Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 19, Indianapolis, Marion County, 29 September 1862 — Page 2

WEEKLY SENTINEL

7IlDVV st:PTi: MKF.lt 21) Tke I u i on it mutt be preserved. Jackson Democratic Union State Ticket. Electten Tietda) , October 1ft. Nl SKCEKTAftT OF STATS, JAMES S ATHON, Of Marion Count v. ron. al'oitok or state, JOSEPH KISTINE, Of Fountain County. run TEKA8LRES Or STATE. MATTHEW L. BRETT, Of Daviess County. rOE ATTORN ET OEXEEAL, OSCAR B HORD, Ot Decatur Cocnty. FOE EEPOETEE OF -IPKCSIE COCBT. MICHAEL C KERR, Of Floyd County. FOE SLTIEINTENDENT or PUBLIC INaTBCCTIOM, SAMUEL L. RUGG, Of Allen Countr. COGRKIOVU. INOTIIJIATIOSS. 1st District JOHN' LAW. 2.1 3d 4ih 5tli 6th 7th tth ihn lUth 11th JAMES A. CRAVENS HENRY W HARRINGTON. WILLIAM S HOLM AX. EDM LIN D JOHNSON. ALEXANDER B CONDUITT. DANIEL W VOORHEES. JOHN PETT1T. DAVID TURPIE JOSEPH K. EDGERTON. james f. McDowell. 4nnther Draft The special Washington dispatches to the Cincinnati Commercial say that "the rumor that another Uralt a about to be made, has foundation to the extent that the President is determined, in case the country does not at once rally under the policy enunciated in his emancipation proclamation, that he will in force the draft till our army reaches one million of men." Would oi Do It! It is stated on very - I authority that some mousing politician of Indiana sent a well-known abolition preacher of this State all the way to Louisville to induce John J Crittenden to write e letter to some one in Indiana, in which he should denounce or disapprove of the Democratic platform adopted at Indianapolis on the 30th July last. Mr. Cbittendkn replied to the impertinence by writing a note to the pious missionary, in which he enclosed the resolutions of the conservative and Democratic members of Congress, Edopted at Washington in June, 1862. (and writ ten by Mr. Crittenden himself) and said that that was his platlorm, and the political parly which sustained it. in Indiana or elsewhere, should have his prayers for its success. As the Democratic Convention of July 30 adopted the resolutions of the gallant old Kentucky statesman word for word, and every sentiment thereof, it is understood that the crazy abolition preacher came back to Hoosierrom with the largest kind of a flea in his ear! We suppose that letter will hardly be published. We are not prepared to say who sent that preacher on an errand of mercy so disinterested, but as a certain merchantable commodity of uncertain value has been perambulating the State, and professing to a deep interest in the position of Mr. Crittde3, it is as likely as not that that political Swiss had something to do in the dirty business. He is in the habit of using all soru of dirty tools to accomplish his purposes, and he may have prostituted some otherwise decent preacher to perforin a very disreputable job. It is not the first time that game was played. The glorious old Kentucky statesman, however, was not to be caught by this shallow artifice, and the church so often made a con' venience heretofore did not answer the purpose of that political Maw worm and trickster. He failed to get one word of consolation from that quarter. The Journal's Dilemma. The Journal is exceedingly troubled over the reproduction of the sentiments it expressed during the fall of lr6) and the winter of 186061. in favor of a separation of the States, rather than sutler the evils of civil war. The extracts we published from that ptint were not garbled or distorted, as it alleges in its issue o f yesterday, but fairly represented the views it advocated with great earnestness and zeal. Neither did we charge that the Republicans generally were engage! in con-piracy to dissolve the Union, but that from the evidence we produced there could be no reasonable doubt but that leaders in that party were in favor of letting the Southern States depart iu petce rather th-in to attempt to coerce them u remain in the Union. Such were the sentiments unequivocally expressed by the Journal, the professed representative of the Republican party of Indiana. And the Journal jet adheres to them. In its issue of yester diy it says: "These Tiews, fa'rly expressed, commend themselves to the practical good seuse of the country." We gave the Journal's own expression of them fairly in t e extracts we made from it, and now in reaffirming them it says they "commend themselves to the good sense of ihe country." Certainly this is an un equivocal indorsement of its disunion sentiments and sympathies. But let us look at the logic of the Journal a little in 'is silly attempt to evade the responsibility of its deliberately expressed views in favor of letting the States that desired to leave the Union go in peace It says: "1st. That as the quotations are made and used the makers lie and know it," and "4th. These views, fairly expressed, commend themselves to the practical good sense of the country." And to give it the full benefit of its effort to evade the crushing effect of its own declarations, we quote still further: We said: "If the seceded States which had not then made war, would come to the Union and msk permission to leave, thus acknowledging the ruht of the Union to hold them if deemed wise to do so. we, for one, would vote to uive them the permission, rather than begin a war to keep them in." This is all we ever believed or said of the policy of letting the rebel States go. In the first place, we challenge the Journal to show wherein we have misrepresented or per verted its sentiments in the quotations we mad from it. If we hod had the space we should nave preferred to have given the articles entire that we quoted from, lor they would have made its position in la vr of division, rather than the alternativ of civil war, much stronger than the extracts we gave Now for a few briet quotations from the Journal to refute, to annihilate in fact, its own interpretation of it position during the fall and winter of 1?60-61. which it says was: "If the seceded Stiles who hod not then made war would come lo the Uniou and ask permission to leave," 4c We qoote from its own columns: Let the two. or three, or four States which are bent on disunion go out and go to ruin. They solicit their peril, snd we are willing tbey should experience its virtues .Vor 10, I860. Nothing there about "asking permission to leave" Again. They know very well that if they are determined to leave the Union, no Republican will care to have ikem slew. A Union preserved only by intimidation and force is a mockery, and it is better broken than whole If &oath Carolina and her associates in folly really want to leave the Union, tbey can go without a word of objection

from En v man north of Mason and Dixon's line. We do ii. t believe in resisting tiny secession movement io. the least. Nowember 13, lis. Again: Of what value will an Union be that needs links of bavonets and bullets to hold it together? What belter oflT shall we be with South Carolina in the Union than out of it, if she is to fester with the wounds inflicted by our hands, chafe with the memory of defeat and degradation, and seek the first opportunity of revenue? Is a family better off with a member in it who has to be wstched perpetually to keep him from firing the house? We say no. Common sense and human ity sav no. If any State will go from us, let it

