Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 10, Indianapolis, Marion County, 28 July 1862 — Page 1

1HE INDIANA STATE EL vol. xxn, no. 10. INDIANAPOLIS, IND., MONDAY, JULY 28, 1862. WHOLE NO. 1,203.

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SI NT IN

WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL.

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T1LFORT, President Indianapolis Journal Company THE JDJTILTST SETSTTUSTEIL Will he ent by mail express to subscribers at any : for fifty cents a month, or six collars a year. All i invariably in advance iiure--ELDER. HARKNESS, A BIN' '.HAM. rlfctrU ftlisrcllan. A C PIT A I. BPBBC11. . Drfeise af the Drmecmtic Congretsinnal Addresa and an Fxpose of the r I : i. ihe Presenl rongreii. The following is the speech of Hon W. A. Richabdson, of Illinois, in the House of Representatives, Jul? 7, 1p62: A short time ago some fifteen gentlemen is sued an address over their own signatures through the public press to the people of the United Sutes. That address lias provoked a great deal of controversy and Ims been assailed with great violence. It h is disturbed the peace of mind ot many gentlemen upon this floor, caused them sleepless nights. They have fretted away thei. hours here in assaults upon it. Their assertions in opposition to that address do not rise to the dignity of reason, but descend to the contemptible resort of those who can not reply to mi argument, and therefore are driven to ribaldry and abuse. In this esse, members in opposition to the doctrines contained in that address, have singled out some one whose name is attached to it; find fault with some opinions which he doe or does not entertain, or some pretended speech of his, swear he is the author; that all of bis sjfceches which were uever tuade, or those opinions that were never entertained, are .covertly aud secretly in that address and that the public should be guarded against it, because of these supposed things. That address is nothing more or less than a complication of the opinions and views of some of the most eminent men that have adorned this country. For th views I am responsible. In the anxiety of the "shoddy" politicians to assail that address, the other objection to it is that it does not denounce the rebellion and abuse the rebels. Each thought and section of that docu ment is for the preservation of the Constitution, for the maintenance of law, tor constitutional liberty. If the Constitution is preserved and the law maintained, the rebellion will be put down, for it is in violation ot both and destructive of each. If the rebellion could be put down by denunciation, the Abolitionists and those who are engaged in plundering the treasury in and out of Congress, would have accomplished this work long ago. They have exhausted the vocabulary of invective and exhausted the subject, but by these means have won no victories nor accomplished any beneficial results. They have done no more towards success, but as much, I grant, as the Chinese do towards victories when in war they beat gongs to scare and make faces to terri fw their adversaries. The plunderer of the public treasury is the loudest in words to denounce rebellion and the boldest in professions of loyalty. It is cheap and safe service, and in every country he is readv to perform it. The walls of Jericho were overthrown by the ' blowing of r im - bonis, but history furnishes no ' other instance of warfare carried successfully on by such means. Certain it is, this rebellion can not be put down by denunciation. It can not be bellowed down. It must be put down by armies, J with the sword, by the bayonet, by battles, and by siege. Skill in the officers, endurance, cour- ; age, drill, discipline among the men, are neces j sary to its overthrow. Ail the men, all the money that was aked for, and more, have been freely given to the President. He has had millions of men from whom to select commanders. He has j the power to make and unmake Generals. If the j rebellion has not been cru-hed sooner the misfor MM is not chargeable to the failure of the Demo cratic Address to deuounce the rebellion and the rebels. But, sir, another objection is made of a very singular character. A gentleman from M-tssa chusetts objects to any restoration of the Demo- ; cratic party to power, because, be says, it would j bring back the Buchanan men into place, and i ho have been condemned by a strong and correct public opinion. (I quote from memory, and Ml the words of the gentleman, but the substance and meaning ) I propose to look a little into this matter. Elsewhere it has been said that this ad die-s was a Buchanan movement. During the caiiv.. of 1-fsl the supporters of Lincoln aud Breckinridge were very complimentary, if not j cordial toward each other. The Lincolnm an said, "I am a Republican, and consequently I am opposed to both wings of the Democracy; but the true Democratic ground is that slavery had the right to go everywhere, if the Constitution protects it any where. You Douglas men are wrong in calling yourselves Democrats at all, for you de not pretend u dele.iJ slavery; and to be a Democrat is tobe in favor of slavery." The j Breckinridge man would Hay, "There are but two I puniest, die Democratic aud the Republican; the Administration and those opposed to it. If! we ever quit the Democratic party, we go into the ican; weoppoe all -uch doctrines as thoe ; tm.i K. Mm rV I 1 I :r .1.- L. ' aJvocated by Mr. Douglas." And if the spe.ker happened to live a little otiih of Mason's and Dixoi 's line, be would go into a glorification of Uie isBiuties and glorie of slavery, and denounce D as a worse Abolitionist than Hale or Suiirtier or H 4 lings. I hus things stood at the ele- ti n of lc6. We were routed at every peart; Mr. Lincoln triumphantly and ronsti totiutially elected The camp followers of Buchanan, of course, looked out for themselves They wer not Democrats from conviction. Thev are the "place men," waiters on Providence Th gret body of Ute Breckinridge party North neei intended to he D m cratic organixi rayed into hostility to the i The leaders intended ' a But, sr. it is strange to hear this ob c ome from any Republican that Buchanan men should never again be called to office Who is the present Secretary of War, and what have lieeti his political associations and antecedents? Fresh from Buchanan's Cabinet, he has been c iiled into that of Mr. Lincoln, next to the Pres idem the most important position now in this ro.iiHM With energy, aud doubtless some abil ity. he sets himself rapidly to work to scatter our armies under different commanders, so that a massed corps) of rebels under Jackson of twenty a or thirty thousand men defeats three divi si his f our irmv nn!eT .in msny ffeneruN, hold"

in check sixty thousand men, and then aids in de feaiing a fourth division at Richmond. Mr. Cam pi -el I I would inquire what four ar

