Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 12, Indianapolis, Marion County, 11 August 1862 — Page 2

sentiments, uch as I have read to you, control your congressional legislation, and the-e men and such as these you are urged tu continue in power as unconditional Union men, and members of the Union party. Upon principles and purposes Men as these, avowed by the Senator from whom 1 have quoted, would they conduct this war. If their assertions be true if the seceded States are already out of this Union, or have ceased to exist, and therefore no longer members of the Union, it is because of the exercise by them of a legal right, (or if not a legal right, a constitutional right, their act can be of no validity for any purpose whatever. If valid, as Senator Harlan contends, tell me your justiti cation for making war uuon them? It is because they are not out of the Ution, and do still exist as States in the Union, their people owing allegiance to the Union, that we are justified in waging this war, not against the States as States, but against the rebellious citizens of the seceded States. This Government of ours has no power to coerce a State- In proof of tliis, I will read you a short extract from one of Mr. Webster's speeches: I am for coercion y law; that coercion which Acts only upon delinquent individual. THIS CONSTI11TIOX DOES NOT ATTEMPT TO COERCK SOVtRKK-N BOMBS, STATES INTHKIK POLITICAL CAPACITIES. If we ftboaM attempt to execute the law of the Union by tending an armed force against a delinquent State it would involve the good and th bad, the innocent and the guilty, in the fame calamity. Her this lkoal cobbciox amnuM ott tu ociltt isdividial, aid pi xishks him fob aXAKLXG THK LAWS OT TBS U.NIOÜ. Again Mr. Webster said: The Union is too full of beneflU tf be hazarded In propositions for changing its original basis. I go for the Constitution as It Is and the Union as it is. We hare i eard much of the dangers of foreign interference. We have far more to fear from the doctrines now songht to be forced upon the country by the dominant party in Congress, than we have to fear from foreign governments. Who believes that six millions of hostile people, united in purpose and determined in action, occupying seven hundred thousand square miles of territory, can be either subjugated or exterminated? It has never been done, and until God shall change his laws, never will be done. In view of this fact, what should have been our policy? We know that one year ago there was in every seceded State a large Union element, so large that the leaders of the conspiracy to sever the Union, did not dare to trust the secession of their respective States to the people, but, taking advantage of their position, holding, for the time being, the offices, and consequently the power of their State Governments, taking advantage of power conferred upon them by an honest and confiding people, they betrayed the confidence of those who had elevated them to place, and turned the powers of the State Governments against the people, and forced them into this wicked rebellion. We were told that, after the capture of Fort Donelson, many of the rebels in arms wept upon again behoiding the flag of their country. Since then, the Republican press has been engaged in impressing upon the mind of the country the truth that the South is a unit, and resolved upon permanent separation. Why is this? How comes it that these people, who were divided a few months ago, are united now? Turn to your Congressional records for the last eight months, and you have the reason. Congress, at its extra session, declared that the war should be waged to maintain the Constitution and to te store the Union, with all the rights, dignity and equality of the States unimpaired. Congress, at its regular session, by its legislative action, has declared the war shall be prosecuted for the overthrow of the established rights of the States.which in their view no longer exist. The States say they are territories, to be govemel free from constitutional restraint, and the people thereof have no right to constitutional protection. In other words, Congress would have this not a war for the Constitution and the Union, but a gigantic crusade against the established rights and institutions of the seceded States. The remedy for these evils, mv fellow citizens, is in your hands. If at the ballot-box this fall men shall be elected to the National Legislature who will aid your armies in the field by such wise and judicious legislation as will show to the great m isses in the seceded States who were betrayed into secession, that you will not permit the powers of the Government to be wielded for the destruction of their property, rights, and their right of self-government under the Constitution, you will, I feel confident, soon have the gratification of seeing the rebellion suppressed, and of witnessing the bow that promises an early peace extending itselt across our political sky. There is not power enough in Jeff. Davis and all his co-workers to keep an army in the field ninety days after you have removed trom the people he assumes to govern the apprehension that the powers of a common government, created for common protection to the interests of all, were tobe wielded against them. It was this apprehension that gave to the authors of this rebellion the physical force, without which it could never have been inaugurated. IS ever would I have have believed, prior to the meeting of Congress, that in this struggle for national existence, men could be found willing to subordinate the integrity of the Union, and the rights of the people under the Constitution, to party, and attempt to wield the powers of ihe Government for the accomplishment of party purposes, rather than the maintenance of the Constitution, and the preservation of the Union under it. The faith I once had in the representatives of the people is gone. I rely alone upon the people themselves, and believe that you will not allow a thought of party to come between you and your country. Again and again are you told that the existence of the institution of slavery in these States is incompatible with the existence of the Union. This is a slander upon the wisdom ot the men who founded the Government and who framed the Constitution, our only bond of Union. The Union is the result of the Constitution, and he who says that the existence of sla very is incompatible with the existence of the Union, announce' to the world that this Government of ours, this experiment of self government, founded by the patriots and wise men who achieved for us our in lepeudence, has proven a failure. Yet this is their cry at morning, at noon and at dewy eve. and it may he it is uttered in sleep when visions of power and place and treasuries to plunder Hit before them. The American Government, our Government, was formed by slaveholding and non-slaveholding Stales, Twelve of the States were nominally slaveholding, only five or six were so to any great extent. Slavery , therefore, existed before the Government was formed, and it may be said that it was formed bv States one half free and one half slave. The Federal Government depends for its existence upon the State Governments and is based upon the principle that each State for itself determines and regulates its own institutions; in other words, the people of each State govern themselves in all matters of internal concernment It follows, therefore, Irom this principle, which is the corner stone of our Government, that each and every State has the right to establish, continue, abolish or prohibit slavery within its own limits free from all interference on the part of the Geueral Government. If Congress has power to interfere for the "abolishment" of slavery in a State, it has power to interfere I r it- est ibli-hmetit in a State. If the public money can be used u. afford pecuniary aid to a Slate to emancipate its slaves, it can be used to afford like pecuniary aid to a State to establish slavery. The Federal Government, having no power except that which is derived from the Constitution, is not dependent for its existence upon any of the dome-tic institutionof the States. The Union was founded by slaveholders and non-slaveholders. It was formed fu. both slaveholding and non-slaveholding States. Slavery existed at its formation and has existed ever since. The existence, therefore, of the institution of slavery in some of the States of the Union is not incompatible with the Union, but the existence ot a party pledged to wield the powers of the Government against any institution of any of the States, a Government formed for Oie purpose of protecting to the extent of the powers mi (erred each and every institution of each and eery State, is incompatible with the existence of tbe Union, because to carry out the pledge weald defeat the very object of all Gov ernmenta which is to protect and not to destroy . Hence, I say, party organized upon a princi pie of hostility to the institutions of fifteen of the States of this Union and pledged to carry out that principle in the administration of the Go vein men t is incompatible with the existence of the Union and Hit should, when placed i power, carry out its pledges, it or the Govern mem would hive to go down. These, my friends, may ho unpalatable truths, but yet I believe them baths. Jt has been said that the founders of this Government looked upon the institution of slavery, to use the language of a Senator from Massachusetts, as a "temporary and perishing thing." In a speech of Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, in the Senate, be said: "Washington and Jefferson looked upon slavery as a temporary and perishing thing." Washington was in the Convention that formed tbe Constitution, Jefferson was in France. Wash ingtou advocated its adoption. That the Sena tor is mistaken as to Washington, is shown by the ninth section of the first article of the Constitution, which forbids Congress from prohibiting the importation of slaves Tor a period of near twenty years after its adoption. It is true this provision was inserted against the vote of Virgiuia in the Convention that framed the Constitution, but was adopted by tbe Stale when she