go. The price of retaining it, il it is to be paid in blood, is f ir gre ter than the worth of it when we H ive rl Ii. v e are, inereiure, tie.ini ui mr opinion that any attempt to resist by force the secession of any State, or combination of States, from the Union, would be unwise and calamitous in the last degree. It is better to preserve lives, and all of friendliness we can with seceding re lations, than to preserve the Constitution at cost of war. November 19, I860. Again: As to the seceding States, we sav, Let them co out." We can not keen them in I this I mon, though we conquer them, and it is c . ... better to hive them friends out of the family. than enemies in it. Dtc. , lsbU. Again: An alliance between the two sections mav ex ist, but never an union. This philosophy of ; secession, then, in our judgment, justifies US in advocating the peaceable departure ot trie lju.t States Dec. 11, 1860. Again : South Carolina has seceded. Well, we Rre a severed nation. We are a divided house. And we are none the worse for it. All the mis

chief that the apprehension of disunion could do. ; 4th, 1861. and likewise those of Mr. CuiT has been done, and disunion it-elf can do nothing j Twenty one States were represented if we do not force it to. V e a-e well rid ot 3 r Somh Carolina, if we are only wise enough io i the Peace Convention, fourteen orthern and count it a riddance and nothing worse. If j seven Southern, viz: Delaware, Maryland, Virother States follow, let them. If all the South inj, jforth Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, and

lo.iows. ,et - - mu uu . ... s ! humanity s sake, let them go in peace Dec. 22, j Again: Secession is revolution. We. having established our Government by revolution, on the right of a people at any time to change a Government which is oppressive to them, cannot deny that riirht lo those who delibentelv declare our Gov ernment is oppressive. What we claimed as our I right we cannot deny to those who claim it of us, and helped us to assert our claim at me oui i set A op 28, lc60 Again: It was best do let South Cirolina go) becaue our Declaration of Independence recognizes the ; I right of a people to change their Government; because if retained by force she would not be a menilier of the Union : bee in-e if subjugated she ; ' would be more troublesome than if released; be- I i cause, in short, war could not maintain the j Union, and anything but the I iron would not be ortu maintaining at all. ttO. e, Icol . In the face of these declarations, and if space permitted we could give many other instances Of i a similar cnaracier, me journal nas tne imnu dence to assert that all it ever believed or said in j favor of letting the rebel States go was, that if the seceded States, which had not then made war, would come to the Union and ak permission to leave, thus acknowledging the right of the L'nion to hold them if deemed wise to do so, it, for one, would vote to ;;ive them permission, rather than begin a war to keep them in And this too after South Carolina had gone without permission. it took the position that it was best to let South j Carolina go, because our Declaration ot lnde pendence recognizes the right of a people to change their government! And these are the views which the Journal says commend themselves to the practical good sense of the country. If the Journal was not engaged in a conspiracy to dissolve the Union, at the time it was arguing in favor of a peaceable dissolution of the Union, what motive h.id ii in advoc.itiue that policy? ' " I Could it have been anvthing eUe than to perpet uate the control of the Government in the hands of the Republican party? To gain that end it was willing to sacrifice the Union. Who itesponti ble for the failure of the riMrndrn ronipromise I he Plan Proposed by 'I r ( rillenden in I . l onizrci. durint; the i'iii of iSfiO- , , . ... . - . . (il for the t 1 jiistnient of our Gallonal Difficulties and the Perpetu I ty Of the I nion J Upon the assembling of Congress, December 1 3d, le6!). every State n the Union was represented in the House of Representatives, and in the : Senate all but South Carolina. Secessio- i was threatened by the Gulf States. The repre- ' setitatives of Jsoutheru States generally demand I ed additional constitutional guarantees for the ; protection of their rights under the Con.-titution. I It is not proposed here to decide whether those ! demands were jusi or unjus., or whether the tri i umph of a sectional party in the Presidential i election of 1869 was a justification on the part of the Southern States tor demanding those addi- ! tional guarantees for the protection of the rights j which they regarded as having been put in jeo- ! pardy by the success of that party. The question to be examined is. Could the present civil war and the threatened permanent disunion ot the r States have been averted by the adoption of the , plan of adjustment proposed by the Senator from Kentucky, commonly known as the Crittenden Compromise? STATE Or PUBLIC MIND IN THE SOUTH. In a speech iu the Senate, January 3d, 1861, (see appendix to Congressional Globe, p. 38; , Mr. j Douglas thus referred to the state of public mind I iu the South : But we cannot close our eves to the fact that : the Southern people have viewed the result of i that electiou (Mr Lincoln's) as furnishing evi- ' dence that the dominant party ot the North. which is soon to take posse.--ion of the rederal r ..-. , , Governmeut under tint election, are detet mined to invade and destroy their constitutional rights. I Believing that their domestic institutions, their ; hearth stones and their family altars, are to be assailed, at least by indirect means, and that the i Federal Government is to be used for the inaugurition of a line of policy which shall have for I if. nl.ipcf flip ultimate evlinctiim nf slurerv in u 1 1 i the Slates, old as well as new. South as well as j North, the Southern people are prepared to rush ! wildly, madly, as I think into revolution, disunion, war. and defy the consequences whatever .1 i . I . I . . : . i . i j tney may oe, rauier man io a.i .or me o.e. cop- , roent ot events or subm.t tamely to whai they , think is a fatal blow impending over them and all they hold dear on earth. WITHOUT COMPROMISE DISUNION INEVITABLE. Appreciating the condition of the country and j the necessity of compromise to avoid the calami ties of civil war and disunion, Mr. Douglas, in ; the same speech, (on page 41), said : I . . , I In my opinio;, we have reached a point where riminim. Ü i..i..ki. ,,. . , . I disunion is mevit iole, unless some compromise, ; founded upor. mutual concession, can be made. I prefer compromise to war I prefer concession : i 10 udi'K'ulion "f tne U,,ion- 4 Whe" I o ; myself in favor ol compromise, I do not mean I that one sioe should give up all that it has claimed, nor that the other side should give up everv thing lor which it has contended. Nor do I ask any man to come to mv standard ; but I simpiv I say thai I will meet every one half wby who is I willing to nrMirvp ih m:ii i.r th pn..nip. i save the Union from disruption udoii ? .1 . J . pilHCI- , pie ot compromise and concession. In the same speech (on page 42) Mr. Douglas odds: In my opinion we have now reached a point where this agitation (the slavery question) mut close, and all the matters in controversy be tin

ally determined by constitutional amendments, I Moore, J . N.Morris. Neloon, Niblack. Noor civil war and the disruption of the Union are ell, Peyton, Phelps," Pryor, Quarles, Riggs inevitable. J. C Robinson, Rust, Sickles, Simms, Wm. I regret the determination, to which I apprehend ! Smith. W. H. N. Smith. Stevenson. J.N.

the Republican Senators have come, to make no adjustment, entertain no proposition, and listen to no compromise of the matters in controversy. I fear, from all the indications, that they are disposed to treat the matter as a party question, lo be determined in caucus iu reference to its effects upon the prospects of their party, rather than upon the peace of the country and the safety of the Union. 1 invoke their deliberate judgmei.t whether it is not a dangerous experiment for any political party to demonstrate to the American people that the unity of their party is dearer to them than the union of these States.