mies have been whipped? Mr. Richardson Fremont, banks. Shields, and I fear McClellan's army had the worst of the fight before Richmond. The Secsetarv introduces the Austrian war tactics which Napoleon explo- 1 ded long ago, and made their failure so plain that ' every schoolboy had learned it. These four divisions of our army were and are so scattered, th.u no two of them can co operate together, and when the great battle at Richmond took place, j three divisions which should have aided to win it were inactive, and not in a situation to aid in any particular The future may reveal the wisdom of this strategy; at present it is not perceptible. I The rebel comman.Ier could not have arranged : more advantageously for himself, and more dis advantageously tor us, these divisions of the armv -than was dona Another of Buchanan's Cabinet, and one of the best, too. General Dix, has a division of the army intrusted to his management. One of the most servile of Mr. Buchanan. 's followers, and one of the most ardent of the supporters of Breckinridge, General Butler, has had intrusted to him another division of the army. He has gained more notoriety by his order at New Orleans than he has won fame by his sword. This General cast his vote forty-nine times at Charleston to make Jefferson Divis a candidate for the Presidency of the United States, and by his course there did more than any one else Ca leb Cusiiing always excepted to induce the Southern leaders to take the'first step in rebellion by leaving that Convention. General Shield, but recently in command of a division in Virginia, was another of Breckinridge's supporters The Chairman of the Breckinridge Central Committee, during the contest of 1 560. has an important command in the army in South Carolina. During that political contest. Judge Douglas, satisfied that he had no chance for success, and that Mr Lincoln wo-ld be elected, took the stump for a single purpose; that purpose was to produce accord and unanimity everywhere, that the person elected according to the Constitution should be inaugurated and administer the Government. His canvass during 1 refill had this purpose and none other. For the utteranceof these sentiments, Mr. Chairman Sievens characterized Judge Douglas as a "mountebank." Two provisional Governors have been appoint ed. One of them. Governor Johnson, was a warm.decided. unbending Breckinridge supporter; and for his election traversed the State of Ten nessee The Administration does not indorse the sentiment that Breckinridge men may not and should not be called to place and power. During the last campaign in the State of New York, D.uiiei S Dickinson was nominated and elected Attorney General bv the Republican party. He ' was one of the genuine Buchanan ami Breckin J ridge men. It is true he never held office by ap poiutmeut from Buchanan, but th was not his (Dickinson's) fault. He was,, in days gone by, a great worshiper of thofe now in rebellion. He j has expressed regret that he was not born in YirI ginia; and if you can call to a place as responsible as that of Attorney General of the Stale of i New York such a man, I think it does not be i come you to speak or write about Buchanan or ! j Breckinridge men here or elsewhere being called ! , to power, i ou would not hesitate a moment to j call Buchanan himself to any position in this country, if thereby you could advance your own j sei fisii ends and purposes. I have not alluded to these appointments to I civil and military offices, and to the election of j an Attorney General in New York for the pur pose of finding fault. I have no complaint to j make; none whatever; and if I had, it would be unavailing and useless. I do not complain, and : shall not. I have called attention to these ap-pointme-nts to relieve the address from an unjust imputation sought to be cast upon it. Sir, ;t is said the address meets with but little pSihlic favor; that it is not popular. About that we will see hereafter. It is what I conceived, as did each one who signed it, to be right and proper; that it asserted correct principles to guide our course It is the path of duty, and I shall endeavor to walk it. though I have to trudge it alone. Popular favor generally comes to correct con clusions sooner or late. On its march it often consigns the hero of to-day to exile to morrow. In passion it sometimes condemns to the block or scaffold the guilty and the innocent. Reparation for the wrong done to innocence is made in the page of faithful history. One other ground of objection is urged: that the address is guilty of the treasonable act of calling attention to the necessity of economy in public expenditures. It is true this is more by insinuation than by direct charges. It is iuti mated or insinuated, here and elsewhere, that no man is loval who complains of speculation or ex travagance in the expenditure of public money. I had supposed that the reoorts of the committee of this House, of the Senate, of the commission appointed by the President, composed as it was of men eminent for ability, integrity , and patriotism, was intended to suppress peculations upon the treasury, und that all men were doing a public service who aided in bringing the public mind to condemn such practices. From the course of de bate here, and trom the tenor of newspaper arti cles from the press in your interest, it seems that doubts are entertained of the loyally of men who expose and denounce larcenies from or frauds upon the public treasury. My young and eloquent friend from Indiana has been suspected because he had the audacity to charge lhat thefts had been committed upon the treasury, and that our expenditures were enormous each dav. ei ther t,e Demecratic address nor the speech of Mr. ooihees charges one half ot what is alleged by the Holt commission, the Van Wyck committee, by Republican members upon this floor, and in the Senate. Both here and in the Senate it has been said by Republican members and Republican Senators that we were in more 'Linger from those who were plundering the treasury than from the rebels in arms. Believing that it was wrong to plunder the pub lie money in this hour of my country's need, and that economy was necessary, I have said so, and still adhere to that opinion. I am grieved to .hink that all this ado on the part of Republicans about prodigality and to pre vent Iraud was a mere sham to deceive the pub lie. I confess I do not comprehend how wecan embarrass the Administration by exposing and 'enouncing fraud and peculation upon the treas ury. by bringing the GoTernmeut back to rigid economy. I had suppesed, until recently, that this was the proper way to aid the Administration, to help them put down the rebellion aud preserve the Government I am mistaken if you do not find this the true and indispensable policy to control your actions in future. There is one single other point to which I wish to allude, and I will then take my seat. It is ' said, both here and elsewhere, that no member is loyal wbo lid not support the tax bill as it pissed this House I am ready to defend lhat ; vo'e here or elsewhere; I feel no uneasiness upon that point. Today I might content myself ju de- j feuse by saying that, if the statements as to our indebtedness aud expenditures as made by the Secretary of the Treasury, by the gentlemen ; (Mr. Dawes and Mr Mcpherson) are true, we do not need the vast amount that will be ; raised under tbh bill. If the Secretary of the Treasury h-is not m ide a truthful statement in this regard, he should not have control of the amount, vast as it will be, which you propose to ' raise. But, sir, there existed reasons that were satisfactory to mv mind for the vote given, that I . .. . . . . . . .. , shall hereafter elaborate and only briefly allude i to now. The amendments made by the Senate in some respects greatly improved the bill, iu others made it more objectionable. The principle upon which ; the bill is base' is erroneous ana wrong bv your tariff as now arranged, and your tax bill as it passed this House, the support of the Government falls maiuly and .heavily upon the laborer and producer, not upon capital, which is capable to pay and should be made to pay. Under the ope ration of the tariff as it now exists, the poor laborer, with a dozen persons iu his familv, pays into the tretaury, indirectly, it is true, more than the richest man in New England. Under the tax bill as it passed this House, and against which I cast my vote, some persons in my dis trict will pay three limes as much into the treasury as the man worth his many millions iu the city of New York. Wealth, in great emer genciea like this, should pay the taxes, individu als fight Ihe battles. The burdens of the tax bill fall most heavily upon the section from which I come, and unequally upon persons residing there. The tax bill, as it passed this House, levied a lax on each hog slaughtered of ten cents; head of cattle fifty cents ; sheep, five cents, unless killed for domestic use. The census does nothow ihe number killed, but

