ith teaching them the lesson of re hellion On the 13th of November. 1860, the Journal said : They know very well that if they aredeterm ined to leave the Union, no Republican will care lo hr.ve them stav. A Union pie.-erved only by intimidation and force is a mockerv. and it is better broken than whole. It Sout . Carolina and her associates in f oll v leally want to leave the Union, thev can uo without a word of objec tion from any man north of Mason and Dixon's line, s s s We do not believe in resii-ting anv secession movement in the least." On the 20th of August, 1p61, four months after the full of Sumter, the Journal reiterated the sentiments we have quoted. It said, upon the hitter date, "it had seen no reason to change the views it advanced last winter." It was by such r ti it i n it i . t - that the public mind was poisoned The Journal told the people of Indiana that "a Union preserved onlv by intimidation and force is a mockery and it is better broken than whole," and th it it did "not believe in re sisling any secession movement in the least." That's where these men learned the lesson of rebellion The Journal and the Republican leader taught it They are responsible for the results which have followed those teachings. bjmJ they should be punished instead of the misguided who unwisely followed them Politic it Arrests. In the Federal Government inn Id ing in this city are confined several citizens of the Stale, who were arrested during the past week for al leged disloyal practices. All were arrested upon the affidavits of political opponents, of bitter n:u tisans. and thev are here restrained of their

liberty without the opportunitv of answering the lhe Su,e of uto take as an esiimase what a prominent Repubcomplaints mads against them. They are all j ijcun eader told me the other day on that subgood citizens, the advocates of law and order. ject. "I should be surprised," said he, "it the staunch friends of tbe Constitution and the j Republicans were able this time to elect seven rr . , . ,. r . members of Congress out of twentv-five to which Uniou. and guilt ess thev believe of anv crime . . . .-.i , . iiutj. .i.,u buii . the Stale is entitled in virtue of llie new apporagainst the Government, or intei.iiou to disobey ; tjOI,ment. This Sute belongs to the Democrats

or defeat any ot its requisitions upon them. 1 hey have no redress for the charges brought against them in the courts of the country, but are at the disposal of the Secretary ot War. The Provost Marshal of the Slate sends to Washington . . i I a statement ol llie cnarges agninsi, me accused and upon that depends their future disposal. The charges may be dismissed: the prisoners may be tried by court marled or they may be continued in confinement indefinitely. Thus innocent citizens, upon the affidavits of irresponsible parties and to gratify part. .-an prejudices cr personal malice, may be dragged from their homes and business, deprived of liberty, suffer under trumped up charges of disloyalty, without the redress granted to the meatiest criminal iu the land. If Indiana was in an insurrectionary state, if it was impossible to serve the process of civil courts, then there might be some good reason for the suspension of the civil law and the rights of the citizen under it. But no such necessity ex ist- If any citizen of Indiana was guilty of crime against the Government through the courts snd under the laws and the Constitution the oflei.i.e could be punished. What necessity, theo, for these sxtrsordinary

and arbitrary measures? Are they calculated to inspire a respect for and confidence in the Government, and lo soften party asperities? WiU a person arrested without cause and degraded by an unjust imprisonment, forget or forgive tbe parties who occasioned it? Will not such acts stir up neighborhood strife, and lead to those very violations of law and order which it should be the object of every good government to prevent? We have no excuse or apology for any man who fails in the duties which citizenship requires. We would not palliate any infraction thereof. But no man should be deprived of hia constitutional rights. If we are to have a law higher than the Constitution if the will of one man is to rise above it, when Presidents, and Cabinets, and Congresses are as much subject to it as the humblest citizen, we no longer have a constitutional Government. Our boasted free Government then becomes but a name a sound ing brass and a tinkling cymbal. If under one Administration this exercise of arbitrary power is tolerated and justified. It may be in auother of different political sympathies. The man who