ratified the Constitution. The vote In Convention was seven States for it to four against it. The States voting for it were: New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut. Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia 7. Against it: New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Virginia 4. (See Madison Papers Supplement to Elliott's Debates, vol. 5, p. 47H.) Not a single New England vote recorded against this provision. What Mr. Jefferson thought of the agitation of this question of slavery in Congress is not left to conjecture. In speaking of the Missouri controversy, Mr. Jefferson said: This momentous question, like a tire-btll in the nigh', awakened and filled me with terror. I considered it at once as the knell of the Union. It is bushed, indeed, for

the present, but that m only a reprieve, not a final sentence. A geographical line, coinciding with a marked principle, moral and political, one - concurred in, and held up to tbe passion of men, will never be obliterated, and every new irritation will mark it deeper and deeper until it will kindle such mutual and mortal hatred as to render separation preferable to eternal discord. 1 regret that I am now to die in the belief that tie useless sacrifice of themselves by tbe generation of 1778 to acquire self government and bappiuess for their country, is to be thrown away by the unwise and unworthy passions of their sons, and tbat my ouly consolation is to be that I lire not to weep over it. Massachusetts voted for the coi.tinuance of this African slave trade for twenty years after the formation of the Government. She, therefore, could not have desired, nor did she look upon the institution as a perishing or temporary thing, but on the contrary her citizens had been engaged in the trade as will appear from the advertisement I read you taken from the Boston Gazette: Jut imported from Africa, a--d to be sold on board the brig Jouney, Wm . Fllery commander, now lying at New Boston, a number of likely negr) boys an girls, from 12 to 14 years of age. Inquire of said Kllery on board said brig, where constant attendance is iriven. Notk. The above slaves have ail had the small-pox. Treasurer's notes and New England rum will be taken as pay. When the slave trade was abolished and Massachusetts brigs could no longer engage in the business of exporting New England rum and trading it for captured Africans when an honest penny could no longer be made by importing negro boys and girls all of whom had had the small pox, Massachusetts became suddenly pious and commenced reading the Declaration of lnde pendence, and then it was Massachusetts for the first time discovered that all men, small poxed negroes aud all, were equal, and having sold these negroes to the South and made all she could out of the slave trade, pious Massachu setts, not satisfied with the money of the South received for the uegroes, now seeks to take the negroes from their masters. Fellow citizens, what is it the?e mad people will not do? In their hatred for the South they would destroy themselves. Nothing is sacred in the eyes of these men. The Father of his Country, our own Washington, was placed below a barbarous, brutal and treacherous negro by Wendell Phillips in a speech made by him in the Smithsonian Iustitute and almost within the shadow of Mount Vernon. Mr. Phillips concluded with a glowing eulogy upon Toussant L'Ouverture. He would call him a Oromwell, but he was a greater statesman than Cromwell; he would call him a Napoleon, but he did not make his way over broken oaths like Napoleon; he would call him a Washington, but the great Virginian held slaves. Above all wi.s the soldier, statesinr.n, martyr Toussant L'Ouverture. They attack the brightest characters that illustrate the pages of our history. No character, however estimable, is safe from their attacks. The patriotic dead alike with the living, receive their envenomed shafts. The Constitution, the wonder of the world and the admiration of mankind the Union it has formed, with all the countless blessings it has conferred upon us all are as dust in the eyes of these men. When you remind them of the Constitution and intimate that it forbids their interference with the institution of slavery in the States, they at once say that you put slavery above the Union. Not so, my friends. It is not slavery but it is the right established by the Constitution and secured to us by the founders of our Government of each State to determine for itself its own domestic institutions, that I would not surrender. There is nothing that can compensate a freeman for the surrender of a constitutional right, and he who would yield it at the biddiug of any man, or set of men, is not only unworthy to be free, but is already a slave. It is the right of each State for itself, to establish, continue, abolish or prohibit slavery. If you surrender this right to-day to the Federal Govern ment, how long will it be before you will becalled upon for the surrender of others? If you concede to Congress the right to say you shall not hold slaves, have they not the same right to say that you shall not exclude negroes from the jurybox or the witness stand? Our only safety is in exacting a rigid adherence to the Constitution. We are rapidly concentrating power at Washington, and unless checked, the rights of the States will be absorbed by the central Government. These States can only exist united under the Constitu tion. It is the interest of each and all to maintain the Constitutional Union. The Ohio bears upon its bosom to a Southern market the products of Indiana and Kentucky, Ohio and Virgiuia, and until recently the farmer of Indiana received for the products of his farm a remunerative reward. His daily toil brought to his home the comforts and the luxuries of life. To-day you have the same Northern markets you have always had, and yet your grain is rotting in your barns, and you go about the streets with your beads bowed down in sorrow. You are cut off from your Southern market. You are resolved that it shall be yours again How will you have it just as it was before the inauguration of this war? Traitors and rebels must be put down. The Constitutional Union must be restored. Free negroes do not make a market, nor is cotton produced by voluntary labor. It is to your interest that there shall be no competition in the Southern States with you. It is more profitable to the Southern planter to employ his slave labor in the growth of cotton than of corn; he, therefore, purchases from you his breads uffs and provisions. Cotton is only produced by compulsory labor; strike it down, and your market remains what it is to day. The statesman is governed in I. is legislation by the interests 'of his countryNo section of our country has contributed so much to the wealth, and consequently the power and importance of the nation as the South. It has grown the world's great staple; and expert ence has shown that no labor can compete with negro labor in its production. Cotton can only be grown bv compulsory labor, and where negro labor has been dispensed with, Coolies have been substituted, which has brought into being a trade far mure infamous than was the African slave trade. The following is from a letter to Mr. Seward from t!-e United States Consul at Peru: The labor of the country was formerly performed chiefly by slaves. In 1S53 African slavery was abolished, and upwards of twenty-five thousand blacks were set fret turned loose bpon society; thus not only suddenly depriving agriculture but every other branch of industry of its accustomed labor, and at the same time aKitctingthe country witli bvggars. thieves, robbers) and tvery variety of outlaw, until it became unsafe to occupy country residence unless surrounded by an inconvenient train of faithful attendants, and dangerous to walk in unfr- quented streets or in tile outskirts of tbe most populous cities after nightfall. It is perhaps fortunate for the country, however, that this class of population is fast disappeariui;: through their dissipation, licentiousness, and crime, and tbe pqualties attached, at no di-tant period tbe liberated iiexrafc- of Penrwill on y be remembered for the crimes they have committed, and regretted for tbe demoralizing influence their acts have proauc.il upon society. Tu compensate to some extent for this loss to the productive labor of the country the government has, from time to time, granted special privileges to indi"i uals to iutrodu.c Asiatic laborers, bound to compulsory service for a term ot years for a nominal consideration, and, during it last session, Congress enacted a law, a copy of which 1 have translated and hereto annexed (marked A,) making the trade in Asiatics free to vessels of all nations. Many have already availed themselves of the provibions of this law. Planters, ship-owners, and adventurers, and all, have profited by the speculation under it, and the places vacated by the manuniilted ne(rroe are nowr nein occupied by this class of laborers. Intellectually superior, but physically inferior, the latter fall far short of making good the pi ace of the former. Their term !' service is usually eiht years. They are valuxi her at an average of 400 each, which may be regarded as the selling price, tbe master paying Uie coolie $t a month, sometimes more, and usuilly famishing him two uits of clothes a year ail iu addition to the ordinal amount paid A long sea voyage and change of climate proves fatal to many, and leaves the kiirvivor feeble, so that tbe period required for recuperation and acclimation, together with the lime appropriated to acquiring a competent knowledge of their mode of work, under all the embarrassment of sp aktng a foreign language, may render unavailable nearly one-fourth of tbe time for which they are bound to servitude. The master having no interest in the coolie lieyoml the period of his indentured vassalage, it is more than doubtful if be receive tbat care which which individual interest in tbe person of tbe slave secured under the former system of African slavery. Tbat slavery, here as elsewhere. proves the mildest where the master sees it bb interest te keep the slave in health and vigor by whatever may conduce to bis health and comfort. Males alone being imported, as their terms of service expire, if the industrial interests of tbe country look to tiiis system of labor, tbe coolie trade must necessarily continue as long as agricultural or other pursuits may require. The wants of tbe country once supplied, fresh cargoes must be imported to supply the places of those made vacant from death otherwise. Th re being no natural increase, tbe system, to be successful, must be perpetual. As the master's responsibility for the care of the coolies ceases upon the expiration o'. his indentured appren ticeship, if worn out or unlit for labor from any cause, he at once a subject of public charity. I have tbe honor to Kua n, most tespectfully, c, your obedient servant, WM. TKIVnT, U. S. Consul. II on. Wm. H. s khaki.. Sec'y of State, Wash'n. New England owes its wealth to day to tbe South. The Great West values its Southern