the value. In 1860, in Illinois alone, the value of animals slaughtered was over fifteen millions. In the six New England States together the value was less than fifteen millions and a half. The entire lax upon this head would come from the j Not th west and none from the Eist Uuder the ' bill as it passed the House, the tax ujam policies I of insurance falls heavily upon us. Uimiii trunsfers of real estate, as that changes hands frequent i lv in new settled countries and in old settled ; communities the changes are but seldom the burden again is with us. I might occupy the j House in citing similar cases; one other is deem- I ed sufficient at this time Uuder the bill as it passed this House, you levied a duty of fifteen cents upon ech gallon of whisky manufactured, without regard to its value when manufactured.

In Illinois, we raise of corn nearly six times as in my bushels as you raise iu all New England together, and nearly three times as much as the six New England States together with New York; iu the six Northwestern States of Indiana, Illinois. Michigan, Iowa, Wisconsin and M unesota, about six times as much. A part of this is manufacured into whisky, and it finds a market at home and abroad; it is a cheap article, selling usuaJy at Irum twelve to twenty cents per gallon. lthe bill as it passed the House, no drawback was allowed for that sent abroad. The tax as fixed by this House destroyed the manufacture in the Northwest, aud would have driven into Cauada every manufacturer from that section . Sir, in the six Northwestern States that I have already named, with a population of over five million people, we have no member upon the Committee of Wavs and Means, while New Eng land, with a population of a little over three mil lions, luts two membe-s; New York, with a population of less than four million people, has two members ou that committee. The Committee of Ways and Means originate and report the tax aud tariff' bills, and I venture the assertion that where any tax is assessed ujion an article nuuufactured in New England, a duty etpjal to the tax is placed in the tariff' bill, so that the price maybe increased to the consumer, and thus the New England manufacturer be safe. I will add, sir, one thing more: All of New England's interests are particularly guarded; when tax is to be laid upon things in which they are particularly interested it is lightly touched. For instance, you levy a duty of three per cent, upon the dividends of insurance compauies, bank dividends, tie, and by your tax every hundred dollars' worth of tallow candles pays to the Government $4 50 tax, wl.ile one hundred dollars' worth of diamond pay only three dollars. Upon lager beer, as the bill passed the Housa, there was a tax of a dollar per barrel; upon piano fortes, four dollars apiece. A barrel of beer is worth about four dollars. The tax was twentv-five cents on the dollar; ou the piano forte one per cent, on the dollar, upon the average. As the law now exists, there is no duty upon pianos and fifty cents ukii the dollar's worth of lager. I might run this parallel through. It is not im srtant that I should do so now. It is said we can remedy w hatever of wrong there is in this bill at the next session of Congress. Indeed this is the prompt and ready reply when any measure is urged or passed to which objection is made. If wisdom in legislation is exercised, if just and necessary acts are, and unjust and unequal ones are made just and equal, we must ook to some future Congress. For oue. I have no hope from the present Congress, who have done so much mischief to the country, to civilization and to mankind.. I hope, I trust, I believe there is public virtue and intelligence enough among the people to repair iu some degree the errors and follies this Congress has committed. If there is not, the future ot our country is dark and gloomy enough. The Enliatment law. A Bill to amend the act calling forth (he militia to execute the lawj of the Union, suppress in surrections and repel iuvasiuns, approved Feb ruary 28, 1795, and the acts amendatory there of, and for other purposes. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Rrpreentatives of the United State of America in Congress assembled. That whenever the Presi dent of the United Sutes shall call forth the militia of the Sutes, to be employed in the ser vice of the United Sutes, he may specify in his call the period tor which such service will be re quired, not exceeding nine months; and the militia so called shall be musteret! in ai.d continue to serve for and duringthe term so specified, unless sooner discharged by command of the Presi dent. If by reason of delects in existing laws, or in the execution of them, in the several Sutes, or any of them, it shall be found necessary to provide for enrolling the militia and otherwise putting this act into execution, the President is authorized in such cases to make 11 necessary rules aud regulations; and the enrollment of the militia shall in all cases include all able bodied male citizens between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, and shall be apportioned among the States according to representative population. Stc. 2. And be it further enacted, That the militia, when so called tnio service, shall be organized iu the mode prescribed by law lor volunteers. Sic. 3. And be it further enacted, That the President be, and he is hereby authorized, in addition to the volunteer forces which he is now authorized by law to raise, to accep' the services of any number of volunteers, not exceeding one hundred thousand, as infaiitry, for a period of nine months, unless sooner discharged. And evei y soldier who shall enlist under the provisions of this section shall receive his first mouth's par, and also $25 as bounty, upon the mustering of his company or regiment into the service ot the United Sutes, for three years, or during the war, except in relation to bounty, shall be, aud the same are extended to, and are hereby declared to embrace the volunteers to be raised uuder the provisions of this section. Sec 4. And be it further enacted. That, for the purpose of tilling up the regiments of infantry now iu the United States service, the 1 'resident be, and he hereby is, authorized to accept the services of volunteers, in such numbers as may be presented for that purpose, for twelve months, if not sooner discharged. And such volunteers, when mustered into the service, shali be in all respects upon a footing with similar troops iu the United States service, except as to service bounty, which shall be $50, one half of which to be piid upon their joining their regiments, and the other hall at the expiration of their enlistment. Sec. 5. And be it Jurther enacted, That the President shall appoint, by ami with the advice and consent of the Senate, a Judge Advocate General, with the rank, pay and emoluments of a Colonel of Cavalry, to whose office shall be re turned, for revision, the records and proceedings of all courts martial and military commissions, and where a record shall be kept of all proceedings had thereupon. And no sentence of deatn or imprisonment in the penitentiary shall be car ried into execution until the same shall have been approved by the President. Sec. 6. And be it further enacted. That there may be appointed by the President, by and ith the advice and consent of the Senate, for e.ch army in the field, a Judge Advocate, wit-i the rank, pay a id emoluments, each, of a Major of cavalry, who shall perform the duties of Judge Advocate for tiie army to which tuey respectively belong, under the direction of the Judge Advocate General. Sue. 7. Andbeit further enacted, Thathereaf ter all offenders in tbe army charged with offenses now punishable by a regimental or garrison court martial, shall be brought before a field officer of his regiment, who shall be detailed for tbat pur pose, and who shall heir and determine the oftense and order tbe punishment lhat shall be in flicted, and shall also make a record of his pro- i ceedings and submit the same to the Brigade Commander, who, upon the approval of tbe proceedings of such field officer, shall order the ssme to be executed: Provided, That the punishment in such cases be limited to that authorized to be ; inflicted by r. regimental or garrison court mar- ' tial: And provided, further, That, in the event of there being no Brigade Commander, the profeelings aforesaid, shall be submitted for ap- j proval to the commanding offieerof the post. Sec. 8. And hi it further enactei. That all off! cers who have been mustered into the service of j the United Sutes as battalion Adjutants and Quartermaster of cavalry under the orders of the j War Department, exceeding the number author ' ized by law, saall be paid as such tor tbe time they were actually employed in the service of the i United Htates, and that all such officers now in service, exceeding the number as aforesaid, shall be immediately mustered out of the service of the United sutes Sec. 9 And be it farther enacted, That the President lie, and he is hete'iy authorized to establish and organize army corps according to his discretion

Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That each army corps shall have the following officers, jnd no more, attached thereto, who shall constitute the staff of the commander thereof: one assist ant adjutant general, one quartermaster, one commissary of subsistence, and one nssisunt inspector general, who shall bear, respectively, the rank of lieutenant colonel, and who shall be assigned from the army or volunteer force by the President Also, three aides de camp, one to bear the rank of major, and two to bear the rank of captain, to be appointed by the President, bv and with the advice and consent of the Setn.te,

upon the recommendation of the commander of the army corps. The senior officer of artillery in each army corps shall, in additiou to his other duties, act as chief of artillery aud ordnance at the headquarters of the corps. Sec. 11. And be it further enacted. That the cavalry forces in the erriet of the United Sutes shall hereafter be organized as follows: Each regiment ot cavalry shall have one colonel, one lieutenant colonel, three njors, one surgeon, one assistant surgeon, one egimenul adjutant, one regimenul quartermaster, one regimenul commissarv, one sergeant major, one quarter master sergeant, one commissary sergeant, two hospiul stewards, one saddler sergeant, one chief trumpeter, and one chief farrier or blacksmith, and each regiment shall consist of twelve com paniesaor troops, and easgattwpany or troop shall have one captain, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, aud one supernumerary second lieu tenant, oue first sergeant, one quartermaster ser geant.one commissary sergeant, five sergeants, eight corporals, two teamsters, two farriers or blacksmiths, one saddler, one wagoner and seventy eight privates; the regimenul adjuUnts, the regimental quartermasters, and regimental commissaries, to be taken from their respective regiments: Provided, That vacaucies caused by this organization aliall not be considered as original, but shall be filled by regular promotion. Sec. 12. And be it further enacted , That the President be. and he is hereby, authorized to receive into the service of the United States, for the purpose of constructing entrenchmen.s, or performing camp service, or any other lalxir, or any military or naval service for which thev may be found competent, persons of African descent, and such persons shall be enrolled and organized under such regulations, not inconsistent with the Constitution and laws, as Ihe President tiny prescribe. .tc 13. And be it further enacted. That when any man or boy of African descent, who, by the laws of auy State, shall owe se: vice or labor to any person who. during the present rebellion, has levied war or boinc arms against the United Sutes, or adhered to their enemies by giving them aid or comfort, shall re ider any such serrice as is provided for in the first section of this act, he, his mother and his wife and children, shall forever thereafter be fiee, any law. usage, or custom whatsoever to the contrary notwith standin? Provided, That the mother, wife and children of such man or boy of African descent, shall not be made free by the operation of this act, except where such mother, wife or children owe service or labor to some person who, during the present rebellion, has borne arms against the United Sutes, or adhered to their enemies by giving them aid or comfort. Sec. 14. And bf it further enacted, That the expenses incurred to carry this act into effect shall be paid out of the general appropriation for the army and volunteer. Stc. 15 And be it further enacted. That all persons who have been or shall be hereafter enrolled iu the service of the United Sutes under this act, shall receive the pay and rations now allowed by law to soldiers, according to their re spective grade: Provided, that persons of African descent, who. under this law, shall be employed, shall receive $10 per month one ration, $3 of which monthly pav may be in clothing. Sec. 16. And be it further enacted, That the Medical Purveyors and Storekeepers shall give bonds in such sums as tbe SecreUry of War may require, with security to be approved by him. Tbe .TIe ting of Conservative .Tlember of congre-Declaration of Principle!. Tbe following are the resolutions adopted at the meeting of conservative members of Congress, presided over by Mr. Chittenden, of Kentucky: Feeling the great weight of our responsibility as members of Congress, we l.ave met iu no par ty spi.'it nor for anv party p irpose, but for the purpose of deliberating and consulting together how we may best perform our constitutional duties in the present great and perilous crisis of our country's fate, and we have come to the following conclusions, viz: 1. Resolved. That the Constitution and the Union and the laws must be preserved and mainUined in nil their proper and rightful supremacy, aud that the rebellion now in arms against them must be suppressed and put down, and that :t is our duty to vote for all measures necessary and proper to that end. 2. That the true interests of the country, as well as the dictates of humanity, require that no more war, or acts of war, should be prosecuted or done than are necessary and proper for the prompt and complete suppression of the rebel lion. 3. l hat the States are component and essential parts of the Union, bound together inseparably by Ike Constitution of the United Sutes; that none of them can ceae to exist as such 6o long as that Constitution survives; and that it is the exclusive spheie and duty of the Sutes to order and direct their own domestic affairs. While th e relel I ion, therefore, has not annulled or destroyed the constitutional relations of the so called "se ceding Sutes" to the Federal Government, neith er has it divested those States of any rights or powers, municipal or otherwise, properly belonging to them as members of the Federal Union. The actual exercise of those rigl.ts and powers may for a time be interrupted or obstructed by rebellion, and some illegitimate authority, it maybe, substituted iu its place, but. so soon as that rebellion is suppressed, those Sutes will -tbe entitled as of right, to resume the exercise of all the nghu and powers, dignities and immunities, which properly belong to theui as Sutes of this Union. 4. That the present war. as avowed by the President and Congress and understood by the people, was commenced and prosecuted lor the pu-pose of suppressing the rebellion mid preserving and vindicating the Constitution, the Union, and the laws, and for that purpose ony. It was a great and noble purpose, high above any mere sectional or party objecU, and at once it inspired and united in iu support all loyal men of every creed, party and section. At the call of the Gov eminent a mighty army the noblest and most uti otic sprung at once into the field, and is bleeding and conquering in the defense of iu Government. Uuder these circumsunces it would, in our opinion, tie most unjust aud ungenerous to give any new character or direction to the w. r, for the accomplishment of any other than its first great purpose, aud especially for the accomplishment of any mere party or sectional scheme 5. That the many and great victories latelyachieved by our armies and navies, whilst they ought to convince the world of the vast militarypower of our Government, give us the pleasing assurance that our deplorable civil war will soou be brought to a close, should the proper objects of the war as hereinbefore defined be kept stead ily in view. When that in done, and r-hen nuch punishment is inflicted on such of the guilty leaders as will satisfy public justice, and Uion such others as have made themselves conspicuous for crimes committed in the prosecution of the rebellion, it is our opinion that our Government should adopt such wise measures of clemency as will tend to briug back cordial reconciliation and peace to the whole country. 6. That the doctrine of the secessionists and of the Abolitionists, as the latter are bow represented in Congress, are alike inconsistent with the Constitution and irreconcilable with the unity and peace of the country. The first have already involved us in a cruel civil war, and the others--the Aoolitiomsts will leave to the country but little hope of the speedy restoration of union or peace if the schemes of confiscation, emancipa tion and other unconstitutional measures, which they have lately carried and attempted to carry through the House of RepresenUtives, shall be enacted into the form of laws and remain unre buked by the people. 7. That Cougress has no power to deprive anv person of his property for any critniual offense, unless that person has been first duly convicted of the offense by the verdict of a jury, and that all acts of Congress, like those lately passed bv the House of RepresenUtives, which assume to forfeit or cm fiscal te the estates of men for offenses