CE1TTENDKN S FLAM FROF08ED Such was the condition of the public mind and the necessity of adopting some measures to pre vent the calamities of civil war and uisuniou, so forcibly set forth by Mr. Doiolas in his able speech in the Senate, from which the foregoing extracts are quoted, that the eminent sUtesman and patriot of Kentucky, John J. Ceitte.nden, felt called upon as a duty to his country to propose a plan of adjustment to the Senate and the people, which he did December 18th. 1860. See Congressional Globe, vol. 1, page 114, 1860-61 At tnat time not a Slate had seceded or left the

Union. If Congress had acted promptly upon tjie proposition, and adopted it by I vote which would have demonstrated that the North intended to have acted in good faith, there is evidence to show that not a Slate would have attempted secession, excepting perhaps South Carolina. As a part of the history of secession we give the dates when the several States seceded from the Union: South Carolina Dec. 20, 160 Florida Jau. 7, 1661 Jan. 9, 1861 . Mississippi . . Alabama. ..Jan. 11, 1161 . Jan. 19, li-61 . .Jan. 2b. lcbl ...Feb. 1.1861 .April 17. 1861 . . May 6, 1861 ...Muv 6, 1861 .May" 21, 1861 Georgia Louisiana Texas Virginia Tennessee Arkansas North Carolina It will thus be seen that no border lave State attempted secession until after the rejection of the terms of settlement proposed by the Peace Convention, which assembled in Washington The proposition for a conference or r J i contention en utc cuuiuiissioiicis uuui to-h State on the condition of public affairs was first brought lorward atid adopted by the Legislature of Virginia to adjust "the present unhappy con troversies in the spirit in which the Constitution was originally formed." This shows there was a strong disposition on the part of the border 8lave Slates to adjust the national difficulties and preserve the Union. The plan of the Peace Convention was submitted to Congress on the 27 th day of February, 1861, before Virginia, ennessee, Arkansas, and aorin Carolina nail seceded, but it was rejected. It may be well to i,ere lu U the Crittexdex Compromise was . , . n . . . . offered "l the Peate -onv.?nt.o.. as a plan of adjustment, but it was rejected by that body. l he secession ot seven Slates, South Carolina, Florida. MUsisairmi Alal.m. fl-or.Mn l.,o.ii . r r ' , r ' " ...... ana, and Texas, all before the 1st of February, lc61. gave the Republican party a majority in both the Senate an j Hou-e of Representatives, and hence the responsibility of accepting or rejecting the propositions of compromise proposed by Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Douglas, and the Peace Conference rests with the Republican party, and no proposition would have been acceptable to the South unless it had been sustained by a majority of the members ot that political organization. In making this statement the withdrawal of the members of Congress from the seceded States is uol justjuedt but a fearful responsibility rests upon them for permitting the control of the Government to thus pass into the hands of a sectional party. But while condemning the action of the members who withdiew, it does not les-en the responsibility of the Republican majority in Congress. It was in their power at any time to have kept Virginia, Tenne-see, Arkansas, and North Carolina willing and firm members of the Union K i -.u .u r u aj adopting either the Crittenden or Peace Convention compromises. FINAL ACTION UPON TUE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE. It was not until Sunday, the 3d of Marchf 1861, the last day of the 30t.li Congress, that a vote was permitted in the Senate upon the plan 0f adjustment known as the "Crittexdex Com r, promise. I hat vole is isven as evidence that , . ,. the Republican Senators never intended that anv P1:l" ol -onipromise should be adopted with their R ; r.sval, but that their paity doctrines and the supremacy of their party iu the control of the Goveminent were far superior to their desire for the preservation of the Union in peace and with the cood will of all the States. VOTE IN THE SENATE. Upon the direct vote, taken March 3d, 1861, for the adoption or rejection of the Crittexdex Compromi.-e. just as it was offered by the distinguished Senator from Kentucky, the following was the result in the Senate yeas 19, nays 20: Yeas Messrs. Bayard, Hitler, Bricht, Crit tf.xdex, Douglas, Gwin. Hunter. Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham, Mason, Nicholson. Polk. Puch, Rice, Sebastian, Thom s ii and WiL'fill l'J; of whijh 17 ere Demo crats and 2 Americans. Nays Messrs. Anihonv. Bingham, Chandler.'. Ciuk Dixon. DoolitMe. Durkee Fes- . L..n. ' m .. m II I . ' . , Kiii''. Morrill Sumner, Te:i Evck. 1 rumWade, Wilkinson and Wilson 20. All Republicans. The Democrats are in Roman; Republicans, a , and Americans in small caps. It thus appears that all the Democrats and Americans present in the Senate voted for the Cbittenden compromise and all the Republicans present voted against it not a Republicon vote is recorded in its favor. vote fa the house. On February 27ih, 1861, Mr. Clemens, a Representative from Virginia, proposed to the Hou.-e t,,at the Geltenden compromise should be sub- , ... . - milted to u vote of the people for adoption or rejecr w r J lion. He proposed the following joint resolu tion : Whereas, The Union is in danger; and owing to the unhappy divisions existing in Congress, it wjull.l f ... ,1 t!i nit 1 1' lint ii i . , - I , i . I.,, il. .f l0 concur q bolh branches, 'by therequisite majority, so as to enable it either to adopt such measures of legislation, or to recommend to the States such amendments to the Constitution, as are deemed necessary and proper to avert that danger; and whereas, in so great an emergency, the oniniaii and judgment of the peoole ouc-ht to be he,rtl iim, wuuM be ,,,e be,t and 8Urwl guide to their Representatives: I herelore Resolred by the Senate and House of Representat ices of the United States of Amrriea in Congress assembled , That provision ought to be made by law, without delaj . for tak'iig the sense of the people, and submitting to their vote the follow ing resolutions Crittenden's as the basis for the hnal a,Mj permaneui settlement of those disputes that now disturb the peace of the country and . r .u 1- : threaten the existence ol the Lnion. Upon the proposition to s-ibmit the Cbittenden compromise to the sen je of the people, the followinK was the vote in the House of Representatives - . 7l. c,,..... ..... un. Yeas Messrs. Adrain. W. C. Andeesos, Av ery, Barr, Barritt, Bocock, Boteler. Bolligxey. Beaeson, Brauch. Paioos, Bbistow, Brown, Burcl' H. F. Clark. J. B. Clark, John Cochrane. Cox. James Cr.iiE." Burton . , r ... - ' . tyi " ., . a L - mil . muiidsoh" Chilian- rioreuce- r ouae,- w irneii,Gilmeb, Hamilton, J. M. Harris. J. T. Harris, Hatton, Holmin, Wm. Howard, Hughes, Jenkins, Kunkel. Larrabee, J. M. Leach, Leake. Logan, Maclay, Mallorv, C. D. Mi tin. E. S. Martin. M award. McClernand, McKentey, Millson," Montgomerv, Laban T. : Stewart. Stokes, Stout, Thomas, illandig ham, Vance. Webster. Whitney, Winslow. WoHison and Wright BO. Democrats, bl ; Americans, 19. Nats Messrs. C. F. Adams, Aldricb, Alley, Ashley, Babbctt. Beale, Bingham, Blair, Blake, Brav ton. Butüngton, Burlingame, Buruham, Butterheld, Campbell, Carey. Carter, Case, Coburu, C. B Cochrane, Colfax, Coukling, Conway, Cor win, Covode, H. W. Davis, Dawes, Delano, Duell. Dunn. Kdgerton, Edwards, Eliot, Ely, Etue eidoe, Farnsworth, Fen ton, Ferrv. Foster, Frank, French, Oooch, Graham. Grow, Hai. Hall, Hel