market, and the centers of commerce sensibly feel the interruption ot their trade and the loss of their Southern customers. Each nnd every section is benefited by the other, and neither can do well without the other. It is the interest of all to leave to each State the regulation of its own internal affairs. Viewing this question, then, in the light it should be viewed by a statesman and legislator for the whole country, I would not abolish the institution of slavery in the States where it exists if I could. First, because I would at one blow destroy two thousand millions of dollars of taxable property, making the nation that much poorer and increasing to that exUnt the tax UDon the nou slaveholder. Second, by so doing I would deprive the great grain-growing and stock-raising West of its best market, the manufacturing districts of their greatest source of wealth and their operatives of the means of support; and thirdly, because I would destroy the great staple that has given U9 our importance and our wealth us a people. There is still another aspect of this question I desire to bring to your notice. What would follow the turning loose upon society of four millions of uneducated negroes, creatures of an inferior race, incapable of providing for themselves? You would not drive them into the sea. nor would you compel them to leave the country. To do so would not be consistent with the freedom you wish to bestow upon them. What follows? They would scatter over the different Slates and be brought into competion withatbe laboring whites. The negro must have the moans of subsistence, and he can only acquire a subsistence by labor or by theft and plunder. Most of them, when not under compulsion, will not work. Your alms houses, prisons and poor houses, would soon inform you, if you had not known it before, that the Abolitionists' dream had been realized. In short, the scenes of Mexico would be re enacted iu the United States. In 1776 we had a population of less than three millions Mexico had eight millions. To day we are thirty millions of jieoplc Mexico eight millions. The Mexican Constitution of is modeled after our own, but the races were not subordinated to each other;