fe'9 84 f "d secure to day, to morrow may not "' 'vor Wlln lhe powers that le. Then may come retaliation. The accuser now niiv then become the victim It is not safe to leave the moorings of the Constitution. It has been the ark of safely to each citizen. It is our only security. In the language of Webster, "it is a bond, the only bond of the Union of these States; it is ail that gives us national character." If we disregard it, trample it under loot, lite, liberty, property will be endangered. Anarchy will ensue, until any despotism will be welcomed that will ;u order and protection. A Cabinet officer is now in the city uid we trust he will investigate the operation of m. n-ti.il law its practical workings. We believe that the foundation the 8ole reason lor the arrest of euch of the citizens now in custody is political or party animosity. They were anestd at lhe instigation and upon the affidavit of partisan enemies And the motive which prompted the arrest was punishment for political offen-es No unprejudiced or impartial person in the State will believe that Dr Hortox, of Welles county, its representative in the Legislature; Harris Rtvkolds, of Fountain, or the citizens of Blacklord, whose names are enumerated elsewhere, all now in confinement under martial law, are less loyal, less anxious to preserve aud maintain the Government than their accuseis. We believe that each and all would make infinitely greater sac iitices to save the Union, and lhe Constitution which is the only bond of the Union of these States, tlwn those who have dragged them from their homes because they bad the power and the malice to do so and attempted their degradation. "The race is not always to the swift or the battle to the strong ' Illegal Arrests. Hartford City, Ind , Oct. 10. 1862. En StvTiNEi.: In order to correct whatever misrepresentations that may be made concerning the disturbance which occurred here last Monday, the day of drafting, I have made bold to address you upon the subject. The Marshal and Commissioner nre known throughout the county, and are two of the most unpopular men who live among us. Stron;: suspicions existed among the people that the dralt would not be conducted fairly by them, and certain dare devils deter mined to resist the conscription, or prevent it altogether. Mr Bricklev , our Democratic Sher , in , ,,resented himself to su perintend it, accord ! ing to Stanton's order No. 99, which the Marshal i "d Commissioner informed him was superseded bv the lafe order from the General Commission (flk.e M t " If I I He then withdrew and attempted to quell the disturbance among i the bv standet- which had become apparent But j he misfit as well have attempted to stop the pro gress ot a tempest, t ne rioters weretietermineti to break up the draft, and accordingly they b.vke the box, assaulted the officers, and carried the bv storm. Mr. Bricklev. T. M Taughinbaugh, Leander Tarr, John McMannaman. John P Oarrett, and E H. Lyon did everything in their power to suppress the disturbance, but their efforts were unavailing It now anpeaia. since Col. Williams's lorce was sent here, that the un grateful scoundrels (the Commissioner and Mar shal) have filed false affidavits against these very men, and they have been subjected to a midnight arrest, and were carried off to Indianapolis this morning under a guard of two hundred soldiers Blackford. Mr. Conduitt at franklin. Ed. Sestiskl: The Journal of Friday morn ing, in characteristic article, alleges that Conduitt, "on Saturday night last, made a eech in Franklin townsh'p, in which he declared the war to be a d d abolition raid, got up by the North," and that "the South was in the right, and the war wa- only intended to free the niggers." Of course there is not a. particle of truth in the Journal '$ story; on the contrary it is all a lie. The Democratic meeting w is not held at night, but in lhe dai time; and Mr Conduitt's speech wns marked for its fairness and candor, and abounded in the spirit of true patriotism Not a word nor sentiment like that above quoted from the Journal' article was utteted. If the Journo I were tin loval as Mr Conduitt, and hall as truthful, its friends would have less cause to be ; ashamed of its constant exhibition of malice and ! falsehood Franklin The coining- Election in Pennsylvania Glorious Prospects of the De. mocracj . A correspondent of the New York World, writing from Philadelphia under date of October 4, says: The ureal all absorbing topic in Pennsylvania since i tie expulsion of the rebels from Maryland has been and is still the coming elections, which take place on Tuesday week, Odober 14. There is not a town, village or hamlet in the whole Slate which is not discussing the subject; u.d all classes ot society from the wealthiest iron founderdown to the poorest coal heaver, takes the livliest interest in the result. I do not remem'ier a single instance in American history, since the Revolutionary war, in which the people have shown so great an interest in politics is in the present occurrence and when parlies have beeu more anxious to win. There is evidently a great winct i ni si.iim: mi tu.