of which they have not been convicted upou due trial by a jury, are unconstitutional, and lead to oppression and ty anny. It is no justification for such acts that the crimes committed iu the pros ecutiou of the rebellion are of unexampled atrocity, nor is there any such justification as "Sute necessity" known to our Government or laws. The Constitution affording ample powers for the preservation of the Government, and being alike ad ipted to a state of peace and of war, its restr actions are bindiug at all times and in all conditions of our country. 8. That the foregoing resolutions are in explanation and reaffirmation of the resolution passed at the extra session of the present Congress, known as the "Crittenden resolution," and which dec I a reo: "That this war is not waged on our part in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, por for the purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights of established institutions of those Sutes, but to defend and mainUin the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the U"ion with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several Sutes unimpaired; and that as soon as these objecU are accomplished, the w ar ought to cease." 9. That the Constitution confers powers adequate to all the purposes of peace and of war; that it is the same in war and in peace, on the battle field as in the halls of Congress, and ought to be sacredly observed everywhere and at all times; and the presumptious idea that has been advanced by some of the abolition leaders of Congress, that the existence of war invests Congress with despotic power, and of course does away with the Constitution, is a pretension as groundless as it is odious, aud is to be utterly condemned by every man who has any regard for his own liberty, or for the Constitution of his country. J. J. CRITTENDEN. President of the Meeting. S. S. Cox, Secretary of the Meeting.