I tney are a mongrel people, witnout stability in their Government, and are in constant war. Garry out the policy of these anti slavery fanatics, and we make of our once proud laud a second Mexico, and can read in her history our future. But to recur to the dogma of the Abolitionist, that the existence of the institution of slavery as it exists in the slaveholding States of this Union is incompatible with the existence of the Union. And, for the sake of the argument, admit it tobe true. How are you to get rid of it? by openly violating the Constitution, by war and through blood? or will you not resort to the mode point ed out in and provided for by the Constitution for its amendment? Will you not propose, either through Congress or in a National Convention, so to amend the Constitution as to confer upon the Federal Government the power to abolish slavery in the States. Sureiy you can not preserve the Constitution by violating it. When you do this, you may have a Union, but it will not be the L'nion. Again, the Abolitionionist, clothed sometimes in the livery of heaven, descants upon the sin of slavery as if slavery, in the providence of God in ome form or other, has not always existed, and who does not know that God's decrees will be enforced in despite of the puny efforts of man? But these lightning-line travelers, the Abolitionists, are not content to wait the time of Him "who hath measured the waters in the hollow of His hand and meted out heaven with the span who comprehend?th the dust of he earth in a measure, and weigheth the mountains in scales, and the hills in a balance? He accomplishes human ends by human means, aud it is in accordance with his law that man must first be educated physically before he is iutellec tually. Of the three dispensations of God when he came forth to reveal and establish his religion, the first or patriarchal dispensation was introduced among slaveholders. Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, slaveholders, were the heat's of the earliest church, and were constituted its chiels by God himself, owning many bondmen and bondwomen, "born in the house" of their m ister, or boughtrwith his money. The second or Jewish dispensation was introduced among a freed people, freed slaves, who were all on an equality. The Israelites went forth out of their house of bondage, "with their kneading-troughs bound up with their clothes upon their shoulders.'' Coming out free, they constituted what we now call a free Stale, which God himself took charge of as civil ruler. Fifty days after lea ing Egypt, this people stood at the foot of Sinai, and amid the thunders and lightnings of the Mount, received the laws that were to govern their State. First, the ten commandments, which was their Constitution or organic law, then a code of laws based upon their organic law. Look into these laws, ami you will find they constitute what our Republican friends call a slave code. Slavery is recognized in their organic law and iu their statutes. We find that the Hebrew servants may be bought for a limited period, and are to be treated as hired servants. Then another class are spoken of as his, the master's, money. Of these, it is said: "Both thy bondmen and bondmaids which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are round about you. Of them shall ye buy bond met) and bondmads. Moreover, ot the children of the stringers that do sojourn among you. of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which they begat iu your land, and they shall be your possession, and ye shall take thein as an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a possession, they shall be your bondmen forever." This law was not to take cf feet for forty years, and by its lerms was made prospective. The chapter of laws from which I have just quoted, is prefaced thus: "And the Lord spake uuto Moses on Mount Siuai, saying, siieak unto the children of Israel, and say unto them, when ye come into the land which 1 shall give you," then such and such laws shall be observed. And after forty years, the Hebrew free State of the wilderness was, by the act of God, as civil ruler, changed into the Hebrew slave State of Canaan. To whom, or among whom, was the last, or Christian dispensation introduced? The apostolic chu.x-hes were composed of masters and their slaves, as are the churches in the siavehold ing States of this Union. Why uot wait the purposes of Him "who stretcheth out the North over tiie empty place, and hangcth the earth upon nothing?" If slavery in the States where it exists be ft sin, (tod in his Providence will in his own good time liberate the bondmen. If, as I believe, the negro is here to he educated physically and intellectually, until he is fitted to carry to the inhabitants of Africa civilization and Christianity here he will remain, and in the condition in which he is placed in the slaveholding S ates, lor in no other condition would the same attention be paid to his physical and mental culture. Where, on the green earth, is the negro's wantso well provided for? Where has his physical and mental development been so great as in this country? Where is there in all Europe, a laboring population so well cared for, so comfortable and happy, as the slaves in the slaveholding States of this Union? .The condition of the English laborer is better than the laborer anywhere else in Europe, and the farm laborer of England is in a much better condition than the operatives in iltc.r factories and in their mines. I would ask you to indulge me while I read from Colman's European Agriculture a few extracts: The farm laborers are, I will not say in a degraded condition, for tbat would not in any seme apply to them, unless where, by their own bad habits, they may have degrade! themselves; but they are in a very low condition, and extremely ignorant ami servile. They larely, u with us, live in the house of their employers, but cither in "ottages on the farm or in a neighboring village They are, usualiy, comfortably clad. in this respect contrasting most favorably with the mechanics and manufacturers in the cities and large towns; but they are in general verypoorly fed. Their wages, compared with the wages of iabor in the United states, are very low. The cah wages paid to t hem seldom equals the cash wagest paid to laboieSf with us, and our laborers, in addition to their wages in mone.i, have their board; nut tbe Knglish laborers are obliged to subsist themselves, with an occasional allowance, in some Distances, of beer, in baying and harvesting The division of labor among them is quite particular a ploughman beiug always a ploughman, and alui' ft inseparable from Lis horses: a d tcntr a ditcher; a shepherd a shepherd only ; tbe consequence of this is that what they do, they do extremely well. Their ploughing, sowing, d riding and ditching anl draining, are executed with admitable neatness and exact nes; indeed, tbe lines of their work could not be more true or straight than they usually are if they were measured by a marked scale, inch by inch. Thej speak of ploughing and drilling or ridging by tbe inch or the half inch; and tbe width of the urrow slice, or the depth of the furrow, or the di tanccs of tbe drills from each other, will be found to correspond, with remarkable precision, to the measurement designed. But they appear totally dest tute of invention, and have evidently little skill or ingenuity when called upon to apply themselves to a work different to that to which they base been accustomed. Their gait is very slow; and tbry seers to me to prow o d quite early. Tbe former circumstance explained itrelf to me when I examined and lifted tbe shoes which they are accustomed to wear, and which, when, in addiliou to being well c largeJ with iron, tbey gather the usual amount of clay which adheres to them on heavy soils, furnish at least some rravn way, like an Alexandrine verse "tbey drag tueirsluw length along." Tbare are occasional instances of extraordinarily good management where tbey are enabled to accumulate small ums; but in no cane, nuder tbe be it exertions, can tbey make, from tbe wages of labor, anything like a provision for old ae an decay. They are little gl eu to change situations, ami many of them, both men aud women, live and die in the same service. Several Instances have come under my observation of thirty, tbirty-Bve and forty years' reputable service; ajd many persona, even upon tbe most limited meant, have brought up larg- familie- of children without any parochial a sistance. But, io his case, tbey are all workers the children are put ' j tome ort of servicas soon as the are able to drive tbe rook from tbe corn, and no drones are suffered in tbe hive. 1 visited one la

borer's cottage, to which I was carried by the fanner himself, who was desirous of showing me. as he said, one of tbe best example, within hi knowledge, of that condition of life. Tbe house, though very small, was extremely neat and tidy; the Bible lay upon the shelf without an unbroken cobweb over its covers; the in- . r were covered with an unusual quantity of crockery, sufficient to furnish a table for a large party a kind of accumulation which, I was told, was very common; and their pardonable vanity runs In this way, as, in higher conditions of life, we see the same passion exhibiting it Keif in the accumulation of family plate. The men and women were laborers, greatly esteemed for their good conduct, and had both of them been in tbe same service more than forty years. 1 asked them if, in the course of that time, they had not been able to lay by some small store of money to make them comiortable in their old age. 1 could not have su. prised them more by any question which I could have proposed. Tbey replied tbat it had been a constant struggle for them to sustain them selves, but any surplus was beyond their reach. I cannot help thinking that the condition is a hard one in which incessant and .aithlul labor, for so many years, will not enable the frugal and Industrious to make some small provision for the period of helplessness and decay, in a country where the accumulations oi wealth growing out oi tbe same labor are enormous. In all my intercourse with society in the Dnited States, and witb opportunities as large as any man of observing all classes amoii them in the variou- conditions of life, I have never known an instance of a woman going to a public bar for drink, or sitting down in a public bar-room with men, or alone, to regale herself. The ale-houses and kin-shops in Kngland are as much accustomcl by women as by men, ami the results of such practices are exactly what might be expected an extreme vulgarity of manners, and a large amount of drunkenness among the lower class of women. What, as a matter of course, com- with it need not be told; but the records of the police courts leave no one at a los. lu general, among the laboring classes in England, their low condition, their ignorance and want of edu-