- ri i lit i ouil-i, uiiu vi i i n vaplains the efforts made on both sides in order lo secure success. As far as I can judge by what I heard and saw in the interior of the State, and principilly in the mining districts which 1 visited, there is hardly auy doubl that the Democrats will carry the State by a very stroug majority. In Bucks county, where I remained a few days, a prominent Democrat told me the county w-ould give a majority of at least eight thousand votes. However 1 think it would be rather imprudent to take anv specifications of that nature as an index of the i majority to be given by the sixty nine counties by a majority of at lc::st seventy -ti e thousand votes; and although a great many Republicans think ol eiectmg at least ten members, none entertain the idea of carrying the State " If what my Republican friend tells me is true (and his testimony fully corroberates the information I possess from other sources,) the vote of Pennsylvania will sensibly modify the majority in Congress and will lake out from the Republican ranks, to which the Slate belougs, from thirtysix to torty votes. A great opposition exists against Thaddeus Stevens in the L-mcaster district. Ex President Buchanan, who lives in it, is aaid to have given $10,000 in order to defeat him. All the Republican papers in the State try to conceal their ap prehension under an appearance of confidence, which deceives no one Like their New York cotemporaries they affect to denounce the Democrats as traitors to their country 's cause, and imagine all sorts of vile s ralagems to make their denunciations available. But the violence of their language, as well as the stupidity of their accusations, betrays their fears. Very poor, in deed, must be the party which recurs to slander and calumny as weapons in a war against its adversary, especially when its adversary employs no other arms iu its defeus but those allowed in fair tight. F.ttsburgh coal is selling here at twenty five cents per bushel. Tbe ruling price last winter wss eighteen cents.

Our riii) crrepoadenceTaxes, Tariff, and the igg r. Catao, Oct 8, lts62 I am willing that your readers should consider it a master stroke ot strategy by which I so sud denly and quietly changed my base from the army in Kentucky to the army in Arkansas, or thus far toward it, for it may be tbe only instance

of activity tbey may have for some time to ad J mire. In passing, 1 may say that it is a matter of economy to buy your ticket at Louisville, for while a ticket from Indianapolis is ten dollars to Cairo, one from Louisville via Indianapolis is inly nine seventy five, the seventy five bein re cently added to cover Government taxes a prac ! tical illustration ol the question, who pays the tariff, the manufacturer or the cousuiner? if these letters were not letters from the army, I ould just here sav another word or so of tbe beautiful tax system which taxes everything a poor man has to use, and which is added to the final cost of the article. I only promise thai at a luttire time, as in times past, I shall labor to coTect the iuate wrong of the system, adding here only that the l.unibuggery of those who argue that the West is comparatively favored, as the

tantl is clnedy on manufactured articles, becomes . ol the tinted States It basso happened, thereseusibly apparent when any manufactured article fore, that the people of the United States have is to be paid for by a Western cousuiner. never been called on to pass judgment at the The monotony of a usual ride over the inter- j polls for or against the Administration, ou a minable prairies was relieved last night by an i question relating to tbe relative constitutional amusing incident at Centralis. A train of cars j powers of the President and the Supreme Court, bail just passed, laden with some three hundred The peculiarity of the present difference is this, contrabands bound for tbe vicinity of Chicago, that the radical wing of the dominant party have including men, women and children from men ! rejected the authority of the Supreme Court, snd about my color to the unadulterated African. ' declared it not entitled to respect when its decisOne old codger had gone aroutid the house just cisions controverted their peculiar ideas ou tbe long enough to be back when a spirited race after slavery or on auy other question. They devoted the receding cars had to end in defeat His themselves so thoroughly to the overthrow of congrimaces and weepings were amusing, not with tidence in the Court that it has ceased to be remanding the evident grief ot the man His ijties- j garded among them as the great interpreter of tions as to the probable destination of the tram, the Constitution; on the contrary, the principle the probability of bis getting on without money, I has been industriously inculcated that the Court and finally, what if some free nigger should ap j needed a political reform, and to gratify the viewe propriate his wife unto himself? all these made j taken by a politic.;! party, it waa determined as tbe poor fellow nearly crazy. His chances of one of the party principles, that when thev obfindiiig his wife were indeed slim, as the colony I tained power thev ghould remodel the Supreme seemed to have no special destination, but was to ' Court of the United State, place Judges in it be scattered ofT as tbe iteighborhooo demanded. who would iuterpreiet the Constitution according While wailing this morninx for a boat I con- to the hither law. or some othpr isilitical until,,.