A Question of cruelty. It is as common as the day for the Abolitionists here to urge that President Lincoln is heartily in favor of their destructive measures. Wendell Phillips says this in public; says in so many words that the President advised public meetings ill favor of emancipation, and said that when public opinion is ripe for it, he would issue a freedom proclamation. We heard him make these declarations. And Charles Sumner, in his "private letter," lately printed, endeavors to satisfy an Aboliiiou iiujuiier that the President is Aboliliou to the core! He gives this as from private conversation with him! He says specifically: "I am happy to let you know that he (the President) has no sympathy with Suuley in his absurd wickedness in closing the schools, nor again i.i his other acts of turning our camps into a hunting ground tor slaves. He repudiates both positively " This is a wicked misrepresenutiou by Sum-'tfei-. But passing this, let us look at such sUtenieul as a question of veracity. Does Mr. Sum ner speak truly as to the President's views? Is he warranted in speaking thus? Now it happens that while Sumner was writing his wretchedly nauseous letter. Gov. Suuley was making a patriotic and excellent speech at Washington, North Carolina, to the jeop!e gathered from seventeen counties who came within the Federal lines ou purpose to hear him the dinloyal as well as the loyal being, for two weeks previous, invited by public notice to hear him, and assured of protection. This made the meeting a marked occasion. At such a time, the accredited representative of the Government not of auy party but of tbe United States would be careful of his words. What be said, therefore, is authentic. Now . the great point that Gov. Stanley makes is, that President Lincoln and the Government mean to staud by the Constitution as it is; and over and over again he assured the people that the President "was no Abolitionist." As to the President's official declarations, Gov. Stanley's words are: "Has he not said over and over again that he had no constitutional right to emancipate the slaves?" As lo the President's feelings towards the South, Gov Stauley's words are: "Mr. Lincoln is no Abolitionist, lie is the best friend the South has got." As to himself, Gov. Stauley says: "I am no agent of abolition Generals. When required to be such, I will leave vou, and return with a heavy heart." These art. sentences spoken to representatives of seventeen counties of North Carolina. If the English language can do it. Gov. Stanley gave assurances that President Lincoln was not an Abolitionist, or not with Sumner in his mad schemes. Now, who is to be credited Charles Sumner or Edward Stanley? The one writes to the people of Massachusetts words which, if they have any meaning, coi vey the impression that Presi dent Lincoln is in favor of the emancipation potto- Edward Stanley tells the people of North Carolina that the President is no emancipationist, and that whenever he (Stanley) is called upon to carry out such a policy, he will leave the Sute. Mr. Sumner gets up in the Senate, presents the wildest vagaries, aud advocates the most sweep ing measures, and prates of their being constitutional! His last urging was to shut out Virginia because iu Constitution recognized slaves! Where does he get the power to mould the local institutions of the Sutes? There is no possible way that here he can, as lie so absurdly does on every occasion, lug in the "war power," "miliury necessity," that he prates about, but does not undersund; for Western Virginia is safe in the Union. It is a fund i mental principle acted on long before the Constitution, and interwoven into society, that domestic or local things are matters of local control. Slavery is a local thing, having relations, iu the communities that tolerate it, with all the social arrangements of society with labor, internal police, property yea, a thing of life and death. It is for the communities that have it to deal with it, though we may hope they will uke measures to remove slavery by gradual emancipation, yet we have no right to interfere with such communif.es. But Sumner practically disregards all this. He makes nothing of interfering in every way. And has the unblushing coolness to tell the people of Massachusetts that President Lincoln is ith him in his palpably uucoustitutioeal schemes Boston Post. From the New York Observer. Yt Let Her Drive. When the ship in which Paul was sailing towards Rome could not bear up into the wind, the writer of the narrative says "we let her drive." When the tempestuous wind called Euroclydon arose, and the help of man was vain, they left the vessel to the mercy of the elements, driving before the storm. They did what they could, even alter they let her drive. They "undergirtied the ship." They "struck sail." They ' used helps.-' They "lightened the ship," anil finally "cast out with their own hands the tack ling;" and when they had at last made last with four anchors, in the midst of the darkness and tempest, they wished for the day. In the storm that is now beating upon our ship of State, in the dangers dark aud dreadful that threaten the country of our love, there is a les son of deep an i delightful comfort in the story of Paul's shipwreck and deliverance. Those who have not fears of the future, who are sure tuat all is well, that the war is a great blessing, that the country will be all the better for the loss of blood, are not the men who need comfort from the word of God They are well enough con tented with things as they are, and perhaps have come to think "the worse the better." But there are others and more who do not see the way clear through the clouds and storm that now fill the sky. Thev may have every reasonable ground of confidence'that the arms of the Government will be victorious over the enem es of the country, and that rebellion will be finally crushed. But they see in the future no evidence that the day ot re-union and fraternal love is at hand; no evidence that the spirit of forbearance and con ciliation is to be extended as tbe only basis on which union in such a country as ours can be m untamed: no evidence that union is desired bythousands who are the most active in urging ou the war for the Union; no signs of the prevalence of that spirit which is the fruit of the Holy Spirit, meekness, gentleness and love. But they do see in the halls of national counsel, and in the pul f its, aud iu the newspapers, and iu the new eagues and associations wb-ch are formed from time to time, a rising and serious determination on the part of the leading men of the hour to revolutionise the Government, to subvert the Constitution as it now is, and to inaugurate a form of Government hitherto unknown to our history. Those are the feeliugs which now posstss tbe minds of many thoughtful men. They are apprehensive that the war is to be the end of tbe republic. The fierce Euroclydon is raging, and if they were sure that they could gel ashore on bro ken pieces of the ship, they would have more comfort than they get now in the prospect that

looms up in their imaginations of a faUl shipwreck, with no life boat and no shore. To all such hearts tbe story of Paul and the ship tbat carried him ought to come with com forting power. The old lady who was in the car riage when tbe horses were running away, said she had perfect trust in Providence till the har ness broke, and then she gave right up. Her trust ended just where it was her duty to begin to trust, if she bad not beg uu before. Sk long as we can do anything to save the ship, it is our duty to do it manfully, and then and afterwards, when the help of man fails, to believe in God, and not to let our hearts be troubled. Let her drive. Not iu the reckless spirit with which those words are often used by the vulgar aud wicked; not iu the desperation of those who have exhausted their last efforts, and have given up all hope of safety ; not in the sullen contempt of fate with which the Indian folds his arms and rushes down the rapids to his doom wbeu be can no lo iger stem the current. Not with such a spirit should the Christian patriot be inspired, iu such a time of national perplexity and distress as this. But looking away from man, who is not only unable to save, but is the cause of the dnuger, he should fix bis hope in the Providence of God, aud let the ship drive on. A father's b u.d our Father's hand is on the helm. We are in the midst of rocks and counter currents, and raging seas and dangerous coasts, with conflicting councils among the officers, and a dreadful storm all around us, and no sun or surs to be seen, but the ship is in the hollow of His hand whom the winds and seas obey. What destiny is before this people is known to God only. But He will assuredly carry us through this storm and bring us into port. Except we abide iu the ship we can not be saved. It is our duty, one and all to suud by the ship; to cast overboard everything that endangers its safety; especially all our prejudices und quarrels and sectional alienations of personal ambition, and even the tackling of the ship, every party organization which we have hitherto depended on as essential to the working of the ship, while with one heart and mind we address ourselves to the single purose of saving the State, restoring the Union and getting into a port of peace And it we see no signs of day, we may let the ship drive on. God knows where we are going, anl with Him we are safe. He is able to save, mid if the ship goes to fragments. He can yet briiu us all to land and make our wreck the salvation of liberty aud the glory ot the whole earth. Democratic CTeetinjr in !orth Town !iip, lioone County. The meeting was called to order by Henry Lucus, Esq., who proposed Wm. Taylor, Esq., as Chairman. Mr. Tay lor, on taking his seat, stated the object of the meeting to be the reorganization of the Democratic party in this township aud to inaugurate such measures as may enable the party to triumph ut the ballot box in the coming elections. At the conclusion of his remarks Mr. Horace Walter wa appointed SecreUry ou motion of Wm. J. Laughuer. J. W. Nichol, Esq , was introduced to the meet'ng and ably addressed it on the stirring evenu of the day, scathing Republicanism and its heresies most effectually and hurling aside the slanderous charges of disloyalty heaped upon Democrats, and by the power of his eloquence proving the Democratic.party to le the only true Uuion party now in existence. He was listened to by a large and attentive audience. At the conclusion of his, remarks Mr. Horace Walter was called for and responded in a brief address, introducing the following resolution: Resolved, That a Democratic Club be organized iu this township, and that the Chair appoint a committee consisting ot four members to draft a Constitution for the government of the Club, based upon the principles laid down in the "form of a Constitution for Clubs," recommended by the Sute Democratic Central Committee, and report on the same at such time as the adjournment of this meeting may indicate. The resolution was adopted. Henry Lucas. Esq , was then called for. He respouded by addressing the meeting iu a glowing manner. Mis remarks were listened to with profound interest, and they produced a marked effect, resulting in the saccess of the object for the accomplishment of which the meeting had been called. It was a complete vindication of the loyalty of the Democrats of this vicinity, and a triumph of truth over falsehood. Ou motion, the meeting adjourned to meet on the first Saturday in August at '2 o'clock P. M. WM. TAYLOR, Pres't. Horace Walter, Sec.