i cation, and tbe almon absolute iinnssibilitv of ris ing above the estate in which they are born, render tbem tu a great degree reckless "and improvident. Character becomes consequently of far less importance than it would otherwise be. There ure wanting, consequently, the motives to that self-respect which constitute the highest security of virtue, and under such a condition of things it is not surprising l Und a laxity of morals which produces swarms of illegitimate children. This is attended by the usual co ii sequen co an absence on the part of the parents of that sense of obligation to support and provide for their offspring, which is to be found in its purity and strength only in legal wedlock. There are two practices in regard to agricultural labor, not universal by any means', but prevailing in some parts of England and Scotland, which I may notice. The first is called the "gang system. " In some places, owing to the size of farms being greatlv extended, cottages being suffered to fall into decay and ruin, laborer have been congregated in villages where have prevail. mI all the evils, moral and phgical. which are naturally to be expected from a crowded population, shoved into small and inconvenient habitations, and subjected to innumerable privations. In this cuse. the farmer keeps in peunanent and steady employment no more laborers than are absolutely required for the constant and uninterrupted operntiou of the farm: and relies upon the obtaining of n large number of bands, or a eang, as it is term . ed, whenever any gr?ut job is to be accomplished, that he may be enabled to effect it at onco and at the smallest expense. Under thee. circumstances, he applies to a gang master, as he is termed, who contracts for its execution, and through whom the poor laborers must find employment, if they find it at all, and upon whose terms tbey mut work or Ml no work. The gang master has them, then, completely in his power, taking care to provid. well for himself in his own commissions, which must, of course, lie deducted from the wages o the laborers, and subjecting them at pleasure to the most despotic and sever" conditions. It is not optional with these poor creatures to ay whether they will work or not, but whether tbey will. work or die they have no other resource change their condition they cannot contract separately for their labor they cannot, because the farmer confim s his contracts to the gang master; and we may infer frt ni the report of the commissioners laid before the Government, that the system is one of oppression, cruelty and plunder, and in every respect leading to gro-s immoralities. The distance to which these laborers go is often as much as five or six miles, and this usually on foot, and to return at night. Children and girl- are compelled to go these distances, and consequently must rise very early in the morning, and r ach home at a very late hour at night. GirN and boys, and younir men and women, work indiscriminately together. To talk of moraU iu such a case is idle. I am not disposed to oject to tbe employment of women in some kinds of agricultural labor. The: employment of them in indiscriminate labor is liable to the most serious objections. Nothinir can be more itnimatiuir. und in it way more baulirul. than, on a tin ' clear day. when the colden and waving har. vest is ready for the sickle, to ce, as I have several times seen, a party of moro than a hundred women and girls entering tiie ficld.riitliug tbe grain, or binding it tip after tho reapers. In cultivating Ihe turnips tbey are also extremely expert. In lending and inak ing bay, and iu various oilier agricultural labors, IStcy carry tl.eir end of the yoke even; bill in loading and leading out dung, and especially, as 1 have seen them, in carrying broken limestone iu buckets on their heads to be put in the kilns, and in bearing heavy loads of coal from the pits, I have felt that their strength was unnaturally taxed, and that, at least in their cases, they were quite out of "woman's sphere." I confess, likewise, that tny gallantry has often been severely tried, when I have seen them at the inns acting as ostlers, bringing out the horses, and assisting in changing the roach team, while the coachman went into the inn to try the strength of the ale. When one looks here, daily and hourly, upon the thousands and millions in Ireland, Kngland and Scotland of unprotected, uncared for, squalid, neglected, half-clad, half-fed, reckless, suffering children and young perons,growing up iu this country of established churches and institutions called Christian of arts the most polished, of learning the most cultivoted. and ofa wealth and luxury transcending even the wildest dreams of avarice: and reads in the ever-turning page of their certain history, their sure progress from the cradle to the street, from the street to crimes so enormous, so extraordinary, as to make one's head grow dizzy at the recital, and one's hair to stand on end with fright, and from these crimes to the prison, and from the prison te the transport ship or to the gallows; tho benevolent heart is ready to burst wi'.h grateful Joy to ee any green spot in the desert, to perceive even one lrnd pliick d from the burning, even one unconscious or struggling victim rescued from tl.c descending and overwhelming current. A state of Sonlh Carolina slavery, as far a physical comforts of the laliorer are concerned, has many ad vantage over this. Fellow citizens, I have detained you longer than I intended- There is a work for you to perform. Constitutional liberty, free institutions, and the hopes of mankind depend upon the put we play in the trying ordeal through which we are pissing. To us our fathers bequeathed the richest legacy ever ojiven to man. Shall we preserve this inheritance, or will we in our madness and zeal for a degraded and inferior race, leave to our children not a constitutional Union, but a military despotism? All that 1 have, all that 1 am, all that 1 expect to be. all my hopes in the future tire bound up in the faithful maintenance of the Constitution as it is and the restoration of the Union as it was; nnd if we are but true to ourselves, these objects 81 be accomplished. We shall again sec the wandering stars in their wonted places in our Klitical firmament, and the ship of State will again ride proudly on a smooth and placid sea. Let us aid in filling up our armies, so that the armed rebellion may be suppressed. Let our civil authorities demonstrate that the Government will, as it has in the past, protect all and every interest, and that its powers shall not be wielded for the injury or destruction of any right of ierson or protierty. but that as in days gone by, it will in the future dispense its blessings, like the dews of Heaven, to all alike. Pursue this polity, and all will yet be well. I thank you for the kind reception and patient heariuo oiven me "Butternuts." There was a family of genuine "Butternuts" in this place a few days ago. It consisted of a husband, wife, aud six ciiilJren, and a sorrel (or Butternut-colored) mare. Three of the children rode on the marc, which also carried the baggage of tho family, consisting of a ba; of rags, apparently. This family was from Sullivan ctMml, ijitfl Tennessee, which they had left six weeks previously, searching some spot where they could live in peace under the stars and stripes. Tbe father loved the Union, and had been wailing for many weary months for the arrival of tbe Union army in East Tennessee, but they came not. He then determined to go where to be a Union man was not a crime, and he came to Indiana. It is true his scanty clothing, as was that of his wife ami little ones, was of the Butternut hue. Broadcloth, silk, and raoir antique, were unknown names in that famiiy. But, think you, reader, that these poor East Tenuesseeans loved the Union less because their jeans and linseys were dyed with the humble butternut? We don't. Shame on the newspaper or pnrtv which would make overly or simplicity a reproach, or color of the coat a test of loyalty. N. A. Ledyer. Fiendish Outrahe On Sunday night, 28th ult., a most fiendish outrage was jierpetrated in Gibson county. On ihat night, about 9 o'clock, two men called at the residence of a Mrs. Humphries and inquired for a Mrs. Woods and a Miss lilackard, (who were staviug temporarily with Mrs. H.,) saying that Mr. Woods and Mr. Black anl, who are in the army, had arrived at Mr. W.'s home that evening very sick, and deshed that Mrs. W. und Miss B. should come to them immediately. Mrs. Woods was exiectiiig her husband home! yet the action of ihose men, who could not be induced to come into tbe house, and who she did not recognize, caused her to hesitate about go ing, but finally the desire to meet her husband overcame her fears, and she concluded to go. Not having any horses of their own, Mrs. W. nnd Miss B. got up behind these fiends on their horses. They started off. and after getting out of hearing from -tny house they turned into the woods, where, by threatening the lives of the ladies with drawn knives, and by using force they succeeded in vio lating their persons; after which they left them to find their way home. The ladies were bruised and choked in n most brutal manner. Tbe villains thus far have escaped arrest. Death should be the penalty for such a crime New Albany Ledger. The Democracy of 8tark county will hold a convention on Saturday, the 16th inst., to nominate candidates for county offices.