mick. Hickmr.n, Hindman, Hoard, W. A. How- ! of each Slate to order and control itsovrn domesard, Humphrey, Hutchins, Irvine, Jonkin, F. W. I tic institutions according to its own judgment exKelloüg.W. Kellogg, Ken yon, Kilgore. Killinger, clusively. is essential to the balance of power on

I ' til J. L.eaCll, L,ee, L.'miinei'Ker, Lmmiis. ! Lovejoy, Marsion, McKem, McKnight. McPherson, Morehead. Mon-ill, Morse, Nixon, Olin. Palmer, Perry, Pettit, Porter, Potter, Pottle, E. R. Reynolds, Rice, C. Robinson. Royce, Scranton, Sedgwick, Sherman, Somes, Spaulding, Spinner, Stanton, Stevens, W. Stewart, Stratton, Tappan, Thayer, Theaker, Tompkins, Train, Trimble, Vandever, Van Wyck, Verree, Wade. Waldron, Walton. C. C. Washburn. E. B. Washburne. Wells. Wilson, Windham, Wood and Woodruff 113. Republicans, 110; Americans. 2; Democrat, 1 Democrats, with a - Republicans, in Roman; Americans, in small caps. The following members from Indiana, Messrs. Case, Colfax, Dunn, Kilgore, Pettitt, Porter, and Wilson, all Republicans, voted against submitting the Crittenden Compromise to a vote of the people. Thus the Republicans, having a clear majority in the House of Representatives, refused to submit the Cbittenden Compromise to the sense of the people. WHO RESPONSIBLE? In the Senate of the United States, on the 3d day of January, 1861, in discussing the subject of compromise, referring to his own proposition, Mr. Douglas said: I believe this to be a fair basis of amicable adjustment. If you of the Republican side are not willing to accept this, nor the proposition of the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden.) pray tell me what you are willing to do? Iniilress the inquiry to the Republicans alone, for the rea son that in the committee of thirteen, a few days ago, every member from the South, including those from the cotton States (Messrs. Toombs ; and Davis.) expressed their readiness to accept the proposition of mv venerable friend from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden) as a final settlement of j the controversy, if tendered and sustained by the j Republics 1 members. Hence, the sole responsi- j o.niy 01 ouruisagreement.anu ineoiuy oimcuity , ! in the way of an amicable adjustment, is with the I Republican partv. (See Appendix to Congres j sional Globe, 160-61, p. 41.) Senator Pugh, in a speech in the Senat, on the 2d lay of March, 1S61 (see Congressional ' Globe, 1860-61. vol. 2, p. 1390.) said: The Crittenden proposition has been indorsed 1 br the almost unanimous vote of the Legislature of Kentucky. It has been indorsed by the noble inn v.i 1 u I n 1 1 1 1 i . 1 1 . 1 1 01 nriuiii. 11 11. is; iicni ! petitionel for by a larger number of electors of the United States than any proposition that was I ever liefere Congress. 1 believe in my heart, to I day. 1 hat it would carrv an overwhelming major j ity of the people of my State; aye, sir, and of nearly every other State in the Union. Before I the Senators from the State of Mississippi let i this Chantier, I heard one of them, who now as sumes, a: least, to be the President of the South em Confederacy, proposed to accept it and to maintain the Union if that proposition could re ceive the vote it ought to receive from the other side of this Chamber. Therefore, of all your ! propositions, of all vour amendments, knowins as I do, and knowing that the historian will write it down, it any time before ihe first of January, a two third vote for the Crittenden resolutions in this Chamber, would have saved every Slate in the Union, but South Carolina. Georgia would have been here with her representatives, and Louisiana also those two great States, which ' at least, would have broken the whole column of secession. Vet.sir.it has been staved off staved off for your futile' railroad bill; and wheie is it to-night? Staved off by your tariff bill; staved off ty your pension bills. On the same day, p. 1391, Mr. Douolas thus confirmed the declarations of Mr. Pugh: The Senator has said that if the Crittenden proposition could have been passed early in the session, it would have saved all the States, ex cept South Carolina. I firmly lielieve it would. While the Crittenden proposition was not in accordance wiih my cherished views, I avowed n,y readiness and eagerness to accept it, in order to save ihe Union, if re could unite upon il. No man has labored harder than I have to get it passed. I can confirm the Senator's declaration, that Senator Davis himself, when on the commit tee of thirteen, was ready, at all times, to compromise on the Crittenden proHsition. I will go farther, and say that Mr. Toombs was also. On the 16th of July. 1861. John C. BreckixRIDOK, a Senator from Kentucky, made the lol1 : 1 1 .i. ..r .i. c . lowing ueciariiuous upon me 11001 01 mcocuaic. It was stated upon the floor of the Senate by the late Senator from Illinois (Mr. Douglas), and I happened personally to know the fact myself, that the leading statesmen of the lower Southern States were willing to accept the terms of settlement which were proposed by the vener able Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden), my predecessor. The Republican p rtv, from the evidence presented, were unwilling to compromise they preferred civil war to peace. In the language of Senator Chandler, of Michigan, they did not think the "Union worth a curse without a little