eluded to go to the menagerie a real show; the animals of which arc paitly t-aed and partly lying around loose in and about the old barracks over on the bank of the Mississippi. Such a sight! old men and older women, heads as white as wool and more kinky babies from a week old, all the way up till loo big to be babies, all half clad and distressingly dirty it is the elephant we got iu the raffle, and now what to do with it is the question. More than two thou-aiid of these wretched beings have been sent here by military authority to prevent starvation. They are "captives of war," most of them having beeu abandoned by their former masteis, in and about Corinth, Iuka and Bolivar. Some are from Cur-ti-s op rations. They hive fallen into our hands in spite of our military policy to preserve the status of slavery, aud iheir number is daily increasing. There is a gieat demand in thi- State for the men to gather the com and cut the w inter wood, so great that Northern Illinois is complaining that the farmers in Southern Illinois gobble up all the best as fast as they come. Men are here everv day for hands. Wishing to net into the notions of the darkies, I passed around among them as an Illinois farmer, my army h it answering a capital purpose in the game I proposed to hire a man '-Dun no. sah! Whare you want me to go? What you gim 'ee"i Going up to the dirtiest woman I saw 1 proposed to her. "Can't go, sah, I's got four babies!" "Weil, i'll take vom babies." "But I's got a husband." "Well, I'll take your husband too " "But dar's old granny, 1 can't leave her." "Why can't you go too. granny?" "O, master, I's in hopes some diy it will please the good Lord to give nie back to old master " I tried a dozen or more and found underlving the hopes o' most of them was an ultimate return to their native land The one retrain was ' O, carry me back " Their local attachment is unconquerable, and they seem utterly unreconciled to separating the families. An over sanguine friend of mine, a physician, spoke tome the other day to procure a suitable boy for him, who, after serving a reasonable time as hostler, could be put to the science of physicking I concluded to get the boy here, but you ought to have seen the white of their ejesand iheir ivory when I suggested studying to lie a doctor. The bursting of a bomb shell would hardly have produced greater consterna tion. The facts here and the facts everywhere bid us to look the question fairly iu the face. Until the time comes when the-e can return to their homes in peace and freedom thev mit tie managed here, and to do this some system of a pp. euticeship must tie adopted. These creatures have neither the intelligence nor the in'cgrity necessary to con truling wisely for their own labor One mm asked $15 per month the year round, another $20, another $5 Bull will leave these questions for you politi ticians to settle At present I amour of politics. I want to deal ouly in facts as they transpire around me 1 sh ill be off in a few days for Helena ami probably thence to Little Kock, unle-s General Curtis should choose to favor me by remaining quiet a week or so until the pay tna-ter.- can i;et through with the men T. A G Krom the New York Journal of Commerce. The Government. There is no hope for the fetSMW, if the people of the I'm teo States abandon the principles of the Constitution. We m:iy conquer the rebellion, we may crush all our enemies, and if we come out of the war a people without a constitutioii.il govei nineiit, we hall have to repent in Ioiil shame and sorrow the loss of the greatest of po litical blessings Keep before lhe people always the grand prin ciple on which the Fathers formed the Union. Lei neither the excitements of war, nor the folly of a political campaign, blind us lo our grand creed ol Union and Government. Iu the contest uow going on for the political power in New York, there is at stake a principle on which rests the entire 'abric of Auietican in siiiutions. It the radical party is successful, the blow struck at the Cou-titutioii will be fatal. If the conservative party is successful, the grand old instrument will be strengthened, and its life will be ensured, we irusl, lor a thousand years. The radical principle is this: "The (iovern ment is the Administration. The powe: of lhe Government resides in the President and Congress, .un: the President, in time of war, possesses it all. He may, lor war purposes, exercise absolute power over the persons ;.nd properly ot ill citizens in the loyal mm well us the rebellious districts He is superior to the Supreme Court of the United States, and the judgments of that Court ma be suspended by the will of the President." The conservative and coi stitutional doctrine, on the contrary, is this: The Constitution of the United States is the Government It creates three independent departments of the Govern ment Article I. creates the Legislative Department, and confers the Legisliitiveiower Article 11. creates the Executive Department, and confers the Executive power. Article III. creates the Judicial Departmeut, and confers the Judicial power. These three departments, and classes of persons, must be independent of each other iu order to the perlect system of Ainericau Government l he President ON