Grcrne County nentocrntlr Convcn tion. Pursuant to notice from the Central Committee, the Democracy of Greene county met in . Mass Convention at Bloomtield on Saturday, July 19. 1862, for the purpose of nominating can- ' didutes tor county offices, appointing delegates to i attend the Congressional and Senatorial Conveulions, and giving such expression to their opinions upou the political questions of the day as to them might seem best. On motion of Dr. J. M. Humphreys, Chairman of the Central Committee, Hon. John Jones was called to the Chair, and Hughe East ai.d Isaac ; Hatuhaugh were chosen Secretaries. On .notion of Harry Burns, the ratio of reproseiit.it, on was fixed at oue for every twenty votes ; cast for Thomas A. Hendricks in 18611, and one for every fraction over ten, as follows: That Richlaud be entitled to 6 votes; Tavlor 8; Jackson 7; Ceater 10; Beech Creek 6; Highland 6; Eel i River 2; Fairplay 2; Smith 2; Wright 5; Stock j ton 6, Stafford 3; Cass 5; Washington 4; Jeffer- ! son 2; Total 74. On motion, the Chair appointed a committee of I one from each township to draft resolutions ex- ; pressive of the sense of the meeting, consisting ' of H. Bums, D. Ledgerwood, E. Riley, E. S. I Stoue, J. Crawford. J P. Mcintosh, W. S. Bays, i Win Dixon, Geo. McG.ur. A. Humphreys, A. Waggoner, J.J. Beuefield, J. Carpenter, j. W. j Sliukard and E. R Buckuer On motioti of Hon. A. Humphreys. every Dem ocrat in the county was appointed delegate to attend the Congressional and Senatorial Conven- i lions. s The convention then adjourned for refreshmem.-, to meet at the fair grounds at 1 o'clock. AFTERNOON SESSION. Convention met, and after a short, earnest and n i ii antic address by Hon. George W. Moore, of I Ow en couutv, proceeded to ballot for candidates, j whereupon Dr. J. M. Humphreys was nominated i for Representative; for Treasurer. Dan. A. Bynaur; for Sheriff, John D. Killian; tor Com- ' missioner, J. F. Jamisou; for Coroner, Dr. M. L. Holt. The Committee on Resolutions then made the following report, which was read and unanimously adopted: WtitKi .vs. The Democracy of Greene county are, as they have ever been, in favor of the Cou- j stitution as it is aud the Union as it was, and are i opposed alike to secesxiouism and Abolitionism us being equally dangerous to the harmony and piosperity of our form of Government: There fore, Resolved, That we will pledge ourselves to renewed and moie vigorous efforts for the perpetuity of that great charter of our liberties, the Federal Constitution, and for the election to Congress of such patriots as Hon. Dan. W. V'oorhees and his co laborers in Congress who have the nerve to apprise the Abolitionists that this Government was established for white men and not fur negroes, and the nerve also to denounce tbe frauds and corruptions practiced by the party in power. Resolved. That we as a party are willing to use. and have used, all lawful and constitutional means to restore, preserve and perpetual the Union of these Sutes, as formed by our revolutionary fathers, by compromise or otherwise, yet we hold that any man or party that would violate auy constitutional provision, or even exer eise auy doubtful power of that instrument in the hour of our country's peril, ou the score of expediency or pretended miliury necessity, is unworthy of public confidence, and should be held by all not only enemies to our Government, as set up by our fathers, but to humanity at I arte. Rr soloed. That while we are wilting to meet all the demands of our Government for the pros ecution of the war under the Constitution we protest against the perversion of the people's money to the purchase of negroes, either hi tbe District of Columbia or in the Southern Sutes, or for the feeding or clothing of th worthless contrabands inside our lines, while our own soldiers have, in many cases, suffered lor the neces saries of life.

Resolved, Tbat we hereby tender to the soldiers of this country who have sacrificed the comforts and quiet of home and gone forth to imperil their health and lives upon the battlefield for the sake of the Constitution and the Union our earnest and heartfelt sympathies, and we hereby pledge ourselves to render all aid in our power for the comfort of them and their families Resolved, That we hereby reaffirm and ratify the proceedings of tbe Democratic Convention held at Indianapolis ou tbe Mh day of January. 1 DU On motiou the delegates to the Congressional Convention to be held at Terr Haut on the 22d inst , were instructed to rote as a unit for Hon. D. W. Voorhees. On motion of H C. Hill the Stste Semtinel and all tbe papers in the 7th Congressional District be requested to publish the proceedings of tnis Convention. After which, Hon. A. Humphreys being loudly called for, came forward and made a abort, filling and patriotic speech; whereupon the Convention, wb'ch was the largest, most enthusiastic and bar monious ever before held in this county, adjourned. JOHN JONES. Chairman. Hlghes East, Isaac Hattabaiob, Secretaries.