blood letting." Will not the verdict of the coun- ! proclamation, and especially the clause concem- . , j . I lac slaves, proved that Lrd Dun more was a man .ry be with the declarator, of Mr. Douglas, exr(remeU detlt.ient iu . -, f rT sjmJ moderation, "Hence, the sole responsibility of our disagree- hm produced none of the effects he had exment, and the only difficulty iu the way of an peeled.

amicahle adjustment, is (as it has been from the beginning), with the Republican party. T in- PrridrntS Prnclamation. The President has issued his pioclam ilion, declaring the slaves of all in rebellion against the Federal Government, or who render allegiance to the so-called Confederate States, free after the 1st of January, IMS; abrogating the fugitive slave law; pledging compensation to the loyal citizens of the slave States w ho may be injured by these measures, and renewing his scheme of compensatory emancipation and colonization propose 1 by him to Congress at its late session. The issue of abolition is thus placed by Mr. Lincoln direct! v and uneouivocallv before the 1. 1.1 t"i . countiv. It cannot be avoided. Ihe people at . ... ... f,, . .. . the elections this lull must decide the one wav or the other mm . i 1 j . e propose to examine the pledges made bv the dominant party to the country upon the slavery question, and the manner in which this plighted faith has been violated. Iu the United States House of Representatives, on the 1 1 tli day of February, IW1, the following resolutions were adopted ayes 116, nays 4. Resoleed. That neither the Federal Govern mem, nor the people or Governments of uonslaveholding States, have a purpose or a constitutional right to legislate upon or interfere with slavery in anv of the States in the Union Resolved, That those persons in the North who do not sub-crihe to the foregoing proposition are too insignificant iu numbers, and influences to ex cite the serious attention or alarm ot any portion of the people of the Republic, and that the increase of their numbers and influence dees not keep pace with the increase of the aggregate population of the Union. Mark the words. No "constitutional right to legislate upon or interfere with slavery in any of the States of the Union." After the adoption of the resolutions, at the suggestion of some of the members who could not conscientiously subscribe to the latter, the first was amended so as to read as follows, and it was adopted by an unanimous vote ayes 161. Resolved, That neither Congress, nor the pen - mi 4-1 - - mM er hah ' .,.,!.,!. 1 p.c. nor tue uoveruuieu ing States, have the right to legislate upon or inter fere with slavery in any of the slaveholding State of the Union. Mr Lincoln, in his inaugural message, stated that the people of the Southern States had no

just cause for the apprehension which seemed to j portion of the Northern people, and they are nuexist among them that their property anrl their ! merous and influential, in the Administration, peace and personal security were to be endanger- who are honestly opposed to the abolition of slaveed by the accession of a Republican Administra j rr amj t0 crwte dissatisfaction with those in lion; and he quoted from one of his own speeches ttrn,y wh,u are OFposed to making the war an

as evidence to the contrary. Il is as tollows: " I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the Suies where it exists I believe I have no lawful riuht lo do so, und I have no inclination to do SO. And then he goes 011 to say: "Those who norair ated and elected me did so with the full knowledge that I had made this, and many similar declarations, and have never recanted them. And more than this: they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read: " 'Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights ot the States, and especially the right