not suspend Congress; the Supreme Court can not control the President; neither Congress nor the Piesideul can control the Supreme Court, so long as the great system fulfills its functions. The Supreme Court has the power of calling on the citizens to execute its mandates, lhe President has the power of calling on the citizens to execute such orders as are provided by law, and Congress has the power ol" call iug on the ilizeus to execute its enactments The Executive Department is interior to the oth er Departments, in as much as most of its functions defiend ou the previous acts of Congress, and its independent powers are few. But the only method by which the nerfect workiug ol the system is attained, is found in the words of Washiugton himself: "It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, iu a tree country, should inspire caution iu those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves in their respective constitutional s, heres, avoiding, in the exerciseof the powersof one department, to encroachment upon another. The spirit of encroachment tend-to consolidate the powers of all the deartments it one, and thus to create, whatever the form of govern ment, a real despotism. A just estimate of thai love of power and proneness to abuse it, which predominate in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the tiuth of this position The ne cessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions bv the others, has been evinced by experiments, an cienl and modern; some of them in our country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or moditi cation of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amend ment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by Usurpation; for though this, in oue instsnce, may be

tbe instrument of good, it is tbe customary weapon bv which free governments are destroy -ed -Far, weü Addrem. The snore we study that grand legacy of Washington, the Farewell Address, the more we anu.-i be impressed with it clear prophetic wisdom. There is no trial through which we have been called to ossa which was not foreseen bv

tne t atnot rainer, and which might not hare been averted bv strict adherence to his coun sels. Let us look this suggestion ef possible danger in the face, aud apply the warning he gives us to our own present condition, before it is too late to avert the consequences which Washington so plainly snd so considerately depicts. The position taten by the conservative party in this State on the general subject of tbe arrests of citizens hereto'ure made by the Administra tion in loyal Mates, and their inc.irceratiofi wh out the benefit of lhe habe eorpu. is a very remarkable point in our national history. Hitherto there have been differences of opinion as to tbe unconstitutionality of acts of Congress, and these differences have always been settled by the constitutional authority , the Suttreme Court and who should obey the dirt.ites ! party rule. We state tbe case clearly without mincing words. This was the proo-ition in its n iked delormitv. The radical men denounced the Court because it refused to decide the I i according to radical notions and construe the Constitution in favor of the Abolition view. It was precisely the same radical doctrine which was adopted in England in limes when Judges wete deposed tor not condemning obnoxious persons, and when they were appointed to use the courts for lhe purpose of the dominant power So fOOMtMM was this change in the court deemed th.t it was manifest to all w ho gave the subject thought, that if the Repub lijan party obtained power the Supreme Court could no longer lie relied on as the defender of right against oppression Mr Lincoln iu h;s inaugural address, to.,k occasion to express his views of the authority of ti.e coin t, and to intimate that he was not likely to be ImiuihI by its deci-ious except in ihe particular cases which were decided. This was unfortunate, in view o' .ne occurrences which took place afterward, since it was all done and said without the idea that the nation was about to pludge into civil war When that came on. and the President authorized the arrests of citizens iu loyal States, and directed offi'-er to disregard the writ of habe is corpus in certain cases, on the ground that he had power to suspend the privilege of the writ, the question which presented itself to the American citizen was one of great moment. For if the Supreme Com; eie not only not to be regarded as the interpreter f the President's power under the Constitution, hut if it is a department subject to the Executive, and if the President can of his own judgment arrest mid imprison citizens and suspend the power of the Supreme Court over tiiem by the writ of deliverance, w ithout an act of Consrress or the voice of the people, then it is sadly apparent that there ig some terrible error in the construction of our free institutions. For it may occur again in times of less excitement thaa the present. Thus, for example, an insurrection in New Or eans, local and temporary, would be an ample justification of the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in Maine or New York, and the seizure ! ot suspected or offensive parties by the President, according to the Republican