WEEKLY SENTINEL.

lOIXDAY Al dil ST II Tiie 5 mini it utiiMt be preserved. -J. i , Democratic Union State Ticket. FOE SECRETARY Of KTATR, JAMES S. A THON, Of Marion County. TOR AUDITOR or STATE, JOSEPH RISTINE, Of Fountain County. FOR TREASURER OF STATE, MATTHEW L. BRETT, Of Daviess County. FOR ATTORN ET GLNKRAL, OSCAR B HORD,' Ot Decatur County. FOR 81'PKRI NTENOKNT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, SAMUEL L, RUGG, Of Allen County. I he Npcecli of Carlilc at t In- irfaaa Convention. We publish in this issue the speech of Hon. J. S. Carlile, at the Mass Convention of the 30 th July. We call especial attention to the speech of Mr. Carlile. The Republican disunion organs denounced it as disloyal. We challenge them to find a sentiment in it which does not breathe loyalty to the Constitution and the Union and indicate the highest devotion to tbe best interests of the people. The only objection which that class can successfully urge against the effort of Mr. Carlile is that be has no sympathy with tbe party doctrines and partisan measures of tbe Republican party. Tbe speech of the Sennalor from Western Virginia ranks him among the foremost statesmeu of the country. It is an intellectual etfort of tbe highest order. None of the truly great men of tlTe nation, past or present, have stated and illustrated the doctrines or principles they were advocating with more clearness and logical force. And no one can rise from its perusal without the conviction that the speaker fully understood the questions he discussed, and that the policy be advocated is the only one which presents any hope for the maintenance ot the Constitution as it is and the restoration of tlu Union as it was the preservation of the institutions which have made us a great, prosperous and free people. The speech of Mr. Carlile should have, as it doubtless will, a wide circulation, and an influence for good, if reason and truth, not passion or prejudice, are yet to control the actiou of the people. A Tüii) Speech. Mr. Sennott recently delivered speech in Boston, which has the ring of the true metal. In striking contrast are the utterances of our Governor iu a late speech in Cincinnati. Mr. Sln.nott is the same man who took his carpetbag in band, and went down to Virginia to insist that John Brown should have a fair trial, and to vindicate the right of free speech upon the soil of the Old Dominion. There, as iu Boston, be boldly illustrated what he conceived to be the right of every American citizen. Governor Morton takes his caret sack in baud and goes down to Cincinnati to make a speech to an im mense assemblage of freemen. Mark the difference between the true and the timid man. S: -caking of tbe duty to sustain the Government, the Governor, according -to the Cincinnati Commcr tbd, said: We sometimes hear the question asked, will you deny the right of private judgment the right of a man to examine and criticise the acts of the Government? 1 say certainly not, but we must always consider ;he circumtauces surrounding us. There is a lime for all things, a time to laugh, to mourn, to criticise, and a lime to hush our dissatisfaction, aud come together as one man. Aud in the same spirit occurs the following sentiment: The theory of republican government is that the majority shall govern, and that the miuority shall submit. We cannot carry ou Republican Government ou auy other principle. But that is not all. The power or right to govern spriugs from the Constituiion, and that same instrument guards and protects with as sacred care the rights of minorities as those of majorities. "The majority shall govern," only in subservience and within the limits of the Constitution, aud "the minority shall submit" only when such is the government of the majority. It is evident that iu miking these strong, unqualified declarations, the Governor was a little beyond his depth, but as he rises in the scale of statesmanship he will, perhaps, be better able to comprehend the theory of republican government. This, we believe, is a Government of the teoplf, or it is so professedly. The Federal Government is not Lincoln's Government, nor the Government of Indiana Morton's Government. They have neither legislative nor judicial functions. The duties of tiie President and i .e Governor are simply executive. They are bound to support the Constitution and faithfully excute the laws. In performing that duty honestly they are enlitled to the sympathy and cordial support of every good citizen. The Governor says there is "a time to criticise and a time to hush our dissatisfaction," and intimates that this is the time that the citizen should cease to criticise officials and the tu to hush dissatistactioi . That is aping Louis Napoleon und Francis JosEPn a little too closely it is but the adoption of an exploded dogma "that the King can do no wrong." Let such a doctrine as this be adopted, then our free institutions would be but "a sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal" the form might remain, but the spirit, the life, would be gone. What curbs unhallowed ambition what tbe most powerful restraiut upon official corruption what influence that keeps the public servant within the limits of the Constitution aud the line of duty: Is it not the responsibility of the official to the people a. id their verdict by ctiticism and dissatisfaction upon his public acts? It is the constant review and criticism of the acts of those in power thai gives health to the body politic. The right of private judgment and fieedom of speech is the very life of our political system. In war, as well as in peace, the right to criticise and express dissatisfaction with the nets of public officers, should be freely exercised. Must the people be dumb when thieves, it has been proven, are robbing the public treasury? Must the voice of the people be hushed if a President from want of ability, energy or will fails in the discbarge of bis duty? If our Generals in the field, either Irom incompetejey or treachery, fail in their duty, permit our army to be overwhelmed aud the enemy to triumph, must the voice of ihe people be stopped? God forbid! We are not afraid to trust the popular instincts. The voice of the people is the voice of God. They seldom err. No honest man need fear their unbiassed iudgment. O aala aBaaaua Tiie Pretended tresetitinent of the Grand Jury. Ou Monday last the Journal contained what purported to fie a presentment of the Oram) Jury, alleging the grave crime of treason against certain persons, said to be citizens of Indiana. That pretended presentment is supposed to be a fraud or fiction, from the fact that each member of the Grand Jury of the United States Courts solemnly swears or affirms that the counsel of the State, his own and his fellows, shalt be kept a secret, unless called upon to make the disclosure in a court of justice. This oath would necessariy preclude any juror from making any disclosure of any testimony taken before the jury, unless as a witness in a court of justice. Not believing that any Grand Juryman would perjure himself by making disclosures from which he is prohibited by solemn

oath, under the pains and penalties of perjury, are constrained to believe and pronounce the pretended presentment of the Grand Jury as published in the Journal of Monday last, a base fabrication or forgery. We append, in vindication of what we have said, the oath which each Graud Juror takes when entering upon the discharge of bis duty as such: OATH TO FOREMAN OF GRAND JURY. You do solomnly strear or effij-m, that, saving yourself and fellow jrore, you, as foreman of this grand inquest, shall diligently inquire and true presentment make, of all such matters and things as shall be given you in charge, or other

wise come to your knowledge, touching the pres Ant curi'irnand vour fellow: uou shall keeo secret, unless called on in a court of justice to make disclosure You shall present no one through malice, hatred, or ill will, nor shall you leave anv person unprepresented through fear, favor, or affection, or for or.tr ,ou r,, ) w . i .n m 1 Ä Kit icnaiu im iiv'-c uicicui, um 111 nil hiui IV-

sentments you shall nreseut the truth, the whole I 7m Vy,1"M' 1 enexe tiie Aumimsiratruth, nnd nothing but the truth, according to ! Vj'" h"Ve '' nd Pop to reinforce the best of your skill and understanding; and ! Ciellan but ra her to send Popetow.nls K.cbthis vou do a. you will answer to God at the """ld 'n Z f 9 an? W i I ..if, litnwl' 1 I A I Via ......... .. .. w . 1 .... ... V.