on nine- (rci .rtnuu o,nu cuuuiuuic ui uui ji .iiiii-

i cal fabric depend. Such were the representations mad 3 to the j country as to the principles and policy which should control the administration of the Government under tne Republican party. After the fall of Sumter the President issued a proclamation calling out 75.00U voluuteers to put down the insurrection. In it he stated that the troops should be used to re establish the Federal authority and repossess the Federal property in the insurrectionary districts. L'nder that proclamation and for the objects it avowed, the first call of the President for volunteers was promptly filled by members of all political parties. When our Generals went into the field they issued proclamations declaring that private property should be respected, and that there was no intention of interfering with the domestic institutions of the people or to excite insurrections among the slaves. On the other hand some of them stated that they would aid in suppressing them with an iron hand. On several occasions commanding oflicerfc were censured or removed from their positions for issuing emancipation proclamations. We well recollect when iu announcing the fall of Sumter, we stated the contest inaugurated was an abolition war the inauguration of the "irrepressible conflict" the indignation of the leading Republicans of this city knew no bounds. They declared that no such purpose was intended, but that the sole object of the war was for the restoration of the national authority Congress assembled in extra session on the 4th - , , loe, A. . A e . , . of Jul-V' 0n the 21st t,,:lt n'onth ,be disaster at Bull Run occurred. On the 22d day of the same month, July, IcoT, three months after the commencement of hostilities the following resolution, offered by Mr Crittenden, was passed almost unanimously by both Houses of Congress, to wit: That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country by the disuuionists of tbe Southern States, now in arms against the constitutional Government and iu arms around I tili i'i.riit . t 1 1 r in fl.i ,..1 Congress, banishing all feeling of mere mSm, and resentment, will recollect only its duty lo the whole country; that this war is not waged on their part iu any spirit of oppression or for anv purjMise of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States, but to defend and m-iihtaih the supremacy of the Consti tution. and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several Stales unimpaired; and that as soon as these objects 'ire accomplished the war ought to cease. Ajiain mark the words: "This war is not wage I on their part (the Federal Government) in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or sulyugation.or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the lights or established institutions of those (Southern) State? " Il will be recollected that on the lth day of June last, the so-called Union State Convention w hich met in this city, reaffirmed the sentiments expressed in the resolution of Mr. Crittenden and made it the basis of its platform. Will they regard it so now? Under the solemn declarations as to the purposes of the Government in the prosecution of the war, men of all political opinions and especially those who were opposed to the party doctrines and policy of the party represented by the National Administration, cheerfully and promptly responded to the calls of the President for troops and money to suppress the rebellion and restore the supremacy of the Constitution. Now in the face of these solemn declarations, in violation of good faith, in total disregard of the pledges made to the country, the President is-ues his emancipation proclamation. It is, however, only a paper proclamation, and can haveno effect onlv as the forces of the United States oc- , cupv the insurrectionary or rebellious districts. The experiment of emancipating by proclama- . . ... tj()n has been tried before in this c ountrv, and without satisfactory results. In Botta's history of the war of independence of the United States, vol. 1, p. 2.'10, will be found the following in reference theieto: Lord Dunmore proclaimed martial law; the ef feet of which would have been to suspend all civil authority iu the province. He exhorted the loyalists to repair to the royal standard, to retaiu iu their hands the contributions due to the crown, as well as other taxes, until the re establishment of peace. Moreover he declared tree all slaves or servants, black or white, provided they should take arms and join the roval standard. This In llio colonies, and even 111 all other connj tries, a universal cry arose against a measure ' which tended to disturb society in its very found a'ions, to destroy domestic security, to engender mortal suspicions, and to excite a rice, naturally ferocious, to vengeance and murder. In fact, this step of the Governor was not merely useless it was pernicious; it irritated the minds of the ureater number, und gained over none. The historian adds that, of the few who were enlisted hy Lord Dunmore, and weie pressed into a tight at Norfolk, "they tiehaved very shabbily, and saved themselves by flight." 4 There can be but little doubt that the proclamation of Mr. Lincoln will have a similar effect and will be followed by similar result. We can see no object to be gained by it, unless it be to satisfy, or we may better say to gratify, to use j the language of the resolution passed bv the House of Representatives the 11th day of Feb1 ' rU!lrv' 8ti "those persons in the North too in:a . :.. ..' i. i :.. a 1 11 nr 1 111 111 iiuiiiucis. aim iiiiiuciice 10 c.v ;c me I fe serious attention or alarm of any portion of the people of the Republic." It cannot be that the President thinks it of more consequence to conciliate this insignificant class in the North than the conservative citizens, significant in numbers and influence, and who have sustained his Administration, not only by moral influences, but with men and money whenever he asked for them. What possible good can come from the proclaj mation? We confess we can sec none. On the other hand, its effect must be to increase the embarrassments of the Federal Government. It can have no more influence in freeing the slaves in the districts where the national authority does not extend, than did the blast of King James against tobacco in stopping the use of the weed. It will not add one volunteer to the army of the Union, for the Abolitionis's have as much repug nance to enlisting in the war, as has the rabid j0 g io water. Its influence will be to destroy what there is left of Union sentiment in the South and unite the Southern people more firmly and enthusiastically in the vigorous prosecution of the war on their part. It is a con fes ion of weakness an acknowledgment that twentv mil lionsof white people.with every advantage on their . 99 v J side, can not conquer six milliotis of whites, shut : out from the world, and entirely reliant upon their own resources to carry on the war. And it must have the effect to weaken the confidence of that abolition crusade. There wos no necessity for the proclamation. 1 1 was ill limed and unwise. The very object which Mr. Lincoln expects to accomplish by his ! .u-.w-Lmiiiiioii thp freeing of the slaves of the r ' o rebels, can be attained when our forces occupy rebel territory, as has been al ready done, without the necessity of resorting to a public order which can have no viulity without Federal bayonets to back it. Mr. Lincoln professes to have a high reverence for the Constitution. That instrument is no less binding in war than iu peace Would be have

issued such a pn :lamaiion in time of peace? Congress in February, 1861, declared it had no "constitutional right to legislate upon or interfere with slavery iu any of the States of the Union." Mr. Lincoln reiterated these sentiments iu his inaugural. He said, "I believe I have no lawful right to do so." The course of the President, after declaring but a few days ago, that his sole purpose was to restore the Union as it was, under the Constitution, must create distrust in the public mind as to his stability of purpose, and to intensify divisions ot sentiment. Mr. Lincoln, like every other citizen, is a creature of the Constitution. He has no more right to disregard it 'han the humb'.est citizen of the Government. At all times, in war as well as in peace, the Constitution is the "supreme law of the land." He has no Constitutional power to issue the proclamation. It is forbidden in the Constitution, in

anirit if i.,.r in Ullai. f.... fc f 1 . I 2" " ' ,,UU1 ' 1 w e,,uHe can find no power in that instrument, none whatever, on which to base his right to issue a decree emancipating slaves. He has no power under military law. Military law does not des troy the fundamental civil law. His proclama lion, then, is nothing more than an attempt to override the Constitution, the verv crime which is charged against the rebels. The policy of Mr. Lincoln as foreshadowed in his proclamation is unwise. I lie domestic and social institutions of the Southern States are based upon its present system of industry. They can not be destroyed without vast injury to, if not the total destruction

Of the material interests of that section of the ,neil over "" " The Journal, while concountry. The sudden emancipation of slavery, j cedin2 thlU the Declamation can do no good, only' if it could be accomplished, as proposed by Mr. here il c:ln e made operative, and that must Lincoln, would be disastrous not only to the be b- the occuPatio' "f rebel teiritory, la-

! whites, but equally so to the blacks. The South1 em Suites, in such an event, instead of beinz a source of wealth to the balance of the Union, would become a burden to the latter, and for long years to come a sore weight and crushing tax upon the industry of the North. Mr. Lincoln proposes to compensate the loyal men of the South for their losses under his emancipation scheme. What rii:ht has bt to make such a pledge, or what probability that it will be respected? Do the people ot Indiana feel inclined to be taxed to pay for the slaves of even the loyal men of the South? The President's colonization scheme is also visionary and iniDracticable. If carried out. it will tie another weight ! I added to the industry he North. L .bor is I the source ot wealth But Mr. Lincoln nroposes I to send out of the country the labor w hich has ! been productive, and which would be in the fu- I ! ture under the system wh'n h has controlled it. I ! The negroes can not be colonized, even in part, j only at an immense cost to the tniblic treasury. I I Do the people desire to be taxed tor such a pur- 1 , pose? I The proclamation of Mr. Lincoln is a blunder, and so great a blunder under the present condi j t.on of public affairs is fraught with evil. We j cannot imagine what pressure has driven the ' President into the step lie has taken We are i ! charitable enough to believe it was not the imI pulses of his own unbiased judgment, we have) j heard it stated, as coming from hich authority, I that iu sixty days we should h ave either an igno- j I minions peace, acknowledging the Southern ' j Confederacy, or else a dictator What means ; I the assembling of Governors at Altoona, Pa? Has Mr. Lincoln anticipated one nf the objects which they had in view? If the President issued ihe proclamation under such a constraint, he has committed a gross error. A refusal to comply w ith such a demand, no matter from what source it cime, would have enshrined him in the hearts of the people. But the die is cast. n iu' I ' 1 v mint nr. The issue of abol'tion is The neonle of Indiana .i,.;'.i, . - - - - i., .i.., ISSUES, ii' 1' Mb HC IMIIUl l.H'A . . 1 I 1 . . i . 1 for or :i"ainst it , The Prcsiident w Proclamation. The Journal, after long consideration, finally '