From the Cincinnati Price Current, July 38. Financial und Commercial Mnumarr for the past week. The rise in the value of specie and the decline of Government securities, have been the absorbing topics of the week, financially; and the rebel demonstration in the way of guerrilla btrtds in Kentucky and Tennessee, the leading ones in th community generally, and produced considerable alarm throughout the city. A large demand for exchange arose about the middle of the week from parties desiring to transfer the;r funds to ihe East, which put op the rate 4 per cent., but Morgan's baud having been chased off, this advai.ee we lost .towards the close Gold advanced to 202l premium and silver to lU(ä)12, and the market tor tbe former very much 'igiuted. There is no doubt that gold will continue to go up until the Government troonsstrike a decisive blow against the rebels in Virgin's. Halleck, Pope, Mitchell aud Sigel, the leading commanders in the successful spring campaign in the West, are all in Virginia now, maturing plans to retrieve the defeat of McClelian, and there are grounds for hoping that this will be done before the summer is over. Pope has already made bold demonstrations toward Rich mond. Bef.ire the adjournment of Congress, a law was passed making postage sumps a currency and a legal tender, and providing for their redemption in United Sutes Treasury notes. This was done to meet the wauu ot the commuuity consequent upou the high price of silver, and its withdrawal from circulation. Were it not for the strong probability that these stamps will be counterfeited extensively, this is an admirable arrangement, thus completing a natioual paper currency from one cent to one dollar, and superseding the use of coin, as a currency, altogether. The penalty for counterfeiting postage sumps is very severe, we believe, but this will hardly deter enter -prisiug thieves. Tbe quotations for exchange and coin, at the close last evening, were as follows: BCTIKC. -UtlM.. New York Gold . . . . . dis parfä 1 prem .SI prem 21(22 Silver Demand notes. .9 in prem ll(T2prem K prem The rise iu gold and sterling exchange continues to be felt iu all kinds of foreign goods, and such articles of domestic produce as can be ship ped to foreigu countries, and prices of all such further advanced within the week. Flour, grain, pork, lard, Ullow are all h'gher fully tea per cent. The new Uriff has stimulated the advance in some articles of foreign goods. Foreigners are still pressing American stocks, railway, Sute and Federal, on the market, aod tbe wonder is that the decline has not been greater; but it is costing them a large sum to Iran. I'er their funds out of the country, and it will cost even more than this, for gold will not stop at present rales, while the speculators in Wall street bava such a splendid fulcrum as the present 'position of the " Aimy of the Potomac" for their levers, to elevate the price of gold. The weather has been all that could bare been desired for the growing crop: hot and moist, with out as much rain as would injure the wheat now in shock. The temperature in the day time has ranged from 7ö to 95. A fair activity has prevailed in business gen erally, aod prices of some articles have advanced. Flour came in slowly, and there being no stock of consequence on hand, and quite a good demand from the Government bakers, prices advanced fully 5Uc per brl., closing at $4 15(84 25 for superfine, $4 35a4 50 for extra, and $4 50a 4 75 for family and fancy. Wheat, owing to tbe trouble in Kentucky, arrived very sparingly, aud prices advanced to ö5atic for red, and 90a95c for white, the market closing very firm and rather buoyant. OaU advanced to 35a3. Corn d clined to 27c. Rye dull at 45c. Whisky has dragged heavily during the week, and prices declined lc, but at the close holdere attempted to recover this decline, but did not succeed. Tbe market is heavy, and there are evidences that the speculative demand has ceased. About the middle of the week a demand arose for mess pork, and 3,000 barrels sold at $9a9 50, including 600 barrels on Monday aud yesterday at the latter rate. There was likewise an active demand for lard of all descriptions, and the sale add up to 1,200 barrels and tierces, and 2.200 kegs, at fi'a'c for butchers'; 7a7)c for ordinary, and Sc tor prime leaf and SK-c for keg. For manufacturers' stock the demand bas been very active and in excess of the supply. There has been no demand for nor nothing done in bulk pork or bacon, and prices ar nomi nal, though holders me firmer, and the contracts made w th the Government were at rather higher prices. Bacon shoulders selling at $3 65 and sides at $5 55u5 75,'the latter for clear, and corns roon hams at ! ' ...ii -' Tbe demand lor bams has been good at 6Va7c for common, and cta9c for sugar cured. Tb stock of the latter is greatly reduced and the demand is good. In the grocery market there has been a good demand, and prices of all kinds are firm, and su gar of all kinds is .c higher. The demand from consumers is good and the stock is light, all par ties buying sparingly, and with reference to their current wauu. Beef cattle advanced 25c per cental, with a good demand from tbe city butch ers and the Government coutractors. The receipu at this side the river were larger than the previous week, but at the Covington side, lighter; consequent upon the troubles in Kentucky. Hogs are 2fc higher, there being a large business done in slaughtering for the sake of the lard, all except the hams being rendered oat by steam. We give a long and hignly valuable synopsis of information from the agricultural districts, in our present issue, regarding therops. It will be seen that the. spring wheat is not in a promising condition, which is the principal kind sown in Northern Illinois and Wisconsin. That in Western Missouri there has been a drought which injured the corn crop aud crass, but with these exceptions, the crops are the most abundant which could have been desired. In this Sute. Kentucky. Indiana, Illinois and Iowa, the wbeat crop is the largest ever gath ered; the oat crop is a partial failure. The grass crop immensely large Fruit of all kinds abund ant. Th facta load inevitably to th conclusion that the surplus of breadstuff for foreign fhip ment will exceed any previous year. The corn crop is in a most promising conditien, and will in all probability be immensely Urge aod this win insure another heavy crop of pork novrmenit of Ihr southern Armr The Memphis Bulletin of the 17th learns I tbe Grenada Appeal of a late date, that the Confederates : in considerable force, are moving pan Nashville, and we have a confirmation of it in the dispatches in our columns this morning Mur freesboro", according to the dispatches, was as good as in the hands of General Formt. It is intimated that tbe next move will be upon Nasb-. ville. It is understood that Beauregard hssbeta shelved by Davis, and hat General Pr.je aod Bragg are iu command of the Southern army. The movements of Morgan in Kentucky and Ferrest in Tennessee, therefore, may be sigtufi cant ot an advance ot th Southern army. If not, they will be speedily- forced to fall back to their former position. itvmnsviUe Jourr.tl Z3 Richard T. Jacob propose in th Louisville papers to be oue or fit ecu hundred or two thousand men to furnish their own horses, guns and equipments, and place themselves alongside o! Morgan ani w nip nun "i iwi sn ,,, u I hat i the wsv to do it.