Great Day, or under the pains and penalty of perjury. THE LIKE TO THE tiRANO Jl'RO&S. You and each of vou dosolemnlv swear or aflM, that the same oath that A. 13., your fore man, hath now taken, before you, on his part, you and each of you shall well aud truly observe MM keep on your respective parts, and tins vou do, as you shall answer to God at tlte Great Day, or under the pains and penalties of perjury. Addres to the People. In compliance with the request of tbe Mass Convention of tbe 30th of July, the tbe Democratic State Central Committee have prepared an ! address to the people of Indiana upon the mo mentous crisis in our public affairs, the publication of which we commence this morning. It discusses the issues now occupying the attention of the people dispassionately, and with the single purpose of promoting the public welfare. We trust the appeal to tbe sober thought of the people will be read and considered by every citizen. The Last Week fur Volunteering. Thh Government has determined upon drafting to raise the soldiers that may be needed here after, therefore the sjstem of volunteering will close this week. This announcement has induced thousauds to enlist who do not desire tc occupy the position of being forced into the service of their country. Up to the 16;ii inst., volunteers will be accepted, ami c presume the publication of this fact will induce all who are able to promp.ly come forward and exhibit their patriotism by voluntarily enrolling themselves in the armies, aud for the cause of the Union. There is already a disjiosition manifested by the volunteers to regard with disfavor, if not with contempt, the drafted mcu, or forced soldiers. This antipathy will probably spread throughout the whole army, and may lead to unpleasant collissions between the two classes. There is no reason why the drafted soldier should not fight as zealously ami effectively as the volunteer. There are tens of thousands of good citizen who are so situated that they do not feel it to be their duty to voluuteer, but who, when no choice is left them, will as cheerfully serve their country as those who voluntarily took up arms. Certainly such men should not be looked upon with distrust or disfavor. There is a duty to family which men can not lightly throw off, but when that obligation is relieved, they will prove as gallant and faithful in whatever field of duty they may be placed, as the most zealous now in the service of their country. Illinois ail Kight. It is glorious news that comes to us from Springfield, that eight hundred enmpnnies have already been tendered to the Adjutant General under the recent calls of the President. These companies, numbering eighty four men each, give an aggregate of sixty-seven thousand two hundred men. At this rate, there will be no necessity for any draft in this State, and it is stated that the Adjutant General has applied to the Government for authority to accept volunteers for nine months ui der the last call of the President. It will be granted, of course. Illinois is indeed a noble Suite. If all the loyal Slates should do likewise, what an exhibition ot National power would it be. Chicago Times. That's doing nobly. Indiana, under the recent calls of the President, has already raised about fifteen thousand volunteers, and it is thought that this week nearly as in any more will voluntarily enlist iu thcf.ervice of the Government. To prevent the necessity of a draf t, we understand that two citizens from the 7th Con gressional District, deputed for that purpose, offered to raise two regiments of volunteers in as short a time as . u , . . , ... . . ., r, it could bo done bv drafting, but the Governor fr refused to entertain the proposition. His objections, we believe, were that drafting bad been determined upon, and he was anxious that a , . , . . ,, . , , , . certain class should he compelled to shoulder toe mu.ket who could not be reached by any other j method. A similar proposition was made from J the 5th District, which was also rejected for like ... . . , reasons. e presume me trovernor is uesirous of reaching the (Quakers and other blatant noucombatant Abolitionists, who are fierce for the vigorous prosecution of the war for lhe abolition of slavery, provided they are net called upon to undergo the hardships and dangers of the field. What We 'titM .t Forget! lu the last speech of Douolas, delivered in the Wigwam nt Chicago, he gave utterance to the following sentiments. The men who are now traversing the country, appropriating the memory of his great name and influence to advance their selfish purposes, and whom he would have spurned from him if he had lived, are careful to avoid ail reference to the objects w hich he said should animate the Government ami eople in the prosecution of the war, and the manner in which it should be conducted. Douglas thus illustrated his patriotism and his humanity: War does exist. It is a sad thought to every patriot. War civil war must be recognized as existing iu the United States. We may no longer close our eyes to that solemn fact. This Gov-

ernmeiit must be maintained, lhe enemies of the the beeret a ry o' War. Muw I occupy a (osition country overthrown, and the more stupendous that enables me to believe at least these two geuaud overwhelming our preparations, the less tlemeii are not nearly so deep in the quarrel as bloodshed and the shorter the struggle. j some presuming to be their friends Cries of But, my countrymen, we must remember that , "Good.'' Gen. McCleilau's attitude is such that there are certain restraints upon men's actions in ! in the very selfishness of his nature be cau not time of war. We must never forget that we are but wish to be successful, and I hope he will, and a civilized and Christian people, and that the war the Secretary of War is precisely in lhe same

must be prosecuted for the purposes and in the mode recognized by Christian nations. There must not be a war waged against the constitutional rights of any people on eatth, nor must it be waged ngaiust women and children and ii.no cent persons. Savages must not be let loose, nor the horrors of indiscriminate destruction encourr.ged. I say to you, I will uever santion such acts of warfare upon the rights of others, but I will beseech and implore my country men never to lay down their arms until they recognize our constitutional rights. Special corroKpondeiice of the Chicgo Times. From Washington. 9 Prohabh Moeements of the Armirs of McClellan and lopr Impracticability of the Ooerlamd J , , Route to Richmond -The Demands of the Vo pie that the War shall be for the Restoration of tlte Union Beginning to be Heard The Right of the People to Criticise the Acts of their Public Servants Mr. Lincoln as a Strategist. Wasiiinoton, August 5. A report is quite prevalent here to day that orders have been sent to General McClellan to evacuate his present position at Harrison's Land ing and retire to Fortress Monroe. Whether true or uot, the report has no doubt originated in the kuowledge of the extremely critical condition of his little army a condition known far more accurately ny me enemy man dv people nere. a month ago I stated that the position did uot afford a suitable base of operations against Rich mond, and that fact is now tardily admitted by the Administration orgaus. The New York 7i'mr of yesterday says, editorially: "It will be quite impossible for Mr. Clellan to advance from

it against Rkhmond, even with a largely aaj;mented force." The reason of this is, that during the month that has elapsed since McClellau arrived there, while our Administration has done nothing of any account to help McClellan, the rebels on their part have been working like beavers They have finished the work on tbe cordon of forts aud intreuclitnetits which had been commenced in positions so as to completely t-ur round their capital. These forts are said on good authority to be twenty -eight in number, and to resemble the forts around Washington If this is true, the defenses of the retel capital are as strong as those of our own. While doing this, they l.ave been erectiug batteries all along tiie James rivet, in the Potomac river style, and building ironmailed steamers at Richmoud; while their troops,