hl c 1 , . . . w LuiwiiiAt; L.:iswii3 ui .iiii..iii uricitl "Mil Ilicir alt wav indorses the President s emancipation , ' ... , . ... r " 1 consent upon the continent or elsewhere, which proclamation. It is our purpose at this time only the previously obtained consent of the Governto refer to two points it makes in its effort to sny ment existing there will be continued. On the first something upon the subject. The first is this: I .f 2 lhe af of our thousand . .1 eight hundreu and sixtv three, all persons as

. lie prociam at.on is too sweeping in emancipaling the slaves of loyal men iu the rebel awte!iThe Journal and the Republican prints gener ally have as-crted over and over ag.-iin that there is a large Union sentiment in the South now j overridden ana kept in abeyance by the usurpers j who have control of the State Governments, j which only needs protection to lie developed. Is ... t , , not the proclamation, it it could be made effect . j ive, a gross injustice to that class? The Journal concedes that it is wro-i- in th.it rpT.-in! .-nit. . p. - n it say? Wherever that proclamation can lie made ope rat.ve. there the rebellion loses its liaillllflH. And how is it to be made "operative?" Can ; it be in mm other wav than bv overthrowing the

.1 -. .. - . . . ..1 .. rT .... ticinated, shall, in the aliseucc of strong counterrebel armies, and occupving reoel ferritorv? Until : . . . , . i-i ' - ! acting testimonv, be deemed conclusive evidence our forces conquer the rebels the proclamation t, (t stic, State," and the people thereof, have not cannot be made effective it is as inoperative, as j been in rebellion against, the United States, useless, us Ihe paper upon which it was written. That tention is hereby called to an act of , , . . , . , Coi gress, entitled an act to make an additional Even it the P.eodent had the light to issue the IlptiJje u, war apploved M:irt.h ,3. imü, ad edict of emancipation, it was ill timed and un- j which act is in the words and figures following:

necess..rv. What he intends to accomplish by it has been practiced wherever our nrmv has had the j - 0 control. Aiiu 11 wouiu. nave oeen iar wiser 11 ne had left the whole matter to the fate of the war. That would have been the true iwlicv. But the proclamation ojiens anew the discussion ot the question, and the effect will be 10 introduce con tention and doubt where harmony and confidence are II to our national salvation. Instead , , . ot weakening l will give strength and v.gor to the rebel cause. The freeing of the laves as

propo-ed by Mr. Lincoln would not only destroy violating this article shall be dismissed from the slavery, but it would be the destruction of the j 2 furlher eniiCted. Th slave States, and loyal and disloyal would suffer act ghali take effect from and after its passage." alike. The sympaihv of common interest will Also, to the 9th and 10th sections of an act consolidate the entire South, and instead of weak- entitled, -'An aci to suppress insurrection, to .... , .. .,, , , . punish treason and rebellion, to sene and connsen.ng the rebellion the proclamation will help to '. q( puroogeif recruit the rebel armies and excite reuewed zeal : approved Jaiv I7ih, 1NÖ," and which sections and still ureater efforts in their cause. , are in the words and figures following: If the President has the riglu 10 free the slaves, i Sections 9 and 12. Be it further enacted That all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be enas It is claimed that he has under the war power, jn ieoeiion the Government of ihe as a means necessary to suppress the rebellion, he United States, or who shall iu any way give aid would have an euual right, tor the same purpose, ! or comfort theieto, escaping from such persons I . 1 r :.-: . i... - r .u ..

, - . i f, auu i.'ikiii'' reii.ge wiurn iine- m mc .um, to make bondmen ol the negroes. It the ,e ftRftavea captured from such persons , or deceded Sutes are yet within the Union, as . sere, l)V t)em and coming under the control of Mr. Lincoln and the party he represents : the Government of the United States, and all nn.nnu.K-. them to be. certainly the Con- " 8Uch P0"9 on bin? wit.hj" au.-v Plac

,r... . ' . i occupied bv rete! forces ot the tn.ied riates jst.tution must be operative over them. sja o deemed captives of war anu shall be In that case i not his proclamation an usurpation , forever free ot their servitude, and not again held of power? If the seceded Sutes are not in the j as slaves. ' Union, and are not subject to the Constitution, ; Section 10. And be it further enacted. That no . ,1 ! a , .ftA ik I slave escaping into anv slave territory of the then a proclamat.on by the President to free the JJjy otPljmbia ina auv J the states. sertsof Russia would be just as operative as the gl.l. be ueivered up or i -nv way impeded or one he has issued. j bindrei of his liberty, except for crime or some A fair construction of the Journals argu- offense against the laws, unless the persor iclaim- ., . j. . . i ing said fugitive shall first make oath that the ments. if they can be d.cn.fied as such, amounts u JJ m such fugi. i to just this: that in its view the means justifies tjve 9 aeged to te due, is his lawful owner, and ! the end that the President can, in the urosecu- has not been in arms against the United States tion of the war, do just what we charge against ' gg" rebellion nor in any way giving aid 1 , T.- . ! or comlort thereto, and no person engaged in tbe the rebels, disregard all constitutional obligations. . mi,iUry or narÄ, MVn 0f the United States I If violation of the Constitution and the laws by j shall make any pretence whatever to sssume to the rebels is a crime, similar acts by those who I decide on the validity of the claim of any person i , . . 1 1 1 to the service or labor ot any other person, or 1 claim to be loyal aniens are none the 8U Jer up any such the claimant on censurable. pajn 0f being dismissed from the service. Emancipation proclamations have been tried j And 1 do hereby enjoin upon all persons en- ' before. The British Government in both the war of gaged in the military and naval service of the .... ,0,0 j I United Sutes to observe, obev and enforce withthe revolution and in the war lftl2 issued proc- ; jn Mlb spheres of service the act and

lamations ottering trceaom to an slaves wno would join 11s cause or come within their lines, but few responded. Then the sentiment of our own country revolted at what wasjustly regarded as acts of barbarism. In lhe controversy which arose upoti the subject iu the war of 1812-15, John Quincv Adams, then Secretary of Sute, iu behalf of our Government, thus characterized this meanure of the British Government: They (the British; had no right to make any such (emancipation) promises to the negroes. The principle is, that the emancipation of an enemy's slaves is not among the acts of legit imate war; as relates to the owners, it is a destruction of private property nowhere warranted by the usages of war. r ive years afterward Mr. Adams most emphatically denied the right of a belligerent to emancipate slaves. He said : No such right is acknowledged as a law of war

by writers who admit sny limitation. The right ot putting to death all prisoners in cold blood, and without special cause, might as well be pretended to be a law of war, or the right to use poisoned weapous, or to assassinate. Such were the sentiments of John Quinct Adams and our Government in 1815 and iu 1?2U. In 1775, Lord Dunmore, the British Governor of Virginia, attempted to promote the interests of the British Government by offering freedom to a I slaves who would rise and assist him. What says a British historian iu regard to this infamous measure? In the colonies, and even in all other countries, sn universal cry arose against a measure which tended to disturb society in us verv foundations, to engender mortal suspicions, aiid to excite a race naturally ferocious, to vengeance and murder. The colonies then were in rebellion against the

British Government. According to the Journal I . I the rebel States occupy the same position toward the Federal Government as did the colonies to , Great Britain. We quote from that print in con j firmation: We believd, and still believe, that the true province ot Government is not more to preserve itself than to adapt itself to the demands of the governeS. and that a war to maintain one GcvPrnmOhf ni Ar tli.ia wVwv IwaI?aa al... . U be"betteV off 'J ! in Americans, inconsistent Journal, January 1 ulIt is said that the proclamation of Lord Dun MORE "was not merely useless; it was pernicious; ' a '""'-ated the minds of the greater number, and ! vors a pernicious policy, the effect of which is 10 in,utv tt,e mmds of the greater number. ' wIhIa rr 11 I . I sit'Aa. ...... A " "iiv . 1111111, u,ci nunc. In 1775, ls!15, and iu 1820 our own people execrated the same measures as revolting to the civilization of the age. which the Journal now approves not only, but extols. We ask every good citizen to think candidly of these things. We condemned as impolitic not only, but as infamous, the very policy now proposed by the radicals and which we said was a violation of ti;e laws of nations and of the rights of belligerents. While we utteriv condemn the rebellion and are in faVor of the most vigorous measures which ... . . . comphsh the restoration ol the national .uthority and the national unity, and, as Mr. Lin coln declared it to be his first and most ardent l!)e 1 üf M the St:ttes U) lneir . . institutional rights, we should tail in manliness ' we did not deprecate measures which, as a people we have condemned, and which all civiized .,, , . , . - , cou,,,r,es dee,a.e to be barbarous, inhuman, ""justifiable, nd as illegitimate warfare. s - irilHI 1 iL hy ihr Pres.de. ... w A8HINGT0X, bept. Si. L Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, and Commander in Chief of 'he army and navy thereof, do hereby proclsim anl declare that heie.it ter as heretofore, the war j will be prosecuted lee the object of practically ' restoring the con-litutioua! relation between the United States and the people thereof in which i States that relation is or may be suspended or j disturbed, and that il is my purpose up n the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of practical measures tendering pe cuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of a.l the slave Elates, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United 0 - , . - . t . States, which Mates may then have voluntarily ' adopted or thereat ter may voluntarily adopt the immediate or gradual Bbopheaent of slaver wit,,m their respective limits, and that the effort .. ...1 . ........ . ' -:...... .1 ... :.i. .... anv S:,.p . ilMV (io,M,ate,! ,ytrt nf a State, the people whereof shall then - be in rebellion against the United States I shall be thenceforward and forever free, and the 1 Executive (.iovernroent of the United Slates, ineluding the militai v and naval authority theieof, ! persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such 1 persons, or any of them, iu any efforts they may make ,or ,neir, MCtual freedom. Thai the Executive will, on the first dav of , r , , . 1 ' January aforesaid, bv proclamation, de-ignate the States and parts" of States if any in which the neonle thereof resnectivelv shall then be in 11 ifi'oi'ii:7e .".ml m.iinr.-i'n I hp reenoin o, sum 1 - . 1 e 1 r c - 1 1 r J rebellion against the United Slates, and the fact that anv State or the neonle thereof, shall, on that fe. 1 in go(1 uit,. rewesented in the Congress of the United St ues by members choten thereto at elections, wherein a majority of l,,c 'l"-1' hed voteis of such Slate shall have paf- : Be it enacted by the Senate and House ot Kep resentatives of the Unittd States of America in Congress assembled. That hereafter the followjng hall be promulpatevl as an additional article of war lor the govei nment ot the army of the Luiied Slates, and shall be obeyed and observed as such: ,Art. . All officers or persons in the 1111 itarv or nava service 01 ine c nueu oi.ica.c ft - e T : . . iiftft .... probibited from employing any of the forces unI der their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor who may h ive esc.ited from an v person to whom such servjce or h cahn lo due; and any officer who !hall be lound uiltv bv a court martial ol" ,ections above recited, and the executive win in due time recommend that the citizens who shall hav remained loyal throughout the rebellion shall, upon the restoration of the constitutional relation between the United Sutes and their respective Sutes, shall be compensated for all losset they have sustained by acts of the United Sutes, including the loss of slaves. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand snd caused lhe seal of the United Sutes to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington this the twenty -second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hu: red and sixty-two, and of the independence of tne United Sutes the eighty -second. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Wm. H. Sswasd, Secreurv of Sute. Col. Wildeb Exchanged. Genera) Buell has effected the exchange of Col. Wilder, giving for him twenty-two privates and one Lieutenant. Col. Wilder is now with Buell's advance, under Gen. Wood Louisville