and Administration j doctrine. A riot in New York would confer ab solute power on the President over all citizens everywhere. For it is to be observed that the new doctrine is that the President is the sole judge of when the public safety require the suspension. Invasion or insunection anywhere, immediately confers ou the President the absolute power, and it follows as a part ot the new doctrine that there is no appeal from his judgment. He is supreme, since he holds the power in his hands, and the supremn v is asserted ag -.inst and over the Court. There is no method of trying this question, therefore, by the courts. For, however often the Supreme Court o!" the Uuited States should affirm the doctrine already laid down by several of the most eminent of its members a doctrine which scarcely a lawyer to day doubts i hat the President has no right to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, and that Congress alone can do it, lhe affirmance is of no value since the doctrine of the Administration is, that the President shall not obey lhe decisions of lhe Supreme Court, and the practice in the cases arisit g out of this question is to command lhe military o'iwer to resist the courts aud not otiey them. In short, the decision is a direct one between the Administration and the Supreme Court. And here our readers w ill see the great importance of the distinction between the Administration and the Government. 1 he Court is one of the grand departments and parts of the Government. It is an independent power Its special duty is to fulfill that part of the Constitution which declares its object to be to insure justice. But the Exec utive Depai tment is now in collision with the Judicial Department. What is left to be done by the people? 'I he answer is, that the people must bv their votes determine this principle, and determine it i forever. II a majority of the people are indeed in favor of the doctrine th it in all times of itisur- ! rect ion or invasion the Pre-ident may exercise j absolute judgment of the propriety of suspending j the writ of habeas corpus and arrest and imprison i citizens when in his opinion the public safety re ' ouires it, then that doctrine must be understood as the American doctrine. Hut if there is iu this doctrine a death blow at liberty, a terrible thrust at the sacred character of our Courts, and the immunities which the Constitution throws around the citizen, then it U eminently proper that a great (tolitical and patriotic pajty should place it forward as a grand point in their creel and chal len:e the Administration and its supporters to sustain their views of the President's authority ut the polls, and every citizen should vote conscientiously on the subject It is no small matter, but on the contrary it is a trial question of the purity and strength of American institutions. We need not say what our own views are on this -ir ject They have been expressed agnin and again, calmly aud dispassionately We have lived to see a great change in some opinions on this subject. The newspapers which a year ago called us traitors for advocating the freedom of the subject, under the jurisdiction of the Courts, wherever the country wa at peace, have with general unanimity abandoned their own views and come to ours. f?rme of them are most active iu their arguments against the arrests Others are silent. But we repeat, what we had occasion to say last spring, that we do not know of a journal in the United Slates which now defends or justifies those arrests. The Administration, however, is understood to maintain its right lo continue them, aud within three or four weeks past numerous persons have been consigned to prison on the authority of Provost Marshals or Lettre de cachet Several writ of habeas corpus have been granted by different Judges of the Supreme Court, within s brief time, and Judges have pronounced able opinions 1 sustaining the iudeendence of the Judiciary, and I discharging prisoners, who have been, at least in j one instance, rearrested. We sincerely hope that the Executive Admini Istration will wholly aud entirely an union this doctrine. It has done the couutry vast lurm du ring the past year It has produced a very bad effect abroad, has disgraced us in the eyes of aristocratic Governments and people, has made us a by word among European lovers of liberty, and has shaken the faith of Americans iu their : own institutions. It is utterlv lmpossihie that the Administration can be right in its doctrine, and at the same time Americans be a free people. The two things are inconsistent The Washington correspondent of the Independent ( Beecukk's paper) writes: Not a solnarv opponent of emancipation should ' be let into Congress certainly not one through the inactivity aud remissness of the Republicans and .int i slavery men. It should be remembered that if the pro slavery Democracy succeed in the fall Congressional elections in carrying s large number of heretofore Republican districts, it may be regarded by the President as a condera nation of his emancipation policv, snd he might bt greatly embarrassed thereby. No such result is possible if our friends are active, but the anti slavery members of the present Administration are auxious upon tbe subject.