in great force, now surround McClellan on all ' . No Ww."der Mr:. Baymoud adds, "His oosition is one whose availability lor the purixise for I T" UUJ ,s 0", u,e " Bore tl.an I TJa. düU1U conv,cUon of ' lhe lrut T thfcM! fi,cte ,,,.at haTe e,v" nse to th i "5' V UICIUHMIt!. L . .. II T I T ft. -tf a a j on the map, but I am satisfied it will prove the most impracticable route of the two. The distance from Washington is 150 miles. The army would have to march with both flanks exposed, and with its rear unprotected, since it would be impossible to keep that long distance guarded. The place where McClellan is now is only nineteen miles from Richmond. We still have the 1 use of James river. How much easier, then, it would be, instead of withdrawing McCiellan, to reinforce him by Pope's army, and, by taking Richmond, practically end the war at once by a brilliant coup. The secret of tbe whole matter really is, however, that some timid souls here believe the bugbear stories about the designs of the rebels against Washington, and have persuaded Mr. Lincoln that the capital is realiy iu danger, And hence, no matter what becomes of McClelI ni's army, Pope and bis force must be kept as a shield between us here and the rebels at Gordonsviile. It is said, by the way, tbat Gen Ewell is fortifying the railroad junction at Gordousville, so as to make it a second Manassas. Its geographical position is much like that of Manassas, the Rapidan river taking the place of Hull Run; while, in a military view, it is a position of much greater importance. The indications now are, that a turning point in the history of the war has been reached, from which will be dated a new order of tilings. The Abolitionists have bad fulll swing for a while, but they have now reached their limit. There are gentlemen now in this city from the border States, from the mid-lie States, and from the West, who are making such representations to the President in regard to the state of feeling all over the country as may well cause tie Administration to pause in its mad career of making slaves of white men in order to free the blacks. The key-note of this leeling was struck hy Mr. Sennott in his eloquent speech iu the Gordon case in Boston, and by Gov. Wickliffe. of Kentucky, and Senator Carlile, of Virginia, in their speeches in the Indiana Democratic State Convention a few days ago. The people of the country will spend their lat dollar, aud pour out their blood like water, to sustain a war for the restoration of the Union and the supremacy of the Constitution. But, if the war is to fie waged for the emancipation of the negro if innocent women and helpless children are to be made its victims if savages are to be let loose iu a wonl, if the war is to be waged iu such a manner as to make the restoration of the Union impoasible, it will have to be stopped, for there are not men enough in the North to cany on a war for the destruction of the Union. These are the representatioiis tbat are now being made to the President. The American people arc not yet slaves. They still retain the right to speak free ly their sentiments. They understand fully the distinction between the Government ot t!ie country and the persons charged with the administration of that Government. They know that they are the supreme power in the State tli.it they are Ihe sov -eigns that they are the Government. The members of the Admiuistralion are their servants, and their creatures, made what they are by the people, and liable to be unmade by the same power. They are responsible to the people, and the people mean to ho'd tbe Administration strictly accountable for the destruction of the Union, if they permit it to be destroyed. The people will never abandon the right to criticise the acts of their public servants They do not recognize in Mr. Lincoln a military dictator, as some of his flatterers call him. They will fight for him as long as he sunds firmly upon the Constitution. Hut the moment he departs from that said instrument, that moment the people will desert bim. I think Mr. Lincoln comprehends this, and wiTT shape bis conduct accordingly. On the 15th of June, McClellan, who was then only five miles from Richmond, telegraphed to the President that his left wing was strong enough to make the final assault upon the rebel capital, but thai he lud not troops enough ou his right, and to protect his line of communications, and begged tbat troops for that service be sent at once. Embarked .it Wahiugtou or Baltimore, they could have reached him by way of Fortress Monroe iu two days. The President replied that he would send McDowell's troops to him over land! But he never sent them either bv land or water ) McClellan telegraphed back that, j coming by that route, McDowell could not reach ' him in time to be ot any use; that he (McClelI lau) was ready to attack Richmond now, and , , , (J. ... . would do so if imojis could be .etil by water iu , time to guard bis rear. To this the President never replied . A week afterwards, bowever.be wrote to McClellan that he bad just heard from an intelligent contraband that 15,fKI0 rebel troops , , . . , ... , , ... . - Jackson, and that this was equivalent to sending him reinforcements to that amount! Do the annals of history furuish an examole of stupidity equal to that? Th a is the way Mr. Lincoln conducted the campaign. 'resident's L.iiiroiu' Speech at the War M-'iriirln Wanlungion. Fellow citizens: I believe there is no precedent lor my appearing before you on this occasion, applause but it is also true that there is no precedent lor your being here yourselves; applause :ini laughter; and 1 offer, iu justification of myself and ot you, that upon examination 1 have found nothing in the Constitution against it. Renewed applause I, however, have an impression that there are young genllemen who will entertain you better, Voices "No, no, none can do better ill m yourself; goon; and better address your understanding than I will or could, and thus 1 propose to detain you but a moment longer. Cries "Go on! Tar aud feather the rebels!" I am very little inclined on auy occasion to say anything ui.less 1 hoie to produce some good by it. TA voice "You do that, go on." The j only thing 1 thiuk of just now, not likely to be better said by sum1 oue eise, is a matter in which we have heard some olhcr persons blamed lor what I did myself. Voices "What is it?" Theie has been a vcrv wide spread attempt to 'have a quarrel between General McClellan and j mind. It the military commander in the held cm not ne successful, uot only the Secretary of War, but myself, for the time being the master of them both, cau not be Out failures. Laughter and applause I know that General McClellan wishes tube successlul, and 1 know he does not wish it any more than the Secretary of War for him, and both of them together no more than I wish it. Applause and cries of Good." Sometimes we have a dispute about how many men General McClellan ha- had. and those who would disparage him say he has had a very large number, and in would disparage lhe Secretary of War insist that Gen. McClellan has had a very small number The basis for this is, there is alwavs a wide difference, and on this 1 perhaps a wider one. between the grand total on t i i -ill .. . tl i . i. . 11.- ; . r.. i -"' "i dutv; and those who would disparage him, talk , o ,,e d U)Ux OI, hmJ those who would disparage the Secretary of VN nr, talk of those at present tit tor duty. (ten. McClellau has some times asked for things that the Secretary of W ar did not give him. General McClellau is not to ! blame for asking for what he wanted and needed, i and the Secretary of War is not to blame for not giving when lie had none to give; applause, laughter, and cries of "Good, good!" and I say here, so far as 1 know, the Secretary of War has withheld no one thing at any lime in my power to give him. Wild applause, and a voice, "Give him enough now!" 1 have no accusation againat j him I believe he is a brave and able man appiausej auu i siaou nere, as justice require me to do, to take upon myself what has been charged on the Secretary of War, as withholding from him. I have talked longer than I expected to do Cries, "No no goon" and now I avail myself of my privilege